Anti-slavery bugle. [volume], January 21, 1848, Image 1

About Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861

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.inti-SIaecry Society.
J A M KS B ARN A B Y, Jr. Publishing Jgcnt'
J1KNJAMIN S. JONES,
J. ELIZABETH JONES, ) '
DiTuns.
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From the Massachusetts Quarterly Review.
The Mexican War.
BY THEODORE PARKER.
((oHiHIIf(.) I
It is true that on the 1th of April, 1810,
General Paredes diil order thn coitimiinctiT on
tliB Texan frontier to attack the enemy " by :
every means which war permits," aqd on the
lWlli of April, to the same person, adds, "I
suppose you either fighting already, or pre
paring lor the operations of a campaign."
" It is indispensable that hostilities he com
menced, yourself taking the initiative." But
where was the enemy to be attacked J was
lie to take the initiative by making an inva-
sinn or repelling one 1
To answer this question, we are to show
what was the western boundary of Texas.
Was it the Rio Grande, the iSueces, or some
line between them, or elsewhere 1 Mr. l'olk
claims to the Kio Grande. These are the ar
guments which he adduces.
1. Texas as ceded by France in 1803, hns
been always claimed as extending west to
the ltio Grande," and accordingly the Uni
ted States asserted and maintained their ter
ritorial rights to this extent till 181!, when
it was ceded to Spain. It is on (he strength
of this claim that annexation is a re-annexation.
2. The republic of Texas always claimed
this river from the mouth to the Rouree
as her western boundary, and it was recog
nized as such by Santa Anna himself, in
1630.
3. For more than nine years Texas " exer
cised many acts of sovereignty and jurisdic
tion over the territory and inhabitants west of
the Nueces."
t. Congress understood that the RinGrande,
from source to mouth, was the boundary of
Texas in 1815, when the act of annexation
was passed. "This was the Texas which
was admitted as one of the States of our Un
ion." All this is specious at least to one who
knows nothing of the-facts; very plausible to
one who is more a subject of Authority than
a subject of Reason. But certainly Mexico
had never admitted the Rio Grande, from
source to mouth as her boundary on this side.
We think there is no controversy about the
limits of Texas, except as ii borders on the
Mexican territory. Yet uncertainty of limits
is recognized by Ameriea in the very act of
itnnexaliou. The "joint resolutions" say t
" 1. Congress doth consent that the territory
properly included within and rightfully be
Ionising to the lie-public if Texas, may he erec
ted into a new Stale." And -'2. Said State
to be formed subject to the adjustment if the
government if all questions if boundary that
may arise with other governments." Here the
limits are admitted to be doubtful, and are
to be adjusted by the government.
Suppose this were all, thst the boundary
was simply doubtful what was the just and
proper course to pursue 1 to send an army to
the extreme and doubtful limit of the territo
ry which we claimed 1 If so, then Mexico
who thought at least her claim equally
good had the same right. What if that
course had been pursued with England in
settling the question of the " Northeastern
boundary," or the boundary of the Oregon
territory ; what if England had acted hy the
same rule, and the two nations, without a sin
gle attempt to settle the matter by negotia
tion, had sent an "army of occupation" to
lake military possession, each power up to
the extent of its own claims 1 Why it would
have been like what wo have seen in Tex
as. But why did not the American government
resort to negotiation! Because the Mexican
fTOvirnmcnt would not receive a special com
niissioner, appointed for that workl Not at
all: she rejected Mr. Slidull because he was
not such a special commissioner.
"The sword," says somebody, "ends all
evils, but ciwes none. It certainly
becrins a great many. The reason why the
American novernment sent the sword befoie
the negotiator will appear in due time.
It is by no means clear that the Americans
had agoo'd and clear title to the Hio Grande,
from end to end. A claim is one thing, a
clear title is a little different. Did the Amer
ican government claim the ltio Grande as the
boundary of Louisiana, as ceded by France
in 1803 ! So we claimed Western Florida
as a part of the same Louisiana. Mr. Jeffer
son, in 1805, said its limits were " the Per
dito on the east, and the Bravo (the Kio
Grande) on the west." It turned out to bo a
mistake. The claim was purely diplomatic,
the claim of much in order to gel all lhat
could be had. Such are tho morals of ped
lers in politics as of pedlers in other wares.
