Anti-slavery bugle. [volume], January 14, 1848, Image 1

About Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861

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PUBLISHED EVERV FBIUAVAT
SALEM, COLUMBIANA CO., OHIO.
fty the Errcntire Cum mi I tee of the Western
Anti-Slavrry Society
J AMI'S HAUNAUY, Jr. Vu bits h in .'gent-
!H:JAMIV S. JONKS, )
J. 1.MZAIJI.TII JONI'.S, )
I'niTons.
Printed fur the Executive Cnmmilti c hy
(J. N. IIAlMiOOI).
TT
VOL. 3. NO. 2-2.
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From the Massachusetts Quarterly Review.
The Mexican War.
BY THEODORE PARKER.
Canlinutd.)
"In so long snUVrinff Mexico to violate
her most solemn treaty obligations, plunder
our citizens of their properly, ami imprison
their persons without affording them any re
dress, we have failed to perform one of the
highest duties whieli every government owes
to its citizens, li e hml ample cause if tear
nirainut Mexico lung bij'orc Ike breahinu: aut if
hostilities, lint even thin it is doubtful to
what time then refers. tec forbore In ta.c re
dress into nttr ntrit hands, until Mexico herscf
lieeamc the aggres.-i r, by invading nur fail in
limlile array and shed-ding the bloud of our cil
izens. Such arc the urine causes if enwphiint
against Mezica." Mvsage if 18 Id, p. !.
Wo do not by any means approve of the
whole conduct of Mexico in her dealings wiili
America, but lliero were many circumstances
which palliated that conduct. She did not
pay the money, for she had no money to pay
with, and no credit to he rrnw w itii. Jn 18!.),
Mr. Slidell wro;o to the American j-nvorn-lnent
that her " finances are in a condition ut
terly desperate. Tin amount of puhlie deht
does not lull much short of 1 j(),0(!(U100,"
tind interest was paid on hut a small part of
it. Is it a thing unheard of for one .Stain to
delay paying tlio claims of another unheard
of to wait a lone time hefore such a payment !
The government of Havana has a large claim
on the government of France a very just
claim too, as it semis to us pending at this
moment. The King of the French can pay
it, hut dees not. Hew long did Ameiiea
wait for the payment of her French claims,
end her Neapolitan claims? Nay, how long
has the State f Massachi'setls wailed li-r liie
payment of her claims ag .inst this very Amer
ican government, which in 1S37 ought to have
taken her Mexican sister hy the tliro.it, and
(sold all that she hail, that payment might he
made, and promptly too ! Tlio President is
not very dr.-irnns to pry the chims which
American citizens had against France prior
to lSllii. though the American government it
felf owes the iimmi. V to her ti'vn citizens.
IMr. Foil; binis ii, h'y his veto, forbade tlio
payment, afu r t 'e:oi ' it. id appropriated the
funds. If Vu xici. lo d hi en aide and would
not pay, the ca-e wop'.,i li.ive bun quite dif
ferent. We have seen now " tlio grave causes of
complaint" 'Mho ample causes of war"
'llic wrongs which we have suffered"
" without a parallel in the history of modern
civilized nations." Let us now corne to the
smaller matters, the minor grievances. Wc
must go a littla into the history of the times.
In 18-lai, the formalities were completed for
the annexation of Texas to the United States.
The causes of annexation are well known
the South did not w ish a non-slavi holding
Statu on the southwestern frontier. The eco
nomical, the moral, the political effect of such
a Slate was clearly foreseen. The Institution
cf Slavery was in danger. It seems to be
thought hy some, that w hile Slavery stands,
the South will stand, when Slavery falls, the
South will fall, and then the North, the Un
ion, Freedom, and the Rights of Man. Tim
method hy which annexation was brought
about is also pretty well known the machi
nations of the great southern politicians, the
lameness, the servility, the stupidity of many
of the northern members of Congress. All
this is well known, but getting better known.
The recent letters of Mr. Houston, Mr. Ty
ler, and Mr. Spencer, shed some light on tho
matter. When the political excitement of
our day has passed hy, and some future hi
tolfcn of Wctnocracy in America studies the
subject afresh, and with impartial eyes, he
will write in sadness a dark chapter. We
know not which he will hlatuo most bitteriv,
the Democrats or tlio Whigs; but perhaps
the latter, as apparently acting ugaiii.it their
convictions and' without faith. The. effects
of thai annexation will appear in due time,
and may he a little different from what the
annexers intended.
