Anti-slavery bugle. [volume], March 26, 1847, Image 1

About Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861

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PUBLISHED EVERY FRIDAY AT
SALEM. COLUMBIANA CO.. OHIO.
JAMES BARNABV, Jr., General Jjgcnt.
BKNJAMI.V S. JONES, )
J. ELIZABETH JONES, J ''D11"-
Pcnt.tsiitno Committe : Samuel Brooke,
James Barnaby, Jr., David L. Galbreath,
Lot Holmes.
From the People's Journal.
Memoir of William Lloyd Garrison.
BY MARY HOWITT.
(Concluded.)
We give below the conclusion of Mrs.
Ilowilt's Mi'inoir of W. L. Garrison. Ow
ing to some delay in England, the number of
the People' Journal containing il was only
received within llie week. A. S. Standard.
The life of ibis truly great nnd good man
has been so entirely devoted to llie Anti-Slavery
cause, that we run not give a sketch of
the one without tricing, in some measure,
the progress of the other. The patience,
the forbearance, the Meadlast perseverance
through good Htid through evil, the self-sacrifice,
and self-renunciation, of the martyrs
of emancipation, hid drawn upon the cause
the eye of the wh Ve country ; and sympathy
end conviction swelled tlieir ranks every day,
not with merely enthusiastic partisans, but
with the most noble, the most intellectual,
the most morally great men and women of
the land.
In 1S33, therefore, a new impetus was
given to ilia Anti-Slavery movement, by the
public labors of two remaikable women, who
had become convinced of the guilt of slave
holding. These were Angelina and Sarah
Grimke, the daughter of the Honorable
Thoma S. Griuike, an eminent citizen of
South Crolin:i. By the death of their father,
they inherited a large amount of slave pro
perty. In opposition to the laws of their
country, in the first instance, they endeavor
ed to improve tho condition of their slaves,
by establishing schools among them, and in
troducing the habits of frco society. Hut all
their efforts were fruitless : the stain of Sla
very around them could neither permit nor
make availing their humane labors. Sacri
ficing, therefore, their worldly interests to
their conscientious sense of duty, they liber
ated their slaves, removed them to a tree dis
trict, where they would be able to maintain
themselves, and then, with the small remains
of their once noble foitnnes, came to I'hila
delphia; where, naturally allying themselves
to the emancipition c.iuse, they became the
most active and influential of its movers.
They had also embraced the religious opin
ions of the Society of Friends, which, among
other things, give to woman moral responsib
ility hardly acknowledged, at least, as faras
action goes, by other religious bodies. They
had thus been accustomed to speak in pub
lic, and their style of speaking was singular
ly impressive. Angelina, in particular, was
a close reasoner and most eloquent declaim
ed Before long, they conceived that ditty
called them to speak publicly on the subject
of Slavery that system which from experi
ence they knew to have horribly imbruted
more than a million of their sex and they
consequently beg?n to travel, and deliver
their public testimony, both as Christian wo
men and repentant slaveholders, ag linst the
enslavement of any portion of the human race.
They came to Massachusetts, which becamo
the principal field of their labors. At first,
they addressed audiences composed exc lu
sively of women ; but so general became the
curiosity to hear them, that immense assem
blies of both sexes gathered wherever lliey
spoke, and the most electric effects were pro
duced by their energetic and powerful elo
quence. Alarmed at this strange innovation, and
deeming it a dangerous precedent to be set
to the women ol the United Statue, the Cal
vinistic clergy of Massachusetts, connected
with what is called "The General Associa
tion," issued a bull against them, in the name,
and by the authority, of the apostle Paul, and
warned the churches to give them no counte
nance in their unscriptural course! They
defended themselves with signal ability, and
Sarah Grimke published an ably-written se
ries of letters on the subject, entitled "The
Equality of the Sexes," which was the ori
gin of what is called, in America, the " Wo
man's Rights Question," and which has be
come, as will be seen, mixed up with the
emancipation movement. Of Course, it was
now necessary for the Abolitionists cither to
justify the course these powerful co-laborers
were taking, or to join with the pro-slavery
clergy in condemning and rejecting them.
The great body of-Abolitionists, with Garri
son at their head, bade them God speed ! and
thus established the principle of women be
ing morally and politically equal to men.