America had a claim to the whole of Oregon,
trout San Francisco to the Russian settle
ments. Mr. Polk himself claimed up to 51.
40, and with the settled conviction that the
llritish pretensions if title could not be main
tained to uny portion if the Oregon territory."
He asserted "our title to Ihe whole Oregon
territory," and thought it was " maintained
by irrefragahlo facts and arguments." The
legislature of one of the New England States,
wo are told, went lurilier, ana necmreu our
right up to 51. 19. But somehow, in the
thaw of a negotiation, the claim' gradually
melted away, and reached no further than the
49th parallel of latitude.
It would be easy to show, whatsoever was
the true western boundary of Texas, that it
was not the Rio Grande. However, we do
not intend at present entering upon that dis
cussion. The reader wilPfmd much valua
ble information in the speech of Mr. Senator
Benton, and in the two able and learcd speech
es of Mr. Severance, of Maine, delivered Ihe
one in the House of Representatives at Wash
ington, Feb. 4th, 1817, and the other in the
Legislature of Maine, July 27lh, 1847. We
Khali for the present confine ourselves to the
correspondence between Mr. A. J. Donclson
and Mr. Buchanan, only premising lhat Mr.
Donelson was bent by the American govern
ment in March, 1815, to Texas, to complete
the work of annexation. We shall show
from Ibis correspondence
1. That it was well known that Texas had
no just claim to the Rio Grando as her west
ern boundary.
2. That war was oxpcctpd as the conse
quence of Ihe annexation of Texas.
3. That (here was a concerted scheme lo
throw ihe blame of the war upon Mexico, by
provoking her to commence hostilities.
I. IT WAS WELL KNOWN THAT TEXAS HAD
NO JUST CLAIM TO THE RIO GRANDE.
i
!
1
1
j
"It is believed that Mexico is concentrat
ing troops on the Rio Grande, where Texas
has, an yet, cstaliishid no posts." p. 53.
Mr. Jones, President of the Riipublic of
Texas, issued a proclamation on the 1th of
June, 18 l", at tho end of which he says-, " 1
do hereby declare and proclaim a cessation if
hostilities by laud and sen against the liipuh
lie if Mexico." p. 03. But the Mexican
forces were still east of the Rio Grande,
though west of Ihe Nueces. The Charge
saw Ihe effect which this proclamation, issu
ed under the circumstances, would have iipnn
the claim to Ihe Rio Grande this will ap
pear in the sequel.
June 23d, 1815, he writes to Mr. Buchan
an, "It is ihe policy of those who are on ihe
side of Mexico, lo throw upon Ihe United
Slates Ihe responsibility of a war lor the coun
Iry between the Nueces and Ihe Kio Grande.
That territory, you are vwurc, has been in the
possession if both parties. Texas has held in
peace Corpus I hrusti ; Mexico has held San
tiago, liuth parties have had occasional pos
session of Luredo, and other higher points."
-p. 71.
June 22d, he writes to Commodore Stock
ton in relation to the prospects of a war. and
adds, " It is lo be hoped, however, lhat Mex
ico will yet prefer lo settle hy treaty the points
in dispute," that is, the question of limits.
). 78.
Again, July 2d, he writes to Mr. Bnohanan,
"my position is, that we can hold because
we have a good title, Corpus Christi and all
oilier points up the Nueces. If attacked,
while in territory which the Moxicans ac
knowledge as part of Texas. the right of de
fence will authorize us to expel ihe Mexicans
us far as the Rio Grande." p. 78.
"The government of Texas led for trea
ty arrangement the boundary question in the
propositions for a treaty of definite peace."
p. 79. This refers to " Ihe preliminary arti
cles of the negotiation" offered by President
Jones to the Mexican government. The 3d
article is as follows : " Limits ami other sub
jects of mutual interest lo be settled by nego
tiation, p. 5o.
June 28th, ho writes lo Genera! Taylor,
advising him where to station his troops.
" Corpus Christi is said to he as healthy as
Pensacola, n convenient place for supplies,
and it the most western point noir occupied by
Texas." y. 83. Vet Corpus Christi is on
the west bank of the Nueces. "The occu
pation of the country between the Nueces and
llie Rio Grande is a disputed question." p.
