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SALEM, COLUMBIANA CO., OHIO. fty the Errcntire Cum mi I tee of the Western Anti-Slavrry Society J AMI'S HAUNAUY, Jr. Vu bits h in .'gent- !H:JAMIV S. JONKS, ) J. 1.MZAIJI.TII JONI'.S, ) I'niTons. Printed fur the Executive Cnmmilti c hy (J. N. IIAlMiOOI). TT VOL. 3. NO. 2-2. Ql "xo rxrux mm S V.LEM, OHIO, FitlD.VY, s..;rr.iioi.ir;ns."' JANUARY i. 1SS. whole no. i-; ! , i fj.1H remittance to be made, and nil Ittttrl relating to the pecuniary rjjairsif the paper. In be addressed (post paid) to the Puhluhing .tgent. t 'nnmunications intended fur inier tinn, Id he addressed In the Editor. C;V Tfrm: 1.00 per annum, in mlranee, l.'J.i if paid v'tiliin 3 nios. of the limn of subscribing, and $l.5tl if payment be de l.i j-pit Linger than 3 inns. CONn subscription received for Ipss than six inniulis, and nil payments to bo made vvi'liin (i ninj. rf the iinif (if subscribing. Subscription for ha'.f a jeer to he invnria- lily paid in advance. From the Massachusetts Quarterly Review. The Mexican War. BY THEODORE PARKER. Canlinutd.) "In so long snUVrinff Mexico to violate her most solemn treaty obligations, plunder our citizens of their properly, ami imprison their persons without affording them any re dress, we have failed to perform one of the highest duties whieli every government owes to its citizens, li e hml ample cause if tear nirainut Mexico lung bij'orc Ike breahinu: aut if hostilities, lint even thin it is doubtful to what time then refers. tec forbore In ta.c re dress into nttr ntrit hands, until Mexico herscf lieeamc the aggres.-i r, by invading nur fail in limlile array and shed-ding the bloud of our cil izens. Such arc the urine causes if enwphiint against Mezica." Mvsage if 18 Id, p. !. Wo do not by any means approve of the whole conduct of Mexico in her dealings wiili America, but lliero were many circumstances which palliated that conduct. She did not pay the money, for she had no money to pay with, and no credit to he rrnw w itii. Jn 18!.), Mr. Slidell wro;o to the American j-nvorn-lnent that her " finances are in a condition ut terly desperate. Tin amount of puhlie deht does not lull much short of 1 j(),0(!(U100," tind interest was paid on hut a small part of it. Is it a thing unheard of for one .Stain to delay paying tlio claims of another unheard of to wait a lone time hefore such a payment ! The government of Havana has a large claim on the government of France a very just claim too, as it semis to us pending at this moment. The King of the French can pay it, hut dees not. Hew long did Ameiiea wait for the payment of her French claims, end her Neapolitan claims? Nay, how long has the State f Massachi'setls wailed li-r liie payment of her claims ag .inst this very Amer ican government, which in 1S37 ought to have taken her Mexican sister hy the tliro.it, and (sold all that she hail, that payment might he made, and promptly too ! Tlio President is not very dr.-irnns to pry the chims which American citizens had against France prior to lSllii. though the American government it felf owes the iimmi. V to her ti'vn citizens. IMr. Foil; binis ii, h'y his veto, forbade tlio payment, afu r t 'e:oi ' it. id appropriated the funds. If Vu xici. lo d hi en aide and would not pay, the ca-e wop'.,i li.ive bun quite dif ferent. We have seen now " tlio grave causes of complaint" 'Mho ample causes of war" 'llic wrongs which we have suffered" " without a parallel in the history of modern civilized nations." Let us now corne to the smaller matters, the minor grievances. Wc must go a littla into the history of the times. In 18-lai, the formalities were completed for the annexation of Texas to the United States. The causes of annexation are well known the South did not w ish a non-slavi holding Statu on the southwestern frontier. The eco nomical, the moral, the political effect of such a Slate was clearly foreseen. The Institution cf Slavery was in danger. It seems to be thought hy some, that w hile Slavery stands, the South will stand, when Slavery falls, the South will fall, and then the North, the Un ion, Freedom, and the Rights of Man. Tim method hy which annexation was brought about is also pretty well known the machi nations of the great southern politicians, the lameness, the servility, the stupidity of many of the northern members of Congress. All this is well known, but getting better known. The recent letters of Mr. Houston, Mr. Ty ler, and Mr. Spencer, shed some light on tho matter. When the political excitement of our day has passed hy, and some future hi tolfcn of Wctnocracy in America studies the subject afresh, and