The clergy of tho "orthodox" stamp still
continued to show the most hostile spirit to
the labors of women and used every means
in their power to get the management of the
abolition cause into their own hands. They
made a violent attempt at this in May, 18.TJ,
at the annual meeting of the "Anti-Slavery
Society," in the city of New York, by deny
ing that female members had a right to take
part in the proceedings; but in this thry were
fortunately defeated. They then announced
that, if the question was still carried in oppo
sition to their views at the next annual meet
ing, they would secede from the society alto
gether. The time of that meeting came, and will
ever he memorable in the annals of the Anti
slavery cause in America. Tho clergy had
exerted every influence mi their power to in
jure an overwhelming attendance of such as
.hold their views of the question. Tho meet
ing was immense. The question immediate
ly came on. Abby Kelley's name was pro-
Iiosed. She was a member of the Society of
friends, one of the most gifted and self-sacrificing
of women, a noble creature in the no
.blest sense of lite word, and one who has,
since then, done more by her public lectures,
and extraordinary labors, towards the over
- throw of Slavery, than any other lecturer
whatever, the is one of those wlio, in the
unshrinking achievement of good works, de
served, and will obtain, immortal honor.
Such are the glorious women who have come
' forth In this extraordinary movement, clearly
proving their own moral and intellectual
greatness, whilst they undermine the strong
colds of Slavery, prejudice, and self-interest.
The question was should Abby Kelley sit
n f.he committee ? A large majority of votes
ANTI-SLAVERY
VOL. 2.---X0. 31.
"AO L'XIOA' WITH
SALEM, OHIO, FRIDAY, MARCH 2G, IS 17.
i.i ii ti
SL.tr EIldLhEtlS."
WHOLE m 8C.
decided that she should, and the clergy and
their adherents immediately seceded, went to
another place, and organized a society lull of
dradly hostility to the old one, giving it the
name of the ' American an I Foreign Anti
Slavery Society." Their first endeavor was
to brand the old society as a dangerous body j
8 one which might to he discountenanced by
every friend nf good order and religion.
This new clerical society, unfortunately, like
Elliot (Bresson and his mission, has taken
Mot in England, and has obtained the warm
support, of the Broad-street Commuter, in
London, which, singularly "riRngii, is com
posed prineipaliy ol the Society of Friends,
who profess to hold, as one of their funda
mental principles, the right for every human
being to spi;:k a-; the spirit giveth utterance,
and who authorize, to the utmost, the right
of women to enter tho ministry, and speak in
public. Out truth is strong, nay, omnipo
tent, nnd these things must in the end lie
corrected.
No one individual in America has come in
for a greater share of hatred and misrepre
sentation from this r.ew and adverse party,
than Garrison himself. It has been tlieir ob
ject to crush him, and the violence of the
Southern slave parly has nri been greater
than tneunkind, ungenerous falsehoods which
they have circulated against him. We have
heard, all of us in England, that ho is a dis
turber of tho public peace, a firebrand, an in
fidel, and on the last charge have the changes
most successfully rung. An infidel ! because
he believes that not one day in seven, but
that all days should be kept holy ! Are not
many of us infidels in I It is same sense I A
diso'ganizer and firebrand, because he rejects
the use of all carnal weapons, nnd inculcates
the duty of literally overcoming evil wiih
good, and forgiving our enemies, a we de
sire God to forgive us! May the day soon
come, when not only he, but we and the
whole world, are " disorganized and fire
brands" of this description.
In I RIO, the so-called World's Anti-Slavery
Convention" was held in London, and
Garrison was appointed by the American
Anti-Slavery Society to i;ltend it, together
with Liief.-tia Molt, and other female dele
gates Lucretia Mott, by way of parenthesis,
let us obseive, is another of those remarkable
women who have been called out of the re
tirement of private lif ', to stand forth boldly
in this great battle for human rights. Never
will the writer of this article forget seeing
for the f.rst time this extraordinary woman.
Lucretia Mott, to her idea, must be an Ama
zon who, if full of intellectual power, and
moral intrepidity, would want yet the graces
of the true woman. She came ; she w as not
above the middle size; in the plainest garb
of a Quaker matron ; calm, gentle, affection
ate, and womanly in the highest degree.
There was something absolutely subduing in
the tenderness of her eye, in her soft smile,
nnd low. pleasant voice; presently, however,
the intellectual brow, the kindling eye, the
beaming countenance, and the eloquent tongue
realized an idea of intellectual and moral
greatness, and singleness of purpose, which
wanted no Amazonian figure to complete it.