83.
July 11th, he thus writes to Mr. Buchan
an :
" You will have observed in my corres
pondence with this government of Texas
there has been no discussion of the question
of limits between Mexico and Texas. The
joint resolutions of our Congress left the ques
tion an open one, and the preliminary propo
sition made by this the Texan government
namely, the third article quoted on ihe last
page, left the question in the same state, and
although this the Texan government has
since indicated a point on the Rio Grande lor
Ihu luture occupation of our troops, 1 did
not consider this circumstance as varying the
question, since the President, but a few weeks
before, issued a proclamation suspending hos
tilities between Texas and Mexico, the prac
tical effect of which was to leave the question
precisely as it stood when our joint resolu
tions passed Mexico in possession of one
portion of the territory, between the Nueces
and the Rio Grande and Texas of another.
If the President of Texas, instead of giving
that proclamation the scope he did, hy mak
ing an entire suspension of hostilities while
the Mexican army was on the east of the Rio
Grande, had made it conditional upon the
withdrawal of all Mexican authority to the
west bank of the Rio Grande, or in failure
thereof, fof withdrawing the forces beyond
that river bad notified Mexico that forcible
means would have been continued, to main
tain the jurisdiction of Texas as far as that
river, the case would have been different, and
our rights and duties consequent upon an in
vasion of Texas, an invasion by Mexico of
the territory between ihe Rio Grande and
Nueces, after her the Mexican acceptance
of our proposals, would have been accordingly
changed" That is, Mexico would have ac
knowledged that our claims to that territory
had a respectable foundation. But tho Texan
President had little confidence in lhat claim,
and never oll'ured such a condition! "Hence
you will have perceived, lhat in my reply lo
Mr. Allen's fthe Texan Secretary of Slate
note of the 2tith nit., I omitted an allusion to
his suggestion of a point on the Rio Grande
for the occupation of our troops."
The reason doubtless, was because Mr.
Douelson knew the occupation of a point on
the Rio Grande was an act of war against
Mexico, and did not himself wish to take the
initiative by commencing hostilities.
"The proclamation of a truce between the
two nations, founded on propositions mutu
ally acceptable to them, leaving the question
of boundary not only an open one, but Mexi
co in possession of the east bank of the liiu
Grunde, seemed lo me inconsistent with the
expedition that in defence of tho claim of
Texas, our troops should inarch immediately
to that river. What the Executive of Texas
The correspondence is published in Due.
No. 2, -t'lh O'oiigrtbs, 1st Session.
had determined not to fight for, bill to settle
by negotiation, to say ihe least of it, could as
well be lift to the United Stales on the same
conditions."
Mr. Donclson took this course because he
did not wish lo have a public altercation w ith
ihe Texan President " in regard to an impor
tant measure of his administration." mill
he thinks the Texan "claim" to the Rio
Grande ought to be maintained. The only
question was,
"Whether, under the circumstances, we
should lake a position to make war for this
claim, in the face of an acknowledgment on
tho part of this ihe Texan government that
it could be settled ly negotiation. 1 at once
decided lhat we should take no such position,
but should regard only as within the limits
of our protection thai portion of territory ac
tually possessed by Texas, anil which she
diil not consider as subject lo negotiation.
The Congress of Texas would have passed a
resolution af.'iruiing the claim to the Rio
Grande, if lhey had deemed it expedient in
this matter to manifest their disapprobation
of the treaty preferred by President Jones, or
to oppose the inlerence which might lie drawn
from proclamation, lhat Texas admitted the
right of Mexico lo keep an armed force this
side of the Rio Grande." p. 89.
Mr. Donelson thought it inexpedient "for
Texas to attempt a forcible possesssion of the
Rio Grande," because
" Leaving out of view the difficulty of con
ducting such an enterprise ngainst ihe con
sent of the Texan Executive, the inlluence
on the Mexican population the entire popu
lation bordering the Rio Grande, would have
been unfavorable to the United Stales. These
people, long harassed hy the military exac
tions of their own government, the Mexican
government, though Mr. Polk insists that
Texas for more than nine years has exercised
sovereignty here. seek for nothing so ardent
ly as escape from violence. They have been
often visited by the Texans, who in revenge
of llieir slaughtered comrades, and of the faith
less conduct of Santa Aanna, have not been
disposed to mitigate the IiIowroT retaliation."