with impartial eyes, he will write in sadness a dark chapter. We know not which he will hlatuo most bitteriv, the Democrats or tlio Whigs; but perhaps the latter, as apparently acting ugaiii.it their convictions and' without faith. The. effects of thai annexation will appear in due time, and may he a little different from what the annexers intended. Mexico claimed Texas, but offered to re C'tgnize hnr independence and abandon her claim, on condition that Texas would not an nex herself to America. There was a nomi nal war between Texas and Mexico, not war de facta, hut dejurc. Tho accident fol lows the substance: when America took Tex as it was for better or worse. She took the war along wilh her the war de jure, though not at that time de facta. Mexico protested against annexation as an "act of aggression tho most unjust which can be found rtcorded in the annuls of nipdcrn history despoiling a friendly nation of a considerable portion her territory," and on the Gth of March, 18l;, tier minister demanded his passports, and all regular diplomatic intercourse came abruptly and formally to an end. Now in lH.'iii, General Jackson thought a delicate matter to recognize the indepen dence of Texas, and said in his mef.sjje "The rtcknow'cdginent of a new State independent, is at all times an act if great del icacy and responsibility, but more especially so when such a Slate has forcibly separated itself from another, which still claims domin ion over it. Jl pet ma nerd rcranitiun under these circumstances, f nut lun.td upon as jus tifiable cause if war, is always liable tu be Inali cd upon as prmf if an unfriendly spirit Ic one if the cnntendini; parties." liut in all former cases, "so wisely consistent with our just principles has been the action of our govern ment, that we have tinder tho most critical circumstances, avoided all censure, and en countered no other evil than that produced by a transient estrangement of good will in those against whom we have by force of evidence been compelled to doeide." "The uniform policy and practice of the United States is avoid' till interference in disputes which mere ly relate to the internal government of other nations, and constantly to recognizo the au thority of tlio prevailing pirly, vilhnul refer ence t'J our particular interests und views, to the merits of the original controversy." a of it as to or lie consider tho power of recognizing the indepciiilei.cn ill a new Slate as ' npiirali nt uiv-lir tuinr ci'rriimx'ancis l-i a ilerl-iialinn if war. It will always be considered inestsnle that it should be exercised, when probablv leading lo war. Willi the previous ifnder slamliiig of that body by whom war can alone be d(;i;.red." J lie, 'null's 3Jui.,t.c, Dec. Ut, Ih.'Jli. When France acknowledged tho indepen dence of the I niled Stales in 177. the Ung lish government considered the ackoowleil inent an uii)ustilialiln aggri ssion. o publi cist, tie think, would iloobt, that if France had then iimiexeil the United Sl-iKs to In r self, llm nnnexntion offered a just grennd for the declaration of war on ihe part of Kii'jlatut. liut Mexico did not declare war attain'. A merien, in 1815; she mailo no preparations for war. She only protested, and deelim d further diplomatic.intereour.se. Had Mexico been as powerful as Krgland. tlio affair of annexation would not have been disposed of so easily. Hut Mexico war diairacu-d and weak. Another alleged offence committed on tl'e part of Mexico, is her refusal to receive the American plenipotentiary, Mr. Slide!!. Here are the f.eis in the case, as the President stales tlieni : On the loth of September. H!.", the American consul at tho city of Mexico was instructed by his government "to ascer tain frotn the Mexican government v i i i', they would receive an envoy from the Ui i'.. d Slates intrusti d v ::h full power to adjust all the ijiiestions in disouio between the two go verntin nts." On the loth of Oetobt r. the Mexican oovrrnmei t assented. The r,ss"nl was made known to the American govern nieiit on the !lli of November, and the next day Mr. Slidell wan appointed "envoy extra ordinary and minister plenipotentiary, with full powers to adjust and di linitely sellle, nil pending diii'renei-s between the two coun tries, including those of boundary between .Mexico anil the Male ol J i xas. He reached Vera Cm on the C!!th of No vember, and Mexico en the f.:h of Din tnber, !81."i. liut the government ol President ! U i rera ho had seemed desirous r,f Fcliliog the d iricit'.lics hy peaceful i.egi.tialirn was tottering, d'en. P,:rei!e-,a military nnii. Jrnl throw n the country into confusion, and de clared against reciving a niiub ler of peace from tho Untied Slates. Tho Me'Jeati go vernment was alarmed, and refused to roc. ive Mr. Slide!!, rn the ground that America had nut sent tho envoy on " a special mission con fined to the ipieslion of Texas alone," hut had given bint the general powers already mentioned. The SOlli of December, Paredes hliusrJt camo into power, " a military n per, who was known tu be bitterly hon'ilp the linttcil Slates. On llic 1st ul .March. 