She is now the writer's idea of a woman of
the apostolic age; anil hers, in reality, are
the true characteristics of mind which those
apostolic days called forth, as well as the
present great struggio in America. Such
was Lucretia Mott ; but she was a woman,
and the World's Convention would not re
ceive her; nor, of course, any of her sister
delegates.
Garrison, as might be expected, refused,
therefore, to appear in the character of dele
gate, either: not on the grounds of "Wo
man's Rights," hut because the credentials
given by the American Anti-Slavery Society
were dishonored, and he would not allow
himself to go in as a privileged member,
where others, having the same credentials as
his own, were excluded. To have done oth
erwise would, according to his views, have
been false to that society, nnd to the cause
of the slave. Ho went, therefore, merely in
to the gallery as a spectator.
Strong in many noble minds was the in
dignation felt at this exclusion, and Daniel
O'Connell nnd William Howitt, each of
them addressed letters to Lucretia Mott on
this subject which were widely circulated in
America.
The great question of entire and immediate
emancipation, since then, has made rapid pro
gress through the United States. The true
spirit of American independence is showing
itself amongst accumulating thousands who
have awoke as from a lethargy, and arc ex
erting their strength to throw oil' this incubus
of crime, and this moral disgrace, from their
country.
Tho object of William Lloyd Garrison,
anil his colleagues, Henry C right and
Frederick Douglass, in this country at the
present moment, is to rouse the sympathies
of the British population, ami, knowing the
influence which public opinion here exerts
America, to secure for ilns sacred cause the
full henefit of this moral agent.
The struggio is an arduous one, but the
hand of God is for it, and it must prosper.
Mary remarkable features already attend
l il has called forth an amount of moral power
anil greatness, mo eMeet ol which cannot
easily bo calculated, but the result of which
! muni bn an immense march onward in the
; human progress.
I Of our friend Garrison, let us conclude
tho words of onecapahle of appreciating cha-
i racters like his " He is one of God's no
hility the head of the moral aristocracy.-
It is not only that he is invulnerable to inju
ry that he early got the world under ti
feet, but that in his meekness, his sym
pathies, his self-forgetfulness, he appears
"covered H ovpr with the stars and orders
of the spiritual realm whence he derives his
dignities and his powers." Ho is,
short, a true disciple of Christ, and in this
lies his power and his greatness. Such men
ennoble their ago and their country.
The American Peace Society ofTer a pre
mium of $500 for the best Review nf the pre
tent War with Mexico.
From the National Era.
From the National Era. The Constitutional Question--Anti-Slavery
Men.
in
in
is
in
We proceed at once to notice the following
resolutions of the Slate Liberty Convention
of Massachusetts :
llesohed. That, to secure hnmnn rights,
governments ero instituted among men. de
riving their just power from the consent ol
lie governed but the power and scope of
such governments cannot extend so far as to
conflict with the natural rights of unn, or be
inconsistent with thu principles of natural
jus-.ice.
Ilevdred. That tho Constitution of the U
nited St ites does not establish slavery, nor
give it any legal existence; nor does it, hy
any fair interpretation, sanction it, within the
Slates. Nor could it so sanction it, even had
its Cramers so intended, inasmuch as slavery
had at th.it time no legal existence in any of
tho States of thu Union: llecause, first, the
colonial charters did not authorize it. Sec
ondly, the trado between the Colonies and
Africa was never legalized by Great Britain.
Thirdly, the decision of the Court of King's
Bench, in the case of Somerset, in 1772. set
tled the law of tho land, as applicable to the
Colonies as to any part of Great Britain.
Fourthly, the Declaration of Independence,
in 176, became a fundamental law of the
land, with which slavery was nccess irily in
consistent. Fifthly, nore of the Constitu
tions of the then States recognise it. And,
sixthly, because slavery is inconsistent with
n i turn I right and justice, and its establish
ment lies beyond the limit of rightful consti
tutional and legislative authority.