On the other hand, " Texas, by remaining
passive, is gradually strengthening her ability
to introduce, hy peaceful means, her authori
ty as far up ihe Rio Grande as she may
please." p. 90.
Mr. Donelson then states the grounds on
which the claim to the Rio Grjnde would be
defensible.
1. "The revolutionary right of the people
of Texas to resist oppression and enforce
such a political organization as they deemed
necessary."
2. The acknowledgment of Santa Anna in
183(1, by which Texas was prevented from
following up the advantages of victory, among
which was the opportunity if establishing her
self on the Uin Grande."
3. "The capacity of Texas, if not now, at
least in a short time, lo establish by force her
claim to this boundary. This capacity is fair
ly inferrible from the offer of Mexico lo re
cognize her independence, and is self-evident
to all who have any knowledge of the rela
tive power and position of Mexico and Tex
as." 1. "The United Slates, in addition to the
foregoing grounds, will have Ihe older one,
founded on the Louisiana claim."
5. " But, all these considerations are but
subsidiary to the necessity which exists for Ihe
establishment of the Rio Grande as ihe boun
dary between the two nations." " Texas has
at pleasure taken possession of her the Mex
ican posts there, and has only suspended ju
risdiction because it was inconvenient to
maintain it. On such grounds it cannot be
doubted that Mexico already considers the
whole of Ihe territory between the Rio Grande
and ihe Nueces us lost to her."
"There is a disposition in some members
to resort to some action, the expectation of
Texas that the Rio Grande will be main
tained as the boundary, but no provision ma
king this a sine ijua mm in our action hereaf
ter will be adopted." pp. 91, 92.
Let us take a word of comment from an
other source. In lS.'IG, General Jackson
sent Mr. Mpriit to Texas, to learn Ihu slate
of things. Mr. Morlit thus writes, in August,
183G :
"It was the intention of this the Texan
government, immediately after Ihe battle of
San Jacinto, to have cluimed from the Hio
Grande along the river to the thirteenth degree
if latitude, thence due west lo the t'acijic. It
was found, however, lhat this would not strike
a convenient point in California, and that the
territory now determined on would best.ffieienl
for a new republic." "The political limits
of Texas proper were the Nueces River on
ihe west," tic. "The additional territory
claimed by Texas since the declaration of in
dependence, will increase her population at
least 15,0110." Doc. if Ho. if Hep., 2d Sess.,
24th Cong., No. 35.
Mr. C. J. Ingersoll, in his speech on the
3d of March, 1815, said,
"The deserts between the Nueces and Ihe
Bravo the Rio Grande are the natural boun
daries. There ends the Valley of the West.
There Mexico begins. While peace is cher
ished that houndaiy will be respected. Not
till the spirit of conquest rages, w ill the peo
ple on either side molest or mix w ith each
other."
(To be Continued.)
Reai, Wants. Man was created to be a
living soul, and not to be an alchymist; and
the real want of his heart is sympathy, affec
tion, love, and not the philosopher's stone.
It would not bo more unreasonable to trans
plant a flower out of black earth into gold
dust, than it is far a person to let money
gettirg hatden his heart into contempt, or
into impatienco of the little attentions, the
merriments and the caresses of domestic
life.
Martyr ill.
From the North Star.
The National Bazaar.
It Was our happiness last week to attend
this splendid exhibition of anli-sWvery indus
try, laste, skill, elegance, and beauty, held
in Faneuil Hall, Boston. From representa
tions which we had heard, and description
which we had road, our expectations were
very high; but high as lhey were, they were
more than grr.tified. On entering the vast
and venerable hall, the manner and it ran-
deur of its decoration reminded us strongly
of some old, but beautiful Gothic cathedrals
through which we have had the pleasure to
pass. For the special decoration of the hall
it would seem that almost a young forest of
evergreens had oecn stripped of lis loliage.