1810, Mr. Slideil presented his credentials the new government, desiring lo he accredi ted in the regular manner; on tho I'Jth. the request was linally rejected, and ho soon re turned hume. "Tints," says the President, "was. the extraordinary spectacle presented to the ci.'i lized world, of a government in violation its own expressed agreement, having twice rejected a minister of pc.ice, invested with full powers to adjust all tlio existing differ ences between the two countries, in a man ner just and honorable to both. 1 am not aware thai modern hislory presents a parallel case, in which, in time of peace, one nation has refused even to hear propositions from another for terminating existing difficulties between them." p. ID. Mr. Polk must be a forgetful politician not to remember that tho court of Franco rejected Mr. Piuckr.ey in 17U7, and actually expelled him from their territory. Yet Mr. Pinckiiey was not altogether like "one of the most il lustrious citizens of Louisiana,'' but a man well known for his public services; "A cha racter," says Mr. Adams, once his rival, " whose integrity, talents, and services plac ed In in in the rai.k of ilie most esteemed and respected in the nalion." Tho insult then offered to America by the French ' Uxecu livo Directory," in the most public and offi cial manner, is certainly no "parallel" to tho conduct of Mexico. To make that insult keener, thu Directory informed Mr. Monron Ihe former minister, who had been recall ed, but was still residing at Paris that they "will not receive another minister plenipo tentiary from the United States until grievances of which France has complained have been redressed." "The i'xeeutivo Di rectory know of no minister plenipotentiary from the United Slates," said they. Vet burthen of grievances had been created t rance. America had endured, must aston ishing outrages, as well as insults, which nothing but a reineinbtanco of tier timely in '78 and her continued help in the remain ing porlion of the war of our revolution, ena bled the nation lo endure. liut what s..id the Republican party t they maintain that tho dignity of the nation was jnsiilted I did they insist that we must go lo war to wipe oil llto stain, because French did not pay our just demands, and a minister had been ignominiously ex pelled from the French soil ! We a-e sorry lo recall old animosities and will pass over the matter with all briefness and delicacy. The conduct of that party is well known; their apology for the conduct of tlio Directo ry, liut America did not declare war. was proposed by tho party hostile to tho ad ministration, that an extraordinary minister, suiting "the solemnity of tho occasion," should be sent to represent the "temper sensibilities of ihe country." Messrs. Pinck- Mr. Polk's first Message, p. 8. f Message to 5th Congress, Special Ses sion, May lUih, 1797. t See the Reports of Messrs. Randolph Pickering on the French depredations upon American commerce, in American Slate Class 1. Foreign Relations, Vol. I. VU, et seq., p. 718, et seq., and Vol. II. lib, ct seq., el al. The whole history these troubles has now become interesting once ni"re. See Vol. II. p. f-'.'ll. ' r to ; lo of the tho hy aid the be cause It and pa pers, p. p. of ney, (.'errv. mil Marshall were eppointrd commissioners, and instructed "la terminate nur di'"t r nci s in such a manner its miht be the b, m calcttlit'td la prnuwe mutual rn'i fac tum nirl ua"d un.ltr.tanilin'j." 'll'.eir lo ut nieiit was a disgrace to tlio French nation. Two of them demanded their passports and reiuruid home. Mr. ( Jerry remained till o!'i cially and peremptorily recalled. Still there was no war. America was put in n statu ol defence not of offence. The opposition then made lo even these measures is well known. Some v. ere de? irons of war; still pacific coun sels pr-v.ii'e.!. The reason was 'he Amer ican eovernii'ient desired to keen the pence. Yet tie' depredation", commuted on the pro perty and person, of American cili.ens were enoruKii'!. " Occasion," says Mr. Marshall, "was repeatedly taken to insult ihe Ameri can government ; open war was continued to be waged by the cruisers