The first resolution affirms, that "the pow
er and scope" of a government founded up
on the consent of tho governed, 'cannot ex
tend so far as to conflict with the natural
rights of man, or be inconsistent with the
principles of natural justice." No comment
upon this would be needed, were it riot for the
doctrine, recently broached by some, that law
is no law miles-, it be a righteous one a
doctrine with no other force than that deri
ved from a mere play on words. Whether
the "power and scope" of such n government
as that named above, can extend so fir as lo
conflict with the natural rights of man, is a
mere question of lacl. The right to violate
"the natural rights of man, or act inconsist
ently with the principles of natural justice,"
certainly exists nowhere. But that " the
power and cwe" (the last term weaning de
sign or purpose; ol such a government may
extend so ' far as to conflict wiih natural
rights," is proved by liieac, that tonin fif
teen Governments in this counlry are contin
ually sanctioning and enforcing tho violation
of such rights.
"Ah! but they are not just Governments,"
it is Slid. True. Is it then meant by the
proposition, that no iunt government can, in
its provisions, "conflict with natural rights
and the principles of natural justice " This
is a truism a just government certainly can
not at the same lime he an unjust one.
But it is the second resolution which de
serves special comment.
It is often remarked, that it is unwise to
make any concession to Slavery. So it is.
Anil not only unwise, but Indi lensible. litit
it is nlways prop, r to make concessions de
manded by the liu'n. An unsound argu
ment or an erroneous statement, put torth
r.g 'insl slavery, tends lo strengthen its claims.
e agree wall the declaration, that the
Constitution of the United Slates does not
establish slavery, or give it any legal exist
ence. We go luither, and affirm, that it con
fers no power upon the Government lo estab
lish slavery, or give it legal existence. Nor
does it give any legal function to the system.
But hy no means do we assent lo the posi
tion thai "it could not have given such a
sanction, even had its frainers so intended ;"
nor do wo admit the truth generally of the al
legations in id ci in support of this position.
1. As to the Colonial Charters, we shall
say nothing about lliem, for wc have no op
portunity now to examine them. But, so
far as we remember, they did not prohibit the
establishment of slavery, and were not re
pugnant to it.
2. On what ground the second statement is
made, wo aro at a loss to understand. The
trade in slaves between the Colonies nnd Af
rica tea recognised as a legal commerce
was sanctioned by the Crown was perpetu
ated by the use of the rnyil veto, in opposi
tion lo the express will of some of the clo
nics. These are fads attested by history.
So far back as the year 1732, the Legislature
of Virginia beg, in to legislate against the for
eign slave trade. The duties upon slave im
portation wero increased, from time lo lime,
till, in 1772, they amounted lo nnove tony
percent. In llie same year, a petition on
the subject was presented lo the Throne, from
tho House of Burgesses of Virginia. It says
that the commerce in slaves had "long been
considered as a trade of great inhumanity,
and under its present encouragement," it threa
tened llie existence ol Ills Majesty s colo
nies. After showing that though some
his " Majesty's suhjets of Great Briiain"
might reap emolument from it, it greatly re
tarded the settlement of the colonies," it con
cluded as follows :
"Deeply impressed with these sentiments,
we most humbly beseech your Majesty lorr
rnove all these restraints on your Majesty's
Governor of this colony, which prohibit their
atenting to such luwt as might check so very
pernicious a commerce."
How does this plain statement of facts
consist with the declaration that the trade
slaves was never legalized hy Great Britain?
In the Constitution ol Virginia, "the inhu
man use of the royal negative,?' in refusing
permission to exclude slaves from the colo
nies, was assigned as one of the reasons
separating from Great Britain. Besides,
why was it found necessary to agitate
long and earnestly to procure a lam abolish
ins the slave trade between Africa and
British dominions, if that trade was never
legalized by Great Britain!
of
in
for
so
the
3. The third statement is, that "the decis
ion of the Court of King's Bench, in the
case of Sounrset, in 1TT-J. settled the law of
the land, as npplicihle to the colonies as lo
any part of Greal Britain." This cannot be
true ; else, why was eompens ation allowed
by the British Government to ours, for slaves
owned in this country, wrecked upon the
Bermiul a islands, before the nhnliiinn of Ha.
very there J It will he recollect, d that our
Government, with a pertinacious lidtlity lo
llie slave power, ever characteristic of it, de
manded cotnpens ition for slaves in certain
vessels, the Encomium, Comet, and llerini
one, wreckeil on the British West Indii isl
ands, whereby the slaves ero made free.