Bowers, arches, wreathes, anil beautiful
chains of it, were displayed in all directions;
llie long range of pillars supporting the ca
pacious galleries on either side, the upper
range around the gallery, reaching the cei
ling, were all elegantly trimmed with ever
green; and between the pillars in the gallery,
rising from the breastwork around it, were
finely modelled forms ol arches and windows
of the i old Gothic, order, all of which wero
beautifully dressed in living green. Across
the hall, in various directions from side lo
side, were chains of evergreen, meeting and
crossing immediately under a largo and lu
minous gas light chandelier, which, when
lighted, grandly reflected the charm which
nature always lends lo works of art. In ihe
centre of the hall was a largo table forming
a circle, piled with riSh and beautiful arti"
cles, too numerous to mention. This, loo,
was all surrounded and decorated with ever
green, in every graceful shape and form
which genius, skill, and fancy could invent.
On either side, and all around the table, were
tables connected from one end of the hall lo
the oilier, and only divided fr.im each other
by multitudi nous forms of living green rising
between them. Some of Ihe more youthful
of the ladies wore wreathes of evergreen 'a
bout their heads, as if determined to be in
unity with the natural and artificial beauty
surrounding them.
It would he pleasant to be in such a place
at any time, but lo he there in the glorious
cause of righteous liberty, surrounded by the
old and tried friends of the cause; meeting
and conversing with many of them for the
first tiuie since our return from England; wit
nessing the ardor of their zeal, and gather
ing light and life from their lofty coiiimuui
caiions", made it a delightful occasion to us,
and one which we w ish every friend of the
slave could share. England, Ireland, Scot
land, and Wales, were all represented. The
various useful, rich, elegant and beautiful
wok torn those countries deepened, in our
mind, me earnest sincerity and devotion to
our cause, which ofien filled our heart with
grateful admiration during our sojourn in
lliose lands. Noble was llie devotion and
great Ihe industry lhat sent those beautiful
works lo our shores, and laid them on ihe
pure alter of Christian Philanthronv. V.verv
article was a silent hut powerful pleader in
I., i.-ir .r .1. - i !
ociian ui uic American slave, anil a telling
rebuke of the guilty slaveholder of the South.
and his much more guilty allies of the North.
I lie women of nionarehial England pleading
wilh their sisters in republican Ameiica, to
quit the infernal practice of trading in the
bodies and souls of men, ami making mer
chandize of the bodies of their sable sisters ;
anil this. Inn. in nlrl t'unninl 11.11 .!. i,r-
, ... u,u B ui.i,u ,11111, ,1113 V I tl-
die of Liberty," the birth-place of American
independence where was nursed the young
spirit of the revolution, and where now hang
the pictures of Washington, Adams, Han
cock, Warren, anil others, who seventy years
ago fought a British king in defence of A
merican liberty! Scotland, too, joins the ap
peal Willi the names of her forty thousand
daughters. What a rebuke is here !
In looking upon the labors of the dear
friends at home as well as abroad, we felt
.l . e o . . ...
asiiaiiiKu oi ineir superior devotion, w e ne
ver feel more ashamed of our humble efforls
in llie cause of emancipation, than when we
contrast them with the silent, unobserved,
and unapplauded efforls of those through
whose constant and perserving endeavors this
annual exhibition is given to the American
public. Anti-slavery authors and orators
may be said to receive compensation for what
lhey do, in the applause which must, sooner
or later, redound lo them; but not so wilh the
thousands whose works of use and heauly
adorn this fair. It is for them to work, un
noticed and unknown, and sometimes unen
quired for; and many of them unable to see
the good that results from their efforts. Evi
dently no sinister motive can enter into such
action; and yet, noble souls they! lhey
have a great and glorious reward. The con
sciousness of having lone something toward
releasing from cruel bondage, even one sis
ter, and the gratitude of that sister going up
in glory to God for deliverance from thral
dom, is a happiness to the pure mind, which
as far transcends lhat derived from Ihe praise
of men, as heaven transcends earth, and eter
nity, time. Let proud pro-slavery congrega
tions get up fairs to build and beautify their
churches; let them labor to cushion their
pews, carpet their floors, and ornament their
pulpits; they may indeed reap the reward that
results from the exercise of skill and indus
try, hut ihe thought must conic, after all,
We have worshipped ourselves, rather than
God; we have been looking to our own ease
and comfort, rather than relieving those who
are unable to help themselves. Such per
sons know nothing of ihe holy satisfaction
consequent upon unselfish labor and effort in
behalf of the hated and enslaved of our land.
