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THE ANTI-SLAVERY BUGLE
Is published every Friday, at Salem, Colum
bian Co., OA 10, by Ihe Executive Committee
of the Wests Anti-Slavcry Sociktv;
and is the onlv rianer in the Great V est
which advocates secession from pro-slavery
government and pro-slavery church organi
utions. It is edited by Bicrw. S. and J. E
lizabkth Jonss) and while urging upon the
paopla the duty of holding "No union with
Slaveholders." eithor in Church or Slate, as
the only consistent position an aboliiinnist
can occupy, and as the Oral means for the de
struction of slavery ; it will, so far as its lim
its permit, give n history of the daily progress
of the anti-sl ivory canse exhibit the policy
and practice of slaveholders, and by facts mid
arguments endeavor to increase the zeal and
activity of every true lover of Freedom. In
addition to its anti-slavery matter, it will con
tain general news, choice extracts, moral
tales, &c. It is to be hoped that all the friends
of the Western Anti-Slavery Society all the
advocates of the Disunion movement, will do
what they can to aid in the support of the
paper, by extending its circulation. You
who live in the West should sustain the pa
per that is published in your midst. The
llugle is printed on an imperial sheet and is
furnished to subscribers on the following
TERMS.
$1,00 per annum, if paid on, or before the
roceipt of the 1st No.
$1,23 if not paid in advance, but paid wiih
in 3 mos. of the time of subscribing; and
$1,50 if payment bo delayed longer than
3 mos. '
07 So subscription received for less than
six months, ami all payments to he made
within G mos. of the time of subscribing.
Subscriptions for k.i.i than one year to bo paid
invariably in advance.
0O We occasionally send numbers to
those who are not subscribers, but who are
believed to be interested in the dissemination
of anti-slavery truth, with the hope that they
will either subscribe themselves, or u-e their
influence to extend its circulation among their
friends.
frT" Communications intended for inser
tion to be addressed to the Editors. All oth
ers to the Publishing Agent, James Daknabv.
TO SUBSCRIBERS AND AGENTS.
The publishers of the Bugle have been put
to great inconvenience and considerable ex
pense, in consequence of those with whom
they have business transactions neglecting to
bear in mind a few necessary rules and regu
lations which may be thus slated:
I. In sending the name of a new subseri
her or a remittance for an old one, write i
distinctly, and give not only the name of the
rost Olhee, but the name ot the County and
State in which said office is located.
2. When the Post Office address of a pa
per is to be changed, be particular to give the
name of the office from which it is to he chan
ged, as well as the one to which it is to be
sent.
3. According to general usage, subscribers
who do not give express notice to the con
trary, are considered as willing to con'inue
their subscriptions; and those who are in sr
rear s cannot discontinue their paper, except
at the option of the publishers, until all ar
rearages are paid, and if they neglect or re
fuse to take their pipers from the office to
which they are directed, or move to other
places without informing the publishers, and
the paper is sent to the former direction, they
are responsible for payment.
4. The Courts have decided that refusing
to take a newspaper (for which the individ
ual has subscribed) from the office, and re
moving and leaving it uncalled for, is pri
ma facie evidence of intentional fraud.
5. If you wish to discontinue a paper,
first pay all arrearage's, then request the pub
lishers either personally, by letter from your
self, or through your Post Master to have it
stopped.
Speech of Wendell Phillips.
At the late Anniversary of the American A. S.
Society.
Mr. President I hold in my hand the fol
lowing Resolution, which, with your permis
sion, 1 will oiler to the Society, and to which
I will address my remarks :
Resolved, That recognizing as wo do, with
profound gratitude the wonderful progress
our cause has made during the last eighteen
Years, and vet considering the eflort now ma-
king to impress the community with the idea
that the Church in this land can and will
abolish Slavery by its own virtue, and that
the parties are able and willing to grapple
w iih the evil, this Society deems it a duty
reiterate its convictions, that the only exodus
for the slave out of his house of bondage
over the ruins of the present American Church,
and the present American Union!
(The resolution was received with loud ap
plause, accompanied with hisses from the re
mote part of the house. At the request of
gentleman below the platform, it was read
again.)
That Resolution asserts but very little,
anything, more than has been uttered by the
previous speakers. You will not find me
differing, scarcely a hair's breadth if at all,
from the sentiments to which you have lis
tened, with such profound respect and atten
tion, for the last hour and a half. There has
been a response from the bottom of my heart
to every expression of gratitude and apprecia
tion of the wonderful progress of the Anti
Slavery cause during the last eighteen years.
I know that if we should have prophesied ten
years ago, that the labors of the few men and
women, pledged to the enterprise, would
blessed by benignant Heaven with so large
8 measure of success within the short circle
of so few years, we should have been deem
ed more maniac and fanatical than even we
have been supposed to be, in expecting
much from such ridiculous means. Most ful
ly do I agree with all that has been said ; yet
as I listened to the speakers wilh that delight
which we all felt in the picture which they
presented to us, I remembered that we came
here not only to look in each other's faces,
thank God and take courage, as Paul did
when, journeying to Rome, he met the bre
thren ; but to look over the land, reassure our
selves of the truth of our principles, take
new departure, make a new observation of the
heavens, and see what remains to he accom
plished ; to gather experience from the past,
and lay plans for the future. The abolition
of Slavery, wlten first agitated, seemed
' yxo usion wrm surEiioLbnns."
VOL. 3.X0. 41.
SALEM. OHIO, FRIDAY, JUNE 1C, 1843.
WHOLE NO. 148.
to
is
a
if
be
so
a
an
extremely simple thing a very easy task.
The distinguished leader of the enterprise, io
whom allusion has been made, never dream
ed for a moment of thn mighty obsla;le fin
would find in his path. On the contrary,
with a ready I'nith, which amounted almost
to credulity, he appealed wilh iindoubting
confidence to the Church, to the Si.ae, to par
lies and sects, to rally'around him; he at last
had found a panacea lor the griefs of enslaved
humanity, a pearl of ureal price. But slow-
ly ami sadly he awoke to the conviction th.it
our institutions are an nnuow ; wnen tie
knocked at the door of the Church, emptiness
answered and nothing mure. Gradually did
the conviction force itself upon him lhat Sla
very was not a mere superficial excrescence,
hut, like anoak of a thousand years growth,
had struck its roots through the strata ol a
tftousand customs, reaching the Very funda
mental granite ot the national character and
institutions: that it was to be rooted up only
hv a convulsion thai should re-organize sn
cielv and make its greal interests clash and
jostle against each other like mighty vessels
in a storm. (Applause.) i he Aiioliuonists
from year to year have been more and more.
deeply pursuaded of this truth, and we draw
it not only Irom the conviction 01 our own
minds, hut the strangely frequent defence of
the Union, which comes to us from every po
litical iratheritig, shows how deep the alarm
created by our proposing lo seek the dissolu
tion ot the Union. At the