One of the vessels was lost prior to the act
of abolition in the colonies; and for the
slaves on hoard lhat vessel, if we recollect
aright, compensation was awarded; tho prin
ciple was thus recognised, that, the colonies
being slaveholdiiig, i'iu decision :n tho case
of Somerset did not npply to them. Com
pensation was denied in the other cases, be
cause the transaction look place after the ab
olition of slavery in the islands.
4. It is said, fourthly, lhat "the Declara
tion of Independence, in 177G, became a fun
damental law of the land, with which slave
ry was necessarily inconsistent." Doubt
less slavery, in all its parts, is inconsistent
with the Declaration of Independence ; but
where is the authority for saying that this
became the fundamental luw of the land?
The people of the colonies diu not so ordain.
Nothing in the Declaration itself givos coun
tenance lo Ibis idea. The Supremo Court of
the United Stales has never so ruled. The
Constitution of the United Stales, behind
which there is no higher authority than the
ultimate sovereignty of the people, dues not
so recognise it. Let us not impose an agree
able fiction upon our own minds. That Dec
laration was pul fnrdi by tho representatives
of slavehohling colonies, not as u luw, but us
a vindication of their separation from Great
Briiain. In that they allirmed certain greal
principles as the foundation of all just gov
ernment, and thereby came under a moral ob
ligation to carry out those principles faith
fully in their own case; but they did not or
dain the in as tl'.C fundamental law of the Go
vernment they were about to originate. Nor
could these principhs have any legal foico
over them, until declared to be law. When
they came lo I'oini the Constitution, their
language was this : "We do hereby ordain
ai d establish this Constitution," &c. This
is the fundamental and the only fundamental
law ol the land. We could wish il other
wise. We wish it could be said, with truih.
that the Declaration of Independence had
lieMiordained and established .by our fore
lathers as the fundamental law of llie land.
But wo cannot go beyond the record, and be
lieve w ithout eviden-c.
5. "Fifthly. None, of the Constitutions of
the then Slates recognised it." This is
scarcely true. Several of the Constitutions
ol the States at the adoption of llie Constitu
tion, contained various provisions recognising
indirectly the condition of slavery. For ex
ample, lliey provided that no "free man should
he deprived ol the right cf lineny without,"
iiC and lhat every "free man" should be
enlitled to vote, &e. This certainly was a
recognition of the lacl that there were or
might bn slaves in ihose commonwealths,
ami excluded these slaves from certain privi
leges. But, what matter if "the Constitutions nf
the then Slates" did not recognise ill The
laws did. In fact, slavery was a part of the
social structure. Slaves were first introduced
into Virginia in the year 1000. They increa
sed steadily from that time till, in 177li, they
constituted a laroe portion of the inhabitant
of the Slates. During all this period, laws
were continually made, recognising lliem as
slaves; and it does really seem like cavilling
lo deny, lhat w hat hud been in exislei.ee lor
more than a century, was imbedded in the
local institutions of a Stale, recognised and
cuarded by all its laws, and was a compo
nent pari of the basis of its social sysii in,
was not legalized, hi cause not w ritten ex
pressly in the Constitution !
In the year 1GG3. a law was passed in Vir
ginia, by which all children horn in the coun
try "were declared to be band or free, accor
ding to the condition of the mother." In
1067, il was declared lhat "the conferring of
baptism doth not alter the condition of the
person baptized, as to his bondage or free
dom. This was done that the new masters,
freed from this dutiiil, may more carelully
advance the propagating ol Christianity, by
permitting their slaves io he baptized." In
1082, il was declared, lhat all "senatils bro't
into this counlry, by sea or land, not being
Christians, whether Moors, Mulaitoes. or In
dians, except Turks nnd Moors in amity with
Great Britain, and all Indians which should
he sold by nei"hborinir Indians, or any oth
ers trafficking with us, as slaves, should be
slaves to all intents and purposes whatsoev
er." This act was re-enacied in 1703, and
afterwards in 1703.
Here, then, are numerous laws ordaining
the condition of slavery, dooming ceilain per
sons lo thai condition, establishing and per
petuating the slaveholdiiig relailon, which
had already existed for more than a century
under the guarantees of the law; and yei the
assertion is made, thai, at the lime of the
Constitution adoption, it was not legalized in
a single colony ! What is irue of Virginia
is true of all the colonies. It was legalized
in Pennsylvania and New York. Else, why
did Pennsylvania, and New York, and New
Jersey, find it necessary lo pass laws abol
ishing the condition 1
G. "Sixthly. Because slavery is inconsist
ent with natural right and justice, and its es
lablishinent lies beyond the limit of rightful
constitutional and IcgUlulivo authority. '
That is, slavery had no legal existence many
..e iotut n( this Union, because its estab-
III .lib .j,.....- v. .
lishment lies beyond the limit of righful
constitutional and legal authority. We res
pectfully suhmit that this is a non tequilur.