Mexico claimed Texas, but offered to re
C'tgnize hnr independence and abandon her
claim, on condition that Texas would not an
nex herself to America. There was a nomi
nal war between Texas and Mexico, not
war de facta, hut dejurc. Tho accident fol
lows the substance: when America took Tex
as it was for better or worse. She took the
war along wilh her the war de jure, though
not at that time de facta. Mexico protested
against annexation as an "act of aggression
tho most unjust which can be found rtcorded
in the annuls of nipdcrn history despoiling
a friendly nation of a considerable portion
her territory," and on the Gth of March, 18l;,
tier minister demanded his passports, and all
regular diplomatic intercourse came abruptly
and formally to an end.
Now in lH.'iii, General Jackson thought
a delicate matter to recognize the indepen
dence of Texas, and said in his mef.sjje
"The rtcknow'cdginent of a new State
independent, is at all times an act if great del
icacy and responsibility, but more especially
so when such a Slate has forcibly separated
itself from another, which still claims domin
ion over it. Jl pet ma nerd rcranitiun under
these circumstances, f nut lun.td upon as jus
tifiable cause if war, is always liable tu be Inali
cd upon as prmf if an unfriendly spirit Ic one
if the cnntendini; parties." liut in all former
cases, "so wisely consistent with our just
principles has been the action of our govern
ment, that we have tinder tho most critical
circumstances, avoided all censure, and en
countered no other evil than that produced by
a transient estrangement of good will in those
against whom we have by force of evidence
been compelled to doeide." "The uniform
policy and practice of the United States is
avoid' till interference in disputes which mere
ly relate to the internal government of other
nations, and constantly to recognizo the au
thority of tlio prevailing pirly, vilhnul refer
ence t'J our particular interests und views,
to the merits of the original controversy."
a
of
it
as
to
or
lie consider tho power of recognizing the
indepciiilei.cn ill a new Slate as ' npiirali nt
uiv-lir tuinr ci'rriimx'ancis l-i a ilerl-iialinn if
war. It will always be considered inestsnle
that it should be exercised, when probablv
leading lo war. Willi the previous ifnder
slamliiig of that body by whom war can alone
be d(;i;.red." J lie, 'null's 3Jui.,t.c, Dec. Ut,
Ih.'Jli.
When France acknowledged tho indepen
dence of the I niled Stales in 177. the Ung
lish government considered the ackoowleil
inent an uii)ustilialiln aggri ssion. o publi
cist, tie think, would iloobt, that if France
had then iimiexeil the United Sl-iKs to In r
self, llm nnnexntion offered a just grennd for
the declaration of war on ihe part of Kii'jlatut.
liut Mexico did not declare war attain'. A
merien, in 1815; she mailo no preparations
for war. She only protested, and deelim d
further diplomatic.intereour.se. Had Mexico
been as powerful as Krgland. tlio affair of
annexation would not have been disposed of
so easily. Hut Mexico war diairacu-d and
weak.
Another alleged offence committed on tl'e
part of Mexico, is her refusal to receive the
American plenipotentiary, Mr. Slide!!. Here
are the f.eis in the case, as the President
stales tlieni : On the loth of September. H!.",
the American consul at tho city of Mexico
was instructed by his government "to ascer
tain frotn the Mexican government v i i i',
they would receive an envoy from the Ui i'.. d
Slates intrusti d v ::h full power to adjust all
the ijiiestions in disouio between the two go
verntin nts." On the loth of Oetobt r. the
Mexican oovrrnmei t assented. The r,ss"nl
was made known to the American govern
nieiit on the !lli of November, and the next
day Mr. Slidell wan appointed "envoy extra
ordinary and minister plenipotentiary, with
full powers to adjust and di linitely sellle, nil
pending diii'renei-s between the two coun
tries, including those of boundary between
.Mexico anil the Male ol J i xas.
He reached Vera Cm on the C!!th of No
vember, and Mexico en the f.:h of Din tnber,
!81."i. liut the government ol President ! U i
rera ho had seemed desirous r,f Fcliliog
the d iricit'.lics hy peaceful i.egi.tialirn was
tottering, d'en. P,:rei!e-,a military nnii. Jrnl
throw n the country into confusion, and de
clared against reciving a niiub ler of peace
from tho Untied Slates. Tho Me'Jeati go
vernment was alarmed, and refused to roc. ive
Mr. Slide!!, rn the ground that America had
nut sent tho envoy on " a special mission con
fined to the ipieslion of Texas alone," hut
had given bint the general powers already
mentioned. The SOlli of December, Paredes
hliusrJt camo into power, " a military n
per, who was known tu be bitterly hon'ilp
the linttcil Slates. On llic 1st ul .March.