of France on Amrr ican e.nnua ree ; and the llag of the United Slates was a tnl'ieiont justification for the canton aid condemnation of anv vessel over which it waved." More than three hundred Amer'ean viss-ls had been taken by the Fri-ii'.h. and the amount of their depredations was estimated at over i-,l."i,(.l,0,OIU. Still, Pres. dent Adam" said "In ilcrprnstraliiig that we do not fear war in the necessary protection of our rights and i honor, we shall give no room to inter that we abandon thenesire ol peace. Ills peace that we have uniformly and pi rseveringly culti vated, and henrnny bettvten us end France may tic rtt'orai ut lur ii'(n." We are surprised that Mr. Polk should lay any stress on the refusal of Mexico to receive Mr. Sl'de!!. To receive a minister is a duty of imperfect obligation, as the Publieh.ls would have told him. Any Stxte may refuse to receive a particular person as i; ioisti r. with out violating the comity of nation", if she ob jects to the personal character of ihe man, or the diplomatic character of the minister. This is so well understood that it is useless to refer to authorities. The refusal to re ceive Mr. Slidell for liie reasons given w-ps a matterol no great magnitude or iinporlae.ee. Mexico had never agreed to reciive a minis ter w iih full powers, lo reside near her go vcromeni as a permanent representative ot liie nation, only e. commissioner to treat in rclor ei co to the Ti Xan diiiicullies. 'ut lake the I'resiiii nt's staletnenl of the ease ; admit leal it ws foolish on the part i f Mex'co, undi r the circumstances, lo iijcct Mr. Siide'l. be cause America had committed a breach of di plomatic etbjuctie; suppose it was weak and siily it. was: certainly no ground for war. It is eiite plain that Mr. Slidell was a very unsuitable person to send on a mission of peseetoan offended rtntion'. ' IIi'c"c?fc'-fion'l' once proves Ibis. Jin may be a very illustri ous citizen of Louisiana ; but lew men in A nieiica, we think, out of that Slale, ever heard much good of him before bis appointment lo this mission. Ilis conduct w bile there re llecls no honor on America. We cannot think ho was sent there with the serious in tention of settling ihe difficulties in a just and honorable manner. Indeed, some of his in-f-tructions seem given him (jiiiic as much ith n view lo influence public opinion in Ameri ca, as lo have an elfeet on the Mexican go vernment. This will appear by the follow ing extract from Mr. IJuchanan's letter to him, under date of March l-ili, lb ill: "On your return to the United States, en ergetic measures again Mu-ieii would at uuce he rt-nmmctiilcd by the i'rcideht ; and Ihtse might fail ta nbtiiin the nippm I if Congress, if it could he listened that the existing gnrernment that of Paredes, iho military President, who succeeded llerrera. hud not rtftisid tu receive nur iiiinislcr." This was written nearly two months afkr Cieueral Tavlor had been ordered to move to the llio I'rande. The "energetic measures" were already commenced, though without the knowledge of Congress. America was invading territory which Mexico claiint d, and nt ihe same time instructing her minister lo present his credentials wiih a view to adjust the dil.'leuliies in a pacific w -y ! This, we confess, is extraordinary. The President did not know tho minister wntld he rejected by Paredes, when he ordered Ceneral Taylor to advance into Tamanlipas. and be was not re jected till two months after that order, lfut we must return to this misbioii cf Mr. Slidell in another page. The man who could logically adduce the ahc.vn grievances in order to justify Ameiiea, would do it wilh the tacit admission Ihat she began the war; else why undertake to justi fy it I If Mexico began llm war. that was her business. She is to justify it if she can. America may have a thousand reasons for making a war. but if she has not made it, she has no reason for undertaking to justify a war which she did not begin. The President may sta'e other grievances, but not in such connection, or for such a purpose as the pre sent, liut now ho abandons that part of Ihe argument; the issue is changed. It is Mex ico Ihat began the war. cllulhowI iiy in vading our territory. Tim Mexican general, says Mr. Polk, "had collected a large army on the opposite (the west) shore of ihe Uio (irnnde," " invaded our territory, and com menced hostilities by attacking our forces." Thus Mexico " consummated her long course, if uu'iagca by cummtneing an i'ciuive war, und shedding the bland if citizens on uur own sail." Adams's Second Annual Address, Dec. Pth,17!8. See too the "Address in Kepi)," by the