1. A k. Inffieal tn nv that slavery has
no rightful legal existence, becnute its estab
lishment lies beyond the limit of riuh'ful,
ennslilutioml. and legal authority; or that it
has no lcKni esistenee. because its esiahlih.
ment lies beyond Hip limit of constitutional
and ltnl authority , but, certainly, llm pre-'
miset,e establishment nfslavery "lies be-
yond the limit ol riuh'fuf constitution il and
legal authority" dies not Warrant ll.o enn.
elusion that it has t.o .
there are tmd ns well as ii
existence. For
,
7 laws. T ien,
is wrom fut as well as rish'ful constitutional
nnd legal authority. An institution may be
legal according to human en: c'menls. and il
legpl according to divine enactment. In oili
er words, the mosl wrongful systems nod
practices may be Irgniized, although lhat net
by no means changes their character, or re
leases from cilt any one who mnv choose'
to support them. ' .
Q$r In closing, we would state, lhat we
have on hand two communications one sus
taining the old. the other advocating the new
doctrines. We shall publish the former next
week. Hip latter the week after. A full com
parison nf views will be profitable. We on
ly speak for ourselves.
Men. Violence of the Abolitionists.
Hxtr'Ct from an able lecture, entitled 'Sla
very forbidden by Ihc Word of God,' by the
Kev. Uavnl miner. D. D. of Penh. Sent
land; delivered in Edinburgh at the reouest
of the Tree Church Anti-Slavery Socirty
iftv
1 V
llnon mnvn !,.,. . T. l.l.- -1
lencr of thp Abolitionists. A preposterous
plea! Are other men's sins an expiation for
mine I But where are the violent among the
Ahcliiionists ? Do thry name William Lloyd
Garrison, the execrated of America, and. in
some circles, at least, the maligned of Brit
ain 1 Is he a violent man! Whose head
b is he broken I Whose house has he set on
fire? Whose wife or children has he drag
ged into bondage 1 Whom has he instiga
ted lo do any thing more than assert the
claims of justice and mercy 1 Thcv call him
an infidel : I do not believe it. His creed
may dilfer, in some things, from theirs, or
from mine, and yet remain the creed of a
" " "V ",rK ei.er in uie vio-
Christian ; and if he h breathing the spirit
of a Christian if he be casting out devils in
the name nf Jesus Christ, what right have
they lo denounce him, because he follows not
wiih them 1 Let his enemies beware; llie
sword they are wielding has two edges. If
his measures be right, his mistakes in the
faith can never make them wrong, and, if
their measures he wrong, their soundness in
the lalth can never make them right. Ortho
doxy is a sacred name, and, just hecause it is
a sacred name, few things are more impious
than attempts lo turn il into a passport for
cruelty. But has this haterT and estimable
man never been himself the victim of vio-
lence? He has; his character has been ns-
sailed; his person has been hunted like a
partridge in Ihe wilderness ; a price has been
sel upon his head ; his life has been put in
peril ; and hy whom ? By The emissaries of
ppression oy assassins clottiei. in orlho-
doxy by men, who, in the poet's phrase,
"Aro scandals to their times.
Are at a loss lo find his faults.
And can't commit his crimes."
That the Abolitionists have never done any
liing which was rash or out ( f place, I urn
ol prepared to assert. It were tuarxellous
tlii
not prep;
it were almost superhuman, if, amidst the
difficulties which best-t their path, they had
never let go the reins n discretion ; hut sup
pose lliem lo be as bad as tlieir accus'is call
them, and their accusers as good as they call
themselves, w hat is that lo us 1 The cause
of humanity is still the same ; nnd it is sure
ly better lo help a bad man in a good cause,
than to help a good man in a had cause. And
think of (lie provocation which these same
Aholitionists had to epilure. I hry found
the cliun lies fast asleep, and (lis posed to he
angry when their sleep was d;sturbed; lliey
loiii.d the holders and the tormentors ol
slaves retained in the fellowship, and even
in Ihe oversight of tho churches ; lliey found
Ihe ministers of li e churches either speaking
evasively, or positively defending the exist-
ing stale of things; they found expedients
eagerly resorted lo, whose npptar.inco was
plausible, but whoso aim was, at once, to
frustrate their designs, and to iinposo on the
simplicity of llieir Iriends. Tln-v found these
things going on, month after month, and year
after year; their sincerity was offended
their sympathies were shocked; their pa-
was worn out; and if they sinned
against, propriety in word cr in deed, they
dill so in circumstances where charily forbids
thai 'every nice offence should bear its coni'
ment.