1810, Mr. Slideil presented his credentials
the new government, desiring lo he accredi
ted in the regular manner; on tho I'Jth. the
request was linally rejected, and ho soon re
turned hume.
"Tints," says the President, "was. the
extraordinary spectacle presented to the ci.'i
lized world, of a government in violation
its own expressed agreement, having twice
rejected a minister of pc.ice, invested with
full powers to adjust all tlio existing differ
ences between the two countries, in a man
ner just and honorable to both. 1 am not
aware thai modern hislory presents a parallel
case, in which, in time of peace, one nation
has refused even to hear propositions from
another for terminating existing difficulties
between them." p. ID.
Mr. Polk must be a forgetful politician not
to remember that tho court of Franco rejected
Mr. Piuckr.ey in 17U7, and actually expelled
him from their territory. Yet Mr. Pinckiiey
was not altogether like "one of the most il
lustrious citizens of Louisiana,'' but a man
well known for his public services; "A cha
racter," says Mr. Adams, once his rival,
" whose integrity, talents, and services plac
ed In in in the rai.k of ilie most esteemed and
respected in the nalion." Tho insult then
offered to America by the French ' Uxecu
livo Directory," in the most public and offi
cial manner, is certainly no "parallel" to tho
conduct of Mexico. To make that insult
keener, thu Directory informed Mr. Monron
Ihe former minister, who had been recall
ed, but was still residing at Paris that they
"will not receive another minister plenipo
tentiary from the United States until
grievances of which France has complained
have been redressed." "The i'xeeutivo Di
rectory know of no minister plenipotentiary
from the United Slates," said they. Vet
burthen of grievances had been created
t rance. America had endured, must aston
ishing outrages, as well as insults, which
nothing but a reineinbtanco of tier timely
in '78 and her continued help in the remain
ing porlion of the war of our revolution, ena
bled the nation lo endure.
liut what s..id the Republican party t
they maintain that tho dignity of the nation
was jnsiilted I did they insist that we must
go lo war to wipe oil llto stain, because
French did not pay our just demands, and
a minister had been ignominiously ex
pelled from the French soil ! We a-e sorry
lo recall old animosities and will pass over
the matter with all briefness and delicacy.
The conduct of that party is well known;
their apology for the conduct of tlio Directo
ry, liut America did not declare war.
was proposed by tho party hostile to tho ad
ministration, that an extraordinary minister,
suiting "the solemnity of tho occasion,"
should be sent to represent the "temper
sensibilities of ihe country." Messrs. Pinck-
Mr. Polk's first Message, p. 8.
f Message to 5th Congress, Special Ses
sion, May lUih, 1797.
t See the Reports of Messrs. Randolph
Pickering on the French depredations upon
American commerce, in American Slate
Class 1. Foreign Relations, Vol. I.
VU, et seq., p. 718, et seq., and Vol. II.
lib, ct seq., el al. The whole history
these troubles has now become interesting
once ni"re. See Vol. II. p. f-'.'ll.
'
r
to ;
lo
of
the
tho
hy
aid
the
be
cause It
and
pa
pers, p.
p.
of
ney, (.'errv. mil Marshall were eppointrd
commissioners, and instructed "la terminate
nur di'"t r nci s in such a manner its miht be
the b, m calcttlit'td la prnuwe mutual rn'i fac
tum nirl ua"d un.ltr.tanilin'j." 'll'.eir lo ut
nieiit was a disgrace to tlio French nation.
Two of them demanded their passports and
reiuruid home. Mr. ( Jerry remained till o!'i
cially and peremptorily recalled. Still there
was no war. America was put in n statu ol
defence not of offence. The opposition then
made lo even these measures is well known.
Some v. ere de? irons of war; still pacific coun
sels pr-v.ii'e.!. The reason was 'he Amer
ican eovernii'ient desired to keen the pence.
Yet tie' depredation", commuted on the pro
perty and person, of American cili.ens were
enoruKii'!. " Occasion," says Mr. Marshall,
"was repeatedly taken to insult ihe Ameri
can government ; open war was continued to
be waged by the cruisers of France on Amrr
ican e.nnua ree ; and the llag of the United
Slates was a tnl'ieiont justification for the
canton aid condemnation of anv vessel over
which it waved." More than three hundred
Amer'ean viss-ls had been taken by the
Fri-ii'.h. and the amount of their depredations
was estimated at over i-,l."i,(.l,0,OIU. Still,
Pres. dent Adam" said
"In ilcrprnstraliiig that we do not fear war
in the necessary protection of our rights and
i honor, we shall give no room to inter that we
abandon thenesire ol peace. Ills peace that
we have uniformly and pi rseveringly culti
vated, and henrnny bettvten us end France
may tic rtt'orai ut lur ii'(n."