House of Representatives. f Any one may see the authority in Whea lon's Law if Xutiuns, Part ill. ch. 1. (7'o be Continued.) Combat night "and day against thy vices; and if by thy cafes and vigilance llioutgain est tho victory over thyself, courageously at tack tlio vices of others but atlack them not before this be done. There is nothing mora ridiculous than to conplain of other's defects while we have the very frame. From the True Wesleyan. Brief History of the Anti-Slavery Enterprise. Slavery is a doomed institution the wheel of revolution has ben put in motion which never rolls backward the fires of reform have kindled and consumed much of it from llm world, and shed their light upon the cruel habitations and dark corruptions of what re mains, exposing it to the world's piercing gaze its final overthrow is written in ihe volume of ihe world's history not yet, but soon to be opened. The day is not far dis tant when all men will wonder tint slavery ever found a dace among institutions profess ing t a be fiee.and above all tint it ever found advocates in a professed Christian chnreli. From the day that Anti-slavery light was kin dled in Kuglaud, it ba:i stmdily burin d and spread with an increasing flame. BRIEF HISTORY. a great Somerset ease was decided in Kngl.md in 180. In this it was decided by the Court of King's Itnnch, Lord Mansfield presiding, that slaves could not bo held under ibe "common law" of Ungland. Adverse opinions bad been previously given, which marks the progress of the public opinion. 'This greai result was principally the fruit of the eliorts ol an individual, Liberty s hrsl champion, Cranville Sharpe. The history of ihe abolition of llip slave trr.iie in I'eeland, is nol less significant. Or ganized effort lor tho abolition of the slave Hade, may be dated at tho first meeting of the committee in 187. lu 1788 ihe first o,Tort in Parliament on slavi ry was made. Kauris were made in 178;'. and 171.0, nrd 1 7 U 1 . but with no prospect of success. The question of abolition was treated in Parlia ment as anti-slavery petitions worn by our Congress, i he lust few years of the anli-sl.i-very struggle. In 17''il tlirir. hundred thnu sam! per). r.s refrained t"r""iit si cut altogeth er: tilers was no free-labor sugar at that tiuu. In l"P0 and 170T. a simple resolution by Mr. ilberforce, condemning slavery, was lost in i'ie House of Conmo.iis. In 17"." end 1790, the effort was renewed and r.egaiivi d. In I 7P7, 1 71'!?, Mr. Wiiherforco's bill was dcf.alid. , Nothing was done until 18l), when a hiil pasji d the House of Commons, but was de i'cat"d by tho Lords. Ia 1H0." it was renewed and lost. In lbllii the hill passed bolh hoiisss. " Hero was a" stritglrlc TorfdghreeTl7?,!Tf1 merely to induce Parliament to consent "Ihat the Irade carried on by JJrilUh subjects for the purpose of obtaining slaves on the coast of Africa, ought to he abolished." It was negatived and barred out of the House of ('ominous 17 limes, and admitted twice. It was admitted into ihe House of Lords hut once. In lMJu1, (Juno 10,) Mr. Fox moved "that the House, considering the slave trade lo be contrary to the principles of justice, hu manity and policy, w ill wilh till practicable expeditii ii, lake effective measures for its abo lition." Cariied by 11 1 lo 15, in ihe Coin-j tnoiis, 11 to CO in the Lords. In 1807. Lord d'raiiville brought into Ihe House of Lords " A bill for Iho abolition of Ihe. slave trade." Passed by 100 to 3U, and in Commons by ?.-;! lo 1(1. This shows how steadily onward the march of public opinion has been. In ihe history of West India .-'mancipation, we tind another illustration of the same steady advance of public, opinion, bearing down all opposition before it, in its onward movement. Cud has.chosen the weak things of this world j to confound the wise. The doctrine of nn I mediate abolition is said to hava been first advanced and advocated by a female, Fliza i belli Ileyrick. Tho anti-slavery society of London embraced the doctrine ol immediate I emancipation in 18-JO. From the very day the effort commenced, it increased in interest I and energy. Onward, and still onward roll ' id llic car of emancipation, until Parliament ; was overwhelmed w ilh petitions. The crv emancipation rang through the land, until all who were in power, and all who desired to get in power, office-holders and o.