Finally, the slaveholder tells ns that we do
rot know their circumstances, else we would
judge of them with greater leniency. But
he lain is untrue. We do know ihcir cir-
cumstances. Wo know that they have set
up slavery, and are keeping il up by appeals
the record of our blessed Christianity.
We know them to be 'steeped in guill.'
We know to. in to be treasuring up lor them-
selves, and for their children alter them. Ihe
vengeance of the Most High. We know
them to be slaves, in tin ir own persons,
the verv worst deserintion : for the nhvsical
bondman is not so vilo as the moral "bond-
who has bound him. We know that
the excuses which are ever on their litis,
make nothing so manifest ns their deep infat-
nation. In ono word we know thai the law
of tho Eternal is nol, and cannot become, the
creature of circumstances, but demands obe
dience, from all men in all circumstances.
nnd in all places of the earth. Talk of their
circumstances ! Why, if there ha a people
under the sun, whose circumstances are fa-
vorablo to Ihc abolition of slavery, were their
beans but disposed to this, it is just the peo
ple of whom wo speak. Is not ihe political
suffrage wholly in their hands 1 It is. Can
they not make or unmake their rulers as they
please 1 They can. Even the man whose
votes are many, because he is the holder
many slaves, is nol bound by any law to give
these votes in favor of slavery. Nay more,
if all the professing Christians in the slave
I remittance (o lie made, and all titter
re.ff'in" perunioi y itjjiuti fj int jrnjir,
In be ndilri'ftd (post paid) to the General
Jlgenl. Vummnmcatitms intendtdfor inter'
lion to he address-id In I fie Editor.
C" Terms : $1.; !0 per annum, or $1,75
(invariably required) if not paid within six
months of the time of subscribing.
Adveiitiskvkmts making less than a Square
inserted three times for 73 cents: one
squa'e fcl. '
Printed for tin Publishing Cnmmiltte Ig ,
G. X. IIAPCOOD.
!
I
'
i
;
Stales were lo linifn against pro-slavery le
gislators, this, of itself, would be the begin-'
ning of the end; and humanity would not
have long to wait to see the end ronsumma-'
led. Here, then, is n peculiarity in the cir-,
cumstances of the slave States. In other
countries, slavery is upheld by a military
despotism, or tinder a constitution so mixed
,i.., ...;...i ..e .u
i.i. iti ,i' , nir iiiiiiii in iiir iinv- '
..i.. :.. i ... i j . , ... .. -
very is the will nf the people their free
will; thry have it, because they choose 9 '
have it; nnd so they stand alone among the ,
nations of the earth in tlu ir guilt and their .
degradation.
Hearing before the Judiciary Committee.
!
,
The number of inrmorla!s that have alrea
dy been sent lo the Legislature of this State,
for the peaceable rrossion nf Massachesrlts
from this tyrannical and mnn-imbruting Un-i
ion, is already considerable ; others, doubt
less, are in process of circulation for signa
tures, but they ought to be immidialely for- '
warded, as the sesion is rapidly draw ing to '
a close. Next week we shall endeavor to .
publish an accurate list of the w hole number
of petitions, with the urgregate number of
signatures. From the small number of fe
males who have signed these petitions, it is
""'lent lhat they have generally supposed.
mill 'in: iiruurs ui it 'i u'n-n miiv wern
i iM.i - i. ' l ... ;.. '
j sirnl. This is a miMalcr Wc have nmittfH
n R.,. ... , .. , ... - , ,:.: r
Disunion was presented lo the House, the
Kev. Joshua Leavitt immediately scut anoth
er petition to thai body, praying lhat tl e
Disunion petition might he printed, wiih all
the signatures attached tn it. Whether the
object of this Heverend politician was to ter
rity nny body, (!) or to exhibit his zeal for .
the preservation of ' our glorious Union, or
to show that Liberty party men were still for
an alliance with the southern rnen-Stealets
every reader must judge for himself. It was
contemptible enough, beyond all doubt
We are sorry lo add, that llie Kev. petition
er's request was not complied with by the
House.