This is emphatically the great religious move
ii. cut of the day one in which the laborer is
taught to look only on the source of all good
for reward. The history of the Boston Fair
is interesting, instructive and encouraging.
It shows what may he accomplished by un
wavering fidelity, unfaltering industry, and
patient devotion to a good cause. The first
(of which this is the fourteenth fair,) was
held, we believe, in a small room. No. lt,
Washington street. At that lime few ven
tured lo attend il, auJ fewer to acciet it. A
few adu s only w ere found willing to encoun
ter the odium of attending such a place
lourlecii years have passed nwav. ami our
lair, alter working its way through t lie lower
rooms of Marlborough Gl.apel, and the more
roinmodiou, Amory Hall, finds place in the
"old cr ulltt f hl.cnv . .! ..r ' : ,
cradle, this fourteen' ve-.it'.. i. ., i i
ing loo largo lor it. 'Tlie fact is. our fair is '
becoming one of the most popular and gen-
Jeel exhibitions nf tlie year. We are glad of
its prosperity, not because we lnv i,,,n,,lri. i
ly, Inn because of the channe in public onin-'
inn t lit..!. .. ... ' '
"iicaies, e know tl,.,i
IMVe '"'P" cast upon those who act :
most prominently in conducing ibis fair. It i
is said they seek popularity, and play into!
I''" hands of the llcacon street aristocracy. I
Ihe insinuation is base. Where has ari's-
.... j, louon-ocracy or slave-ocracv recei-
veil more faithful rebukes within the last :
weeks than in the Liberator of Boston 1 i
lint amount Of monev W:ia ....li4..a I...
the lair, we do not know
il'o .1.. I 1
pronatily not so I
union tins year as last. Our n , i,i,
country s honor, is being squander, d on our
hired assassins in Mexico, and the one is be
coming about as scarce as Ihe other. The
scarcity of money w ill account fora decrease
(if il.nrd I... r .i .. . i ..
v.. .... .o i.c .inj; in me iroceeus oi tlie lair
this year. But. be the sum liitle or much, it
la In iron. I...-. I,. I ...Ml I . . r i .
is in good hands, and will be faithfully a
iio,NiUcu io me dissemination ol light on
the subject of slavery; and we are sure it w ill
do much toward disposing the public mind
favorably lo tho cause.
The Bazaar itself was a sort of anti-slavery
meeting. Several evenings were devoted
to addresses from well kniwn anti-slavery
speakers, all of whom were listened to witii
surprising attention, considering the many
attractions in other directions. It was our
lot to make the last unli-slavery speech in
Faneuil Hall on tho last night of the old
year.
From the National A. S. Standard.
From the National A. S. Standard. Letter from Auburn---the Whig Party.
Of all the various parlies lhat desire lo tin
ker in some nook or corner of Ihe Ship of
State, Ihe Whigs seem determined to make
themselves the most inconsistent, unprinci
pled, anil ridiculous. Ever since the crack
of the Southern whip that drove the North
into the support of the stealing of Texas, its
annexation and attendant war, the Whigs, or
a portion of them, have been loud in denounc
ing those whom the circumstances of power
have put in a position to bo accountable for
all Ihe mischief. Thev are vehement in their
denunciations of poor Polk, as if he was not
a machine set up by the South to work as
lliey miglit propel. 1 ho war Was wrong, all
wrong declared without authority or cause.
It is villanous, infamous, murderous, and Polk
is the murderer and villain. This view of
the war 1 iun not inclined to dispute. But
while these same Whigsarecryingoulagaiiist
war; while lhey speak in round terms of;
indignation airainsl the snhndid vieiurir nr
beautiful sights of the battle-lield, they go for
the "country right or wromr." While thev
denounce the " slave power-' as doing mis
chief, there is scarcely an editor that pahk
express an opinion against any one of llie act
ing chiefs of ihe invading banditti now in
Mexico, or against him w ho is personally in
terested in the extension of slavery and the
increase of the slave power, the pauper of!