-iice-seekers, ein compelled lo yield lo the voice of jus tice and mercy, and echo the sound back from the lull's of legislation. The Emanci pation hill was passed in 1833, and touU ef fect in 1831. Th a history cf the Anti-slavery enterprise in our own country, is nut only a volume of I instruction, to teach ns what is past, but j prophet to teach us w hat is to come ; it is I morning star gilding with the beams of hope, the early dawn of the slave s redemption. Modern abolitionism commenced iis oigani zed efforts in this country in 1833, when the I -aiiii-iu-dn vim-oi.ivL-i y oucicij ji uijj.uh- zed. Soon lol lowed tlio violence ol moos the press poured opon the heads of the aboli tionists its bitterest cuises and foulest misie- presentations tho secular and religions press united to abuse the friends of the slave. Pre sidents and Cioveriiors in their annual messa ges, bhoak over liiem the rod of civil authori ty, and Ihe church kindled Iho fires of perse cution upon her altars, w hence should have been breathed, only love and mercy fer the robbed, crushed, and bleeding bondman. The first meeting called lo organize a Siato society in Utiea, New York, was broken up by a mob. The (iovernor ol New York, in an annual message, called-the attention of Ihe Legislature to the consideration of the propri ety of suppressing abolition movements, by civil enactments. An anti-abolilion inch bore rulo in the city of New York during three days. In Jloslon a female anti-slavery socie ty w as broken up by a mob, and Mr. (iarrison was seized and led through the streets with a halter round bis neck. In 1837, Mr. Love joy was murdered for attempting to maintain the freedom of the press. Tho history of thu ecclesiastical anti-aboli tion movement, is no less striking in lis cha I racter, in I8Ja. llihhops tledding and l.m- t cry, of iho M. V.. Church, put fjrh nu .vl dress, in which llioy exhorted all concerned, ' In close nil Methodist pulpits against null- ' tdavory lecturers, lu l-.'ititlin (ieneral Coo- ferenee advised all llm ministers aial members of the M. K. Church, lo wholly refrain from agitating the subject id' slavery. This advice was construed by Ihe Duheps to possess liie force f law, and member end ministers worn tried, suspended and Spelled, lor vio- luting it. Ministers were tried and condemn- ed er annulling ami-si. ivory meetings, and lor speaking and writing against slavery. These facts are given merely as specimens of the spiiil of lliosc limes. From the Practical Christian. Fellowship of Slaveholders. a a The CinusriAN Woiu n answers the rptos lion. "Shall we exclude, slaveholders irom our Church fellowship," in th'. negative! It says: "We .-iuw Ihat many slaveholders are as benest, sincere and generous, as rea dy to make sacrifices when dutv calls, as w(. are ourselves what tight have we then !r say that they are not Christians t" Hut in I order to prove tint slaveholders may Christians. Ihe World lias t i reduce Chris tianity to its lowest possible term.;, and in our opinion, to destroy entirely iis distinct ive character its character ns a system of positive and absolute truth and rightcuusn.s. It says: "If it Chri.-ti inity consists in a general purpose lo do righi in acting up to our light, as we have it, and Broking more then many a slaveholder w ill come under Ibis category."' And it takes for granted that this in Christianity'. What then is ihe use of the term I Why not sub-.titule for it Lv sander Spooner's term : "natural justice," ,,r "natural law"? .There would then be no t seeming exclusion of atheists even Irom the ' true church. Atheists, wo suppose, some- "act up lo the light lln-v have, ami ! seek more." There is, at least, as much ev- j to our mind that many of them do. as there is llr.t any slaveholders do. I!ut will ( inn World tie consistently charitable enough ; lo admit that iho atheist may therrfo'e be a i Christian I We ratln-r think not. .Nnrdot-s chaiity require any such ado.is- ion. Such a I man may not he a bad man, be may bn a ve- j ry worthy man, and have a claim lo our res-' peel and all', clions, but to say that ho is a ' Christian, merely because bo follows hit i light, is to make Christianity a nullity. i Saul of Tarsus followed bis Imht in , .Trs... cuing the early church of iho "s.,vior-w3 be there ore a Christian at thai lin.i. 1 n one will pretend this, and iiolliinc appears lo us farther from the truth than the position Hht-f"rr'Vnr' rvmM fn- It frrmrnl 'pur pose ia an right. It it ooes, then Christi anity is as old as man, and not a special sys tem of Religion founded by Jesus of N.izu- roth. Hut lo be Christians, we must follow the light that was i' Christ tho light of his example, spirit, precepts. "It any one have not bis spirit, lie is none of his," though lie ! follow bis own light even nnlo martyrdom. I 1 bo World contends that in excluding a I slaveholder who "follows Ihe light he has, and seeks more," fiorn Christian fellowship, j we really exclude him lor his nninmns, not i his artiuns." Well, where is the barm of; excluding men from Christian fellowship for j their opinion, when that opinion is, that men may be innocently plundered of all Ibeir I rights, and held in the worst form r.f bond- iga the sun ever looked upon- Tins is an I unchristian and diabolical opinion, and if j universally reduced lo practice, would make ihe earth a bell. It is a tin for a man lo hold such an opinion an evidence of an in human, unchristian heart. liut it is nut for .i...:- ... .I.