This afternoon, (Then lay,) at half past '
3 o'clock, nt the Si ne House, the Judiciary
Committee, to whom the Disunion petitions
have been referred, will be addressed in be
half of the petitioners hy Wendell Phillips
and William Lhyi Garrison. What will
be the report of lhat Committee, we will not
attempt to anticipate ; though, of course, we
do nol suppose il will be in favor of granting
llie prayer of the retiiinners for the pscplk
""sl f'rsl sn' 'he word, before their servants
will obey ; but we trust the Committee will
' not "'"I'ify themselTes, and excite the Inugh-
,'r "f intelligent men, hy imitating the
'pa'riotic' fools, alias ihe ' Select Commil-
' p "f the Ohio Legislature, to whom this
Rllhj,,'t "-1!S referred, and whose ineffably sil-
'' Hnl 8ll,i(l report we have chronicled in
11,0 "S1'' I,laR1', ', rr ' Refuge of Op-
" "" " iuiuhi h me prnpnseu 01-
voreeineni net ween iNormern liberty nnd
j Southern slavery, they oracularly say 'The
j proposition is traitorous '.) anil disloyal.
j It is not a thing to be entertained cr n asoned
upon, ihe rerpeiuity ol the L mon should
'"' assumed regarded as a fix-d f!ct. not to
be debated or questioned ! ! What Irish is
'his! Hew disgusting is such servility lo
an instrument
which the Committee dare
not deny contains the most iniquitous guar
anties lor llie protection o slavery, and the
support of which involves llie people of llm
North in the guilt of the slave system! To
propose a peaceful dissolution of ihe Union
is TiiEAsn.v, says this Comminee. To oppose
the war with Mexico, w:!h the voice or press,
is tbeason, says James K. I'olk. The next
sicp must he, to declare it a treasonable act
to deny that slavery is 'the cornerstone of
our republican edifice'!. Hut, treason, or no
treason, our rrv "till is. end ever shall he
NO UNION WITH SLAVEHOLDERS.
[Liberator 12th of March.
Mr. Adams.
,
nrit ne ,iraro ,1""'n longer among us, but we
rejoice that while it still lingers it speaks in
helmll ol liberty. True Democrat.
; ! The Civil and Diplomatic Bill, nnd the
amendments of the Senate, occupied the al
tience tentinn of the House during the early part of
Ihe ray, and ngain in the evening. Some cf
these amendim nls excited an earnest discus-
; permission to speak upon this question.
j Leave- was granted, and Ihe members cliis
In tred around ihe venerable member with the
respect due to his years and his wisdom.
Mr- A- is vcry feeble, and during the two or
of
'sn schooner a most unjust claim, as he re
man Rarded it. They were slave dealers Bnd had
deprived the Africans, who had been robbed
of
We take tho following from tho Washing,
ton correspondent of the I'lltshurgli Gazette.
The voice nf the " Old Man Eloquent" will
sion, and particularly one appropriating $j0.
000 for paying the owners nf the iSpa.nsli
Schr. L'Ainistad. Mr. Adams, who had
not before spoken during the present session
of Congress, nnd who could not now, but for
the unanimous consent ol tho House, asked
, 'hree weeks he has been here has not before
attempted lo speak. II is voice now was
faint nnd his Irame feeble. What he said
was against paying the owners of the Snan
of Uietr liberty, nf home and counlry,
i'hey had violated Spanish laws in doing
tins. Ihe men brought here wde declared
free hy our courts. They were demanded hy
the Spanish Government, not ns slaves, hut '
as assassins and pirates, if either, lliey were
not properly ; nor was any demand made for
indemnity, until the courts had made these
men free.
The committee of ways and means have
rcconimendea concurrence- in this amend
ment, and the Senate passed it with great
unanimity, hut after the remarks of Mr. Ad
ams, but 28 members wero found willing to
vols lor the claim, and 91 voted against it.
Never were a few words productive of sn
much power. Such is the respect for the
"Qld Man Eloquent. ,,