ASlilanu,as a I'resideuUal candidate. 1 mean
pauper, because he.is supported by men and
women for whoso labor he never pays. A
pauper! Aye, worse; a robber of the rights
of those who earn iheir bread and his. Pre
eminent among the inconsistent, contradicto
ry, semi-liberty loving editors, stands Horace
Gkeki.v, who seems perfectly willing to run
the Whig party up Salt riier, if he c"an only
have llenrv llav to mint lllelll. ir ivnn i
we ohject to thai. Inch ol the contending
parties come uppermost in the unprincipled
scramble for office, matters but little per
haps nothing to the cause of Emancipation.
What we would like lo see is, as the man of
Ashland lialb it, Ihe merit if eensisteney.
When the Whigs claim a love of liberty, and
ask the Abolitionists to help ihein as an Anti-Slavery
parly, they must expect to act in
accordance wttli their professions. Almost
all of the journals North have, within a few
years, spoken against Slavery. Vet where
is the one that dare say lhey disapprove of
Clay and Taylor for PresidCnl. Some reject
one some the other.
IV ..I... :. 11..
iiivn.it isre ecieu uv
era use he is riot a W big clear through
independent-the. most meritorious quality
he possesses. He may he honest, too, for he
confesses that his long service in butchering
men has made a fool of him on subjects that
school-boys are familiar with. Nevertheless,
should the South crack her whip, these same
editors would spring into the harness and
draw for Taylor and the infamous war. In
deed, the Whigs are now taking position in
support ol the War right or wrong, lhey
begin to think it popular among the rowdy
mass of fighting men, and as these hold the
ua.n..tD u, ... uiii m iiicj- iu urieuu
the war party, or in turn become its most ve.
licmcnt supporters. See how far the chival
ry havo whipped in the great Whig organ of
the Empire State. Speakingjof the National
intelligencer's view of the President's Mes
sage, u says
"It proves, all too conclusively, that the
war in which we are engaged, is one of 'false
pretences,' and that the -cause of quarrel,' on
the part of our Government, is not just.
That article fortifies and clinches the speech-
of Mr. Corwin in the Senate, and of Mr.
Clay at Lexington, both of which had for
object, to provo that our Government is
in the wrong.
men, and to tho Intelligencer, the host and
u..... ... ......, ...., .....,..,. .,..,-
purest motives, we are constrained to doubt
whether the laudable objects they have at
heart, can be accomplished hy 6iich means,
Wo cannot biing ourselves to believe that a
Peace is to be obtained, or Ihe welfare and
prosperity of the Country promoted, by prov-
f,"'h miserable, pusilanimoiis. pandering crea
lew U'"'H sustained by Ihe patriotism of this great
Rennlilic. Tlinv nrn tinu-nrlliv of. nil fftn
j ''ie f'"" R:1-v,1 resolutions have been in
the 'reduced intp the Legislature of that Stain,
I declaring that under no circumstances will
I
ing lo Mexico and Ihe World, that we m in
Ihe wrong. On the contrary, we apprt bend
llial eminent Whig statesmen destroy their
rihility fur usefulness by taking the vnlyis9ne
which can entrench the Administration. A
Government may involve the country in an
unwise or even mi unjust war; but being in.
Die IVonle w ill stand bv Ibeir CountrV. And
lll"r' fiery the ordeal, nnd tho harder we
'e crowded, the more unflinchingly will the
fighting and the voting masses adhere I the
Country, and to the Administration, rs its
embodiment. In oilier, and more emphatic
.... .i .i. .
words, the people will, in times of wnr, gr
for the Country, ' right or wrong.' And in
fins sense we are of the People. We abhor
Polk. Buchanan, (-'ass, &c. Ac, with R de
testation as cordial as language ran express.
But u e are mol unwilling In give them high
tailing" ground. We cannot consent to see
-..I- . i.. ! . .i i . ..i .i .. i
only obtain thin advantage, when the Whig
parly has )t.,.ri thrown into a false position.