We are surprised that Mr. Polk should lay
any stress on the refusal of Mexico to receive
Mr. Sl'de!!. To receive a minister is a duty
of imperfect obligation, as the Publieh.ls
would have told him. Any Stxte may refuse
to receive a particular person as i; ioisti r. with
out violating the comity of nation", if she ob
jects to the personal character of ihe man, or
the diplomatic character of the minister.
This is so well understood that it is useless
to refer to authorities. The refusal to re
ceive Mr. Slidell for liie reasons given w-ps
a matterol no great magnitude or iinporlae.ee.
Mexico had never agreed to reciive a minis
ter w iih full powers, lo reside near her go
vcromeni as a permanent representative ot liie
nation, only e. commissioner to treat in rclor
ei co to the Ti Xan diiiicullies. 'ut lake the
I'resiiii nt's staletnenl of the ease ; admit leal
it ws foolish on the part i f Mex'co, undi r
the circumstances, lo iijcct Mr. Siide'l. be
cause America had committed a breach of di
plomatic etbjuctie; suppose it was weak and
siily it. was: certainly no ground for war.
It is eiite plain that Mr. Slidell was a very
unsuitable person to send on a mission of
peseetoan offended rtntion'. ' IIi'c"c?fc'-fion'l'
once proves Ibis. Jin may be a very illustri
ous citizen of Louisiana ; but lew men in A
nieiica, we think, out of that Slale, ever heard
much good of him before bis appointment lo
this mission. Ilis conduct w bile there re
llecls no honor on America. We cannot
think ho was sent there with the serious in
tention of settling ihe difficulties in a just and
honorable manner. Indeed, some of his in-f-tructions
seem given him (jiiiic as much ith
n view lo influence public opinion in Ameri
ca, as lo have an elfeet on the Mexican go
vernment. This will appear by the follow
ing extract from Mr. IJuchanan's letter to him,
under date of March l-ili, lb ill:
"On your return to the United States, en
ergetic measures again Mu-ieii would at uuce
he rt-nmmctiilcd by the i'rcideht ; and Ihtse
might fail ta nbtiiin the nippm I if Congress, if
it could he listened that the existing gnrernment
that of Paredes, iho military President, who
succeeded llerrera. hud not rtftisid tu receive
nur iiiinislcr."
This was written nearly two months afkr
Cieueral Tavlor had been ordered to move to
the llio I'rande. The "energetic measures"
were already commenced, though without
the knowledge of Congress. America was
invading territory which Mexico claiint d, and
nt ihe same time instructing her minister lo
present his credentials wiih a view to adjust
the dil.'leuliies in a pacific w -y ! This, we
confess, is extraordinary. The President did
not know tho minister wntld he rejected by
Paredes, when he ordered Ceneral Taylor to
advance into Tamanlipas. and be was not re
jected till two months after that order, lfut
we must return to this misbioii cf Mr. Slidell
in another page.
The man who could logically adduce the
ahc.vn grievances in order to justify Ameiiea,
would do it wilh the tacit admission Ihat she
began the war; else why undertake to justi
fy it I If Mexico began llm war. that was
her business. She is to justify it if she can.
America may have a thousand reasons for
making a war. but if she has not made it, she
has no reason for undertaking to justify a war
which she did not begin. The President
may sta'e other grievances, but not in such
connection, or for such a purpose as the pre
sent, liut now ho abandons that part of Ihe
argument; the issue is changed. It is Mex
ico Ihat began the war. cllulhowI iiy in
vading our territory. Tim Mexican general,
says Mr. Polk, "had collected a large army
on the opposite (the west) shore of ihe Uio
(irnnde," " invaded our territory, and com
menced hostilities by attacking our forces."
Thus Mexico " consummated her long course,
if uu'iagca by cummtneing an i'ciuive war,
und shedding the bland if citizens on uur own
sail."
Adams's Second Annual Address, Dec.
Pth,17!8. See too the "Address in Kepi),"
by the House of Representatives.
f Any one may see the authority in Whea
lon's Law if Xutiuns, Part ill. ch. 1.
(7'o be Continued.)
Combat night "and day against thy vices;
and if by thy cafes and vigilance llioutgain
est tho victory over thyself, courageously at
tack tlio vices of others but atlack them not
before this be done. There is nothing mora
ridiculous than to conplain of other's defects
while we have the very frame.
From the True Wesleyan.