-. 11...1:. : .... , , 1111 1 1 1 r would have slavcho dors eve tided from r 11 1 ; . :. : i- . . ! Christian fellow ship; it is lor their "aetiins also for their actually holding ,,eir broth- , 1 1 ".1 .1 ' ers as slaves and by the use ot Ihe swottn, .... . J .... 1 which is the only way they can he held. J liut what does the World mean by Chri . ,. ., ,. ,., 1 . 1 . 1 an e owslil p ! 1 1 it simply mean Chris- 1 , t 1 1 .1 1 nan Han courtesy, kindness, lovr, Uien we also would go against excluding slaveholders or anybodyelsefrom.it. We would mingle wiih "publicans and sinners" in the spirit and for the purpose in which and for which Christ mingled w ith them, liut ibis is not the sense in which the term "Christian fel lowship" is generally used. It is generally used to express those acts by which we re cognize a man as a Christian, a inn diseiplo of Jesus. And we say lli.it they w ho fel lowship slaveholders in this sense, eivo res pectability and therefore permanency to sla very. They ought not then lo be received into a Church, or at a Communion Table not, wo mean, if such rectplinni if them me con.'.iilcrcd as endnrrrmmh if t'ntir ( hristian character. Hut Ihe World says : "If a drunk ard, if a pirale, if a murderer wishes to couie into our Christian Society, and have our sym pathy and love, we say let him in. If be is 111, we can warn him of his guilt and danger, we can point out the horrible character of his life." A' say we but the question at issue is, will you recognize that "drunkard, pirate, murderer" as a Chrislii-n ! whether he shall be treated in Christian Im-r or not is anofher nuestion entirely, and one which we, of Lcourse, answer with an emphatic affirmative. We 00 or loving aim uoing gnou even to our worst enemies under all possible ciicum Btances the cross of Christ being our ex ample. Nor does it follow that if we refuse to fellowship slaveholders as Christians, we must therefore bate and injure, them. Their own good requires this disfellowship, as well as the good of tlio world ,'ure prompts it. To t.cknow ledge slaveholders to be Chris thins, is administering an opiate to their con sciences, anil giving support to tho "peculiar Institution. liut tho I nitaiians generally have some peculiar views of the Church and the Lord's Supper, that now seem to us to be rather loose, though we shou'd like more light on the subject. Do they believe these institutions necessary? If so, for what! Their liberality leads them to go against ex cluding slaveholder's from either, but would such churches as d" this, retain notorious drunkard;, thieves, libertines, pirates and I ! ' : ' i I I j I I their fellow-beings as "goods and chattels," 'hat they cannot be. Our philosophy of He times form is, then " o Christian fellowship with slaveholders ;" an-1 Ibis is the philoso idencu pbv t'nt is to save the race the Christian philosophy, we think. r. murderers within their pale 1 If so. they are consilient v.iih tin mi Ires, but wo should like in Vr.nw if this is the fact? and It tl.ey aeluallv ei'conr.,g(. such pprsons to join ll.em ! Whether iho World believes in Church orgpnis-iiions or rot, we nre not in foriue,!. but if It docs, we nsk it if its plan H in rr.ii'n r liiem into id! class. "nnod. bad. t nd ineillerrnt'' ! If ibis i in nlan. j .,. lilvp ,n sny, js jt nilp dif. lerenl plan Irom the one common to the sects in general, though it may bo a very good one, providing ihe purpose is simply lo ben efit the wicked who may In coino members, liut if it is also to endorse all ns Christians or even all who follow the light they have, find sei i- more" then we say, better have no organizations at all than lo have such and no Lord's Si.pper. And as this question of f llowsbipping slaveholders has become one of great importance end of in creasing interest, we wish our Unitarian friends wool,! define their position respect ing ihe Church ami the Uucharist. so that Iho Anii-Slaverv Rci'-rmers may judge ll-.em with righteous judgment. All that can bo jutly required of thi ni is tint they deal