This is an honest confession, that to save
their party thev will continue to send men
and money to Mexico, te butcher those whom
it acknowledges lo be right in defending their
homes, llie war is wrons. hut men must
be sacrificed on the nllar of Whii"cry in or-
I . . pl.. J .
der to get Whins into nnwer. Mexico is
right, but we Whigs must slop saying so,
ami vote for men to he murdered, that our lust
of power may be gratified. It is infamous,
but the Websters, Clays and Sewnrds, will
educate their sons fur human butchery, and
send them to do what Northern Whigs uni
versally acknowledge to be an army invading
a country without cause: in other words, a
robbing, marauding banditti, in order that
they may slay a Mexican, and cover them
selves and Ihe Whig parly with the glory
that is a murderer's reward. Such is the ho
nesty of ihe bigs, as a party, and- if anr
dure he honest, and praclice as he preaches,
Ihe bailers forthwith reprimaud him for speak
ing and acting rightly. Policy must he con
sulted before honesty, and any sacrifice is not
j loo gieat that will elevate a long fasting par-
ty to office. These are the men who, for the
I Rake of party, uphold and become the lead
ers ol ,
"The refuse of society, tbp dregs
Of all that is most vile: Their co!d hearts
blend
All that is mean nnd villainous, with rage
W hich hopelessness of good, and self-contempt.
Alone might kindle. They are decked with
wealth,
Honor, and power, then are sent nhroad
To do their work. The pestilence lhat
stalks
In triumph through some Eastern land,
Is less destroying."
January 1st, 1818. K. W. C.
Ai.aiia.ma. The Mobile correspondent of
,nat 'u,iy recognize as binding, any net of
t,le Federal Government, which has for ils
ohject the prohibition of Slavery in any ter
ritory, to be acquired either by conquest or
treaty, south of tho Missouri Compromise.
The following is also one of a series of reso
lutions :
llesolvcd. That this assembly regard the
act of Pennsylvania, and other nets of liko
character, passed by non-slaveliolding Stales,
as palpable violations of the Constitution,
and as dangerous in their consequences as
the Wilmot Proviso; and that we should re
gard any compromise or settlement of the
latter, without effectually pulling down the
former, and expunging them from the Statute
Hooks, as a most unsale and dangerous ler-
mination of Ihe question for tho slavebolding
OIUICS.
Senator Dickinson's Resolutions.
' er to create slavery, whether if free territory
, be admitted, slaves can exist upon it, have
j ever been considered by Senator Dickinson
1 of New York. We must conclude they have
not. It is evident, indeed, from his resolu
es : lions, that he has not bestowed upon them
a serious thought. Yet at the very time, al
thcir ( most, that he was laboring to" convince'tlie
South, and llie country, that slavery mav ba
We regret that these resolutions were of
fered by any Senator, but more especially
that they were offered by a Senator Irom a
free Stale.
Party, in its stern demands, requires base
services, olien, of its devotees; but never can
il demand, in its worst form, the sacrifice of
human liberty, or the hope on which lhat li
berty rcsis.
There is no public man, so ignorant, or so
besotted with venality, who does not know,
" ' mui
i .,i !,.. ir.......l ...;i. i
fri,iu r ,,.;, ,. ........
j is, for frce-Siate-men, lo propose some tdar!
r... .i... . c i i. i.
ii'i uiu cj:itosiuii ui slavery. Jl is ail a nH8'
take to suppose, that the far South the plant
ing Stales do not desire this. Tiny do.
Whether right, or wrong, lhey are anxious
for ii not that it may increase their political
power (though this consideration has a w ide
inlluence,) but chiefly, that they may have a
place, or country, into which to send their
surplus slave population. The only effect,
therefore, any proposition, which looks lo an
; rxU.,lsjon of slavery, can have, is, to weaken
,he t.m:,ncip!i tton cause in the border Stains
and sirerghen slavery in the Union. If Sen
ator Dickinson covets this honor, he has it.
He has done all in bis power, at least, to en
sure it.
It is almost wrong in us to suppose, that
Iho questions, whether Congress has iIir I1AU'.
r.vrmni, nuig ouuiiicin meiiwere laborin
to convince the South and the country, thai,
under Ihe law, no such extension could ba
made. His resolutions were offered on tha
lllhult. On the 11th of that month an nhlo
writer in the Aio Orleans Delta, one of the
j best of Southern papers, showed that whelh
er the Suih looked to Congress or 'not, one