Brief History of the Anti-Slavery Enterprise.
Slavery is a doomed institution the wheel
of revolution has ben put in motion which
never rolls backward the fires of reform have
kindled and consumed much of it from llm
world, and shed their light upon the cruel
habitations and dark corruptions of what re
mains, exposing it to the world's piercing
gaze its final overthrow is written in ihe
volume of ihe world's history not yet, but
soon to be opened. The day is not far dis
tant when all men will wonder tint slavery
ever found a dace among institutions profess
ing t a be fiee.and above all tint it ever found
advocates in a professed Christian chnreli.
From the day that Anti-slavery light was kin
dled in Kuglaud, it ba:i stmdily burin d and
spread with an increasing flame.
BRIEF HISTORY.
a
great Somerset ease was decided in
Kngl.md in 180. In this it was decided by
the Court of King's Itnnch, Lord Mansfield
presiding, that slaves could not bo held under
ibe "common law" of Ungland. Adverse
opinions bad been previously given, which
marks the progress of the public opinion.
'This greai result was principally the fruit of
the eliorts ol an individual, Liberty s hrsl
champion, Cranville Sharpe.
The history of ihe abolition of llip slave
trr.iie in I'eeland, is nol less significant. Or
ganized effort lor tho abolition of the slave
Hade, may be dated at tho first meeting of the
committee in 187.
lu 1788 ihe first o,Tort in Parliament on
slavi ry was made.
Kauris were made in 178;'. and 171.0, nrd
1 7 U 1 . but with no prospect of success. The
question of abolition was treated in Parlia
ment as anti-slavery petitions worn by our
Congress, i he lust few years of the anli-sl.i-very
struggle. In 17''il tlirir. hundred thnu
sam! per). r.s refrained t"r""iit si cut altogeth
er: tilers was no free-labor sugar at that
tiuu.
In l"P0 and 170T. a simple resolution by
Mr. ilberforce, condemning slavery, was
lost in i'ie House of Conmo.iis.
In 17"." end 1790, the effort was renewed
and r.egaiivi d.
In I 7P7, 1 71'!?, Mr. Wiiherforco's bill was
dcf.alid.
, Nothing was done until 18l), when a hiil
pasji d the House of Commons, but was de
i'cat"d by tho Lords.
Ia 1H0." it was renewed and lost.
In lbllii the hill passed bolh hoiisss.
" Hero was a" stritglrlc TorfdghreeTl7?,!Tf1
merely to induce Parliament to consent "Ihat
the Irade carried on by JJrilUh subjects for
the purpose of obtaining slaves on the coast
of Africa, ought to he abolished." It was
negatived and barred out of the House of
('ominous 17 limes, and admitted twice. It
was admitted into ihe House of Lords hut
once. In lMJu1, (Juno 10,) Mr. Fox moved
"that the House, considering the slave trade
lo be contrary to the principles of justice, hu
manity and policy, w ill wilh till practicable
expeditii ii, lake effective measures for its abo
lition." Cariied by 11 1 lo 15, in ihe Coin-j
tnoiis, 11 to CO in the Lords.
In 1807. Lord d'raiiville brought into Ihe
House of Lords " A bill for Iho abolition of
Ihe. slave trade." Passed by 100 to 3U, and
in Commons by ?.-;! lo 1(1.
This shows how steadily onward the march
of public opinion has been.
In ihe history of West India .-'mancipation,
we tind another illustration of the same steady
advance of public, opinion, bearing down all
opposition before it, in its onward movement.
Cud has.chosen the weak things of this world
j to confound the wise. The doctrine of nn
I mediate abolition is said to hava been first
advanced and advocated by a female, Fliza
i belli Ileyrick. Tho anti-slavery society of
London embraced the doctrine ol immediate
I emancipation in 18-JO. From the very day
the effort commenced, it increased in interest
I and energy. Onward, and still onward roll
' id llic car of emancipation, until Parliament
; was overwhelmed w ilh petitions. The crv
emancipation rang through the land, until all
who were in power, and all who desired to
get in power, office-holders and o.-iice-seekers,
ein compelled lo yield lo the voice of jus
tice and mercy, and echo the sound back
from the lull's of legislation. The Emanci
pation hill was passed in 1833, and touU ef
fect in 1831.
Th a history cf the Anti-slavery enterprise
in our own country, is nut only a volume of
I instruction, to teach ns what is past, but
j prophet to teach us w hat is to come ; it is
I morning star gilding with the beams of hope,
the early dawn of the slave s redemption.