with laveliolders just i-s . deal with other cor respondingly grealfi i." i,fn.'hinva!jle sinners recognizing- llu-oi ell as Christians or all as iincbrisliaiis. We sav "no Christian fel lowship with slaveholders" using the term fellowship in its common signification, and meaning hv it no such union with them as implies our belief that they are tho true dis ciples of Jesus Chris'. We don't believe eve ry man is a Chistian that professes tobe.nnaV we are all authorized to judge men by their fruits. Ii is no assumption of tho divine prerogative lo say ihat those among ns who are known as thieves are not Christians, nor is it, we think, to say of those who bold From the Salem Observer. Beam the Eye, vs. Mote in the Eye. I I The M"!om War proves, that as a nation we are guilty of tho same folly that charac teiises us as individuals, that we are slaves of an enormous vanity. Wc conceive our- 1 i o s ,!' "'' '"one. ..any. .oc ocm specimens '''n n.tur.. ever raised on the planet. ' ' human race. So in polities, we are about the only people, in our estimation, who pos sess any freedom, worth speaking .of, or who have any considerable portion of llic elements of true greatness. Hence, we have a 'mis. sion to elevate all nations who can't help it to the pinnacle of grandeur which it lias been our peculiar felicity to reach. This war with Mexico, in accordance with this view, is for the purpose of making her something like ourselves. We hive discovered that she is sadly misgoverned, tint her people are all fools or knaves, and that it is the destiny of this happy old hen to gather her under its wings and establish in her dominions all the blessings which it is in our power to impart lo Iho nations of the world. This war be comes, therefore, when tried by such philos ophy, somewhat of a henovolenl thing, and displays us lo ihe world as a people, not on ly wiiling, but determined, lo help those who can't help theinsi Ivps. Now this pretence of superiority on our part would be well enough, if it wera not for iho fact, that in one mailer at least, we had belter learn from than teach to Mexico and i his, loo, in the fuinlamcnt.il concern of our country. I 10 grand idea that gave birth to .. . . u . .... fe . u s l I ioii was mill 01 i.ioeriy, aim vet, in . . .. . f ' " "." "-'' " 7 . - amp e which we have not had the virtue to ... . ,. , . ... In ow. S:u nltritisocil Shivprv vnnro mtn , . , ,., ,. , , , ; ' ,. , ., in .11. ty arlher than we shall apparent y be ready J ... J , lo carry tl lor a century to come. And yet wo uroe, as a pretext for this war, that it will improve the social condition of ihe Mex ican people. The truth is, that when We shall have abolished Slavery at home, we shall be in it condition to confer practical benefits on oilier nations, but not before. At present, not a statement can bn made of ihe degradation, misery and oppression of the Mexican peo ple, which is not as true, if not more true, of three millions of our own countrymen in the South. Are they ignorant, and unac quainted with the arts of civilized life I So are the Slaves. Are their tastes low and un cultivated, an. I ibeir habits of life rude and vulgar 1 So are those of the Slaves. Are 'they the subjects of a military despotism? So are tho Slaves. Whatever may bo urged, against ihe social character of the Mexicans, bears w ith equal force against that of tho enslaved Africans. The latter aro efllicted w ith all tuc scourges of the former, and tho need of elevation in each case is equally strong. Lint huw obviously inconsistent is it for us to pretend to seek the social regenera tion of the one race, while we do nolhinir for the other. Indeed, it savors of hypocrisy to profess lo hava ihe good of the Mexican peo ple at heart in ibis war, while we abuse and ' defraud a seventh part of our own people at home. Yet such is an apology which is of fered in justification of our Mexican policy. Truly, Ibe Scripture well applies lo the case of this nation, 'First cast out the beam from thine own eye, then thou shalt see clearly to cast out the mote from thy brother's eye.' Silence is absolutely necessary to the wis man. Croat sperches, elaborate discourses, pieces of dequeue, ought to be a language unknown to linn ; bis aelions ought to be his language. As for me, 1 would never speak more. I leaven speaks; but what language does it use to speak to men ? That there is a sovereign principle from which all things depend ; a sovereign principle which Inaks them to act and move. Its motion is its lan guage; it icduces the seasons to their time it sgit ites nature it makes it produce. This 6ilnce is eloquent.