Modern abolitionism commenced iis oigani
zed efforts in this country in 1833, when the
I -aiiii-iu-dn vim-oi.ivL-i y oucicij ji uijj.uh-
zed. Soon lol lowed tlio violence ol moos
the press poured opon the heads of the aboli
tionists its bitterest cuises and foulest misie-
presentations tho secular and religions press
united to abuse the friends of the slave. Pre
sidents and Cioveriiors in their annual messa
ges, bhoak over liiem the rod of civil authori
ty, and Ihe church kindled Iho fires of perse
cution upon her altars, w hence should have
been breathed, only love and mercy fer the
robbed, crushed, and bleeding bondman.
The first meeting called lo organize a Siato
society in Utiea, New York, was broken up
by a mob. The (iovernor ol New York, in
an annual message, called-the attention of Ihe
Legislature to the consideration of the propri
ety of suppressing abolition movements, by
civil enactments. An anti-abolilion inch bore
rulo in the city of New York during three
days. In Jloslon a female anti-slavery socie
ty w as broken up by a mob, and Mr. (iarrison
was seized and led through the streets with
a halter round bis neck. In 1837, Mr. Love
joy was murdered for attempting to maintain
the freedom of the press.
Tho history of thu ecclesiastical anti-aboli
tion movement, is no less striking in lis cha
I racter,
in I8Ja. llihhops tledding and l.m-
t cry, of iho M. V.. Church, put fjrh nu .vl
dress, in which llioy exhorted all concerned, '
In close nil Methodist pulpits against null- '
tdavory lecturers, lu l-.'ititlin (ieneral Coo-
ferenee advised all llm ministers aial members
of the M. K. Church, lo wholly refrain from
agitating the subject id' slavery. This advice
was construed by Ihe Duheps to possess liie
force f law, and member end ministers
worn tried, suspended and Spelled, lor vio-
luting it. Ministers were tried and condemn-
ed er annulling ami-si. ivory meetings, and
lor speaking and writing against slavery.
These facts are given merely as specimens of
the spiiil of lliosc limes.
From the Practical Christian.
Fellowship of Slaveholders.
a
a
The CinusriAN Woiu n answers the rptos
lion. "Shall we exclude, slaveholders irom
our Church fellowship," in th'. negative! It
says: "We .-iuw Ihat many slaveholders
are as benest, sincere and generous, as rea
dy to make sacrifices when dutv calls, as w(.
are ourselves what tight have we then !r
say that they are not Christians t" Hut in I
order to prove tint slaveholders may
Christians. Ihe World lias t i reduce Chris
tianity to its lowest possible term.;, and in
our opinion, to destroy entirely iis distinct
ive character its character ns a system of
positive and absolute truth and rightcuusn.s.
It says: "If it Chri.-ti inity consists in a
general purpose lo do righi in acting up to
our light, as we have it, and Broking more
then many a slaveholder w ill come under Ibis
category."' And it takes for granted that
this in Christianity'. What then is ihe use
of the term I Why not sub-.titule for it Lv
sander Spooner's term : "natural justice," ,,r
"natural law"? .There would then be no t
seeming exclusion of atheists even Irom the '
true church. Atheists, wo suppose, some-
"act up lo the light lln-v have, ami !
seek more." There is, at least, as much ev- j
to our mind that many of them do. as
there is llr.t any slaveholders do. I!ut will (
inn World tie consistently charitable enough ;
lo admit that iho atheist may therrfo'e be a i
Christian I We ratln-r think not. .Nnrdot-s
chaiity require any such ado.is- ion. Such a I
man may not he a bad man, be may bn a ve- j
ry worthy man, and have a claim lo our res-'
peel and all', clions, but to say that ho is a '
Christian, merely because bo follows hit i
light, is to make Christianity a nullity. i
Saul of Tarsus followed bis Imht in , .Trs...
cuing the early church of iho "s.,vior-w3
be there ore a Christian at thai lin.i. 1 n
one will pretend this, and iiolliinc appears lo
us farther from the truth than the position
Hht-f"rr'Vnr' rvmM fn- It frrmrnl 'pur
pose ia an right. It it ooes, then Christi
anity is as old as man, and not a special sys
tem of Religion founded by Jesus of N.izu-
roth. Hut lo be Christians, we must follow
the light that was i' Christ tho light of his
example, spirit, precepts. "It any one have
not bis spirit, lie is none of his," though lie !
follow bis own light even nnlo martyrdom. I
1 bo World contends that in excluding a I
slaveholder who "follows Ihe light he has,
and seeks more," fiorn Christian fellowship, j
we really exclude him lor his nninmns, not i
his artiuns." Well, where is the barm of;
excluding men from Christian fellowship for j
their opinion, when that opinion is, that men
may be innocently plundered of all Ibeir I
rights, and held in the worst form r.f bond-
iga the sun ever looked upon- Tins is an I
unchristian and diabolical opinion, and if j
universally reduced lo practice, would make
ihe earth a bell. It is a tin for a man lo
hold such an opinion an evidence of an in
human, unchristian heart. liut it is nut for
.i...:- ... .I.-. 11...1:. : ....
, , 1111 1 1 1 r
would have slavcho dors eve tided from
r 11 1 ; . :. : i- . . !
Christian fellow ship; it is lor their "aetiins
also for their actually holding ,,eir broth-
, 1 1 ".1 .1 '
ers as slaves and by the use ot Ihe swottn,
.... . J .... 1
which is the only way they can he held. J
liut what does the World mean by Chri .
,. ., ,. ,., 1 . 1 . 1
an e owslil p ! 1 1 it simply mean Chris- 1
, t 1 1 .1 1
nan
Han courtesy, kindness, lovr, Uien we also
would go against excluding slaveholders or
anybodyelsefrom.it. We would mingle
wiih "publicans and sinners" in the spirit
and for the purpose in which and for which
Christ mingled w ith them, liut ibis is not
the sense in which the term "Christian fel
lowship" is generally used. It is generally
used to express those acts by which we re
cognize a man as a Christian, a inn diseiplo
of Jesus. And we say lli.it they w ho fel
lowship slaveholders in this sense, eivo res
pectability and therefore permanency to sla
very. They ought not then lo be received
into a Church, or at a Communion Table
not, wo mean, if such rectplinni if them me
con.'.iilcrcd as endnrrrmmh if t'ntir ( hristian
character. Hut Ihe World says : "If a drunk
ard, if a pirale, if a murderer wishes to couie
into our Christian Society, and have our sym
pathy and love, we say let him in. If be is
111, we can warn him of his guilt and danger,
we can point out the horrible character of his
life." A' say we but the question at issue
is, will you recognize that "drunkard, pirate,
murderer" as a Chrislii-n ! whether he shall
be treated in Christian Im-r or not is anofher
nuestion entirely, and one which we, of
Lcourse, answer with an emphatic affirmative.
We 00 or loving aim uoing gnou even to
our worst enemies under all possible ciicum
Btances the cross of Christ being our ex
ample. Nor does it follow that if we refuse
to fellowship slaveholders as Christians, we
must therefore bate and injure, them. Their
own good requires this disfellowship, as well
as the good of tlio world ,'ure prompts it.
To t.cknow ledge slaveholders to be Chris
thins, is administering an opiate to their con
sciences, anil giving support to tho "peculiar
Institution. liut tho I nitaiians generally
have some peculiar views of the Church and
the Lord's Supper, that now seem to us to
be rather loose, though we shou'd like more
light on the subject. Do they believe these
institutions necessary? If so, for what!
Their liberality leads them to go against ex
cluding slaveholder's from either, but would
such churches as d" this, retain notorious
drunkard;, thieves, libertines, pirates and
I
!
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:
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i
I
I
j
I
I
their fellow-beings as "goods and chattels,"
'hat they cannot be. Our philosophy of He
times form is, then " o Christian fellowship
with slaveholders ;" an-1 Ibis is the philoso
idencu pbv t'nt is to save the race the Christian
philosophy, we think. r.
murderers within their pale 1 If so. they
are consilient v.iih tin mi Ires, but wo
should like in Vr.nw if this is the fact? and
It tl.ey aeluallv ei'conr.,g(. such pprsons to
join ll.em ! Whether iho World believes in
Church orgpnis-iiions or rot, we nre not in
foriue,!. but if It docs, we nsk it if its plan
H in rr.ii'n r liiem into id! class. "nnod.
bad. t nd ineillerrnt'' ! If ibis i in nlan.
j .,. lilvp ,n sny, js jt nilp dif.
lerenl plan Irom the one common to the sects
in general, though it may bo a very good
one, providing ihe purpose is simply lo ben
efit the wicked who may In coino members,
liut if it is also to endorse all ns Christians
or even all who follow the light they
have, find sei i- more" then we say, better
have no organizations at all than lo have
such and no Lord's Si.pper. And as this
question of f llowsbipping slaveholders has
become one of great importance end of in
creasing interest, we wish our Unitarian
friends wool,! define their position respect
ing ihe Church ami the Uucharist. so that
Iho Anii-Slaverv Rci'-rmers may judge ll-.em
with righteous judgment. All that can bo
jutly required of thi ni is tint they deal with
laveliolders just i-s . deal with other cor
respondingly grealfi i." i,fn.'hinva!jle sinners
recognizing- llu-oi ell as Christians or all
as iincbrisliaiis. We sav "no Christian fel
lowship with slaveholders" using the term
fellowship in its common signification, and
meaning hv it no such union with them as
implies our belief that they are tho true dis
ciples of Jesus Chris'. We don't believe eve
ry man is a Chistian that professes tobe.nnaV
we are all authorized to judge men by their
fruits. Ii is no assumption of tho divine
prerogative lo say ihat those among ns who
are known as thieves are not Christians, nor
is it, we think, to say of those who bold
From the Salem Observer.
Beam the Eye, vs. Mote in the Eye.
I
I
The M"!om War proves, that as a nation
we are guilty of tho same folly that charac
teiises us as individuals, that we are slaves
of an enormous vanity. Wc conceive our-
1 i o
s ,!' "'' '"one. ..any. .oc ocm specimens
'''n n.tur.. ever raised on the planet.
' '
human race. So in polities, we are about
the only people, in our estimation, who pos
sess any freedom, worth speaking .of, or who
have any considerable portion of llic elements
of true greatness. Hence, we have a 'mis.
sion to elevate all nations who can't help it
to the pinnacle of grandeur which it lias been
our peculiar felicity to reach. This war
with Mexico, in accordance with this view,
is for the purpose of making her something
like ourselves. We hive discovered that
she is sadly misgoverned, tint her people are
all fools or knaves, and that it is the destiny
of this happy old hen to gather her under its
wings and establish in her dominions all the
blessings which it is in our power to impart
lo Iho nations of the world. This war be
comes, therefore, when tried by such philos
ophy, somewhat of a henovolenl thing, and
displays us lo ihe world as a people, not on
ly wiiling, but determined, lo help those
who can't help theinsi Ivps.
Now this pretence of superiority on our
part would be well enough, if it wera not for
iho fact, that in one mailer at least, we had
belter learn from than teach to Mexico and
i his, loo, in the fuinlamcnt.il concern of our
country. I 10 grand idea that gave birth to
.. . . u . .... fe .
u s l I ioii was mill 01 i.ioeriy, aim vet, in
. . .. . f '
" "." "-'' " 7 . -
amp e which we have not had the virtue to
... . ,. , . ...
In ow. S:u nltritisocil Shivprv vnnro mtn
, . , ,., ,. , , , ; '
,. , ., in .11.
ty arlher than we shall apparent y be ready
J ... J ,
lo carry tl lor a century to come. And yet
wo uroe, as a pretext for this war, that it
will improve the social condition of ihe Mex
ican people.
The truth is, that when We shall have
abolished Slavery at home, we shall be in it
condition to confer practical benefits on oilier
nations, but not before. At present, not a
statement can bn made of ihe degradation,
misery and oppression of the Mexican peo
ple, which is not as true, if not more true,
of three millions of our own countrymen in
the South. Are they ignorant, and unac
quainted with the arts of civilized life I So
are the Slaves. Are their tastes low and un
cultivated, an. I ibeir habits of life rude and
vulgar 1 So are those of the Slaves. Are
'they the subjects of a military despotism?
So are tho Slaves. Whatever may bo urged,
against ihe social character of the Mexicans,
bears w ith equal force against that of tho
enslaved Africans. The latter aro efllicted
w ith all tuc scourges of the former, and tho
need of elevation in each case is equally
strong. Lint huw obviously inconsistent is it
for us to pretend to seek the social regenera
tion of the one race, while we do nolhinir for
the other. Indeed, it savors of hypocrisy to
profess lo hava ihe good of the Mexican peo
ple at heart in ibis war, while we abuse and '
defraud a seventh part of our own people at
home. Yet such is an apology which is of
fered in justification of our Mexican policy.
Truly, Ibe Scripture well applies lo the case
of this nation, 'First cast out the beam from
thine own eye, then thou shalt see clearly to
cast out the mote from thy brother's eye.'
Silence is absolutely necessary to the wis
man. Croat sperches, elaborate discourses,
pieces of dequeue, ought to be a language
unknown to linn ; bis aelions ought to be his
language. As for me, 1 would never speak
more. I leaven speaks; but what language
does it use to speak to men ? That there is
a sovereign principle from which all things
depend ; a sovereign principle which Inaks
them to act and move. Its motion is its lan
guage; it icduces the seasons to their time
it sgit ites nature it makes it produce. This
6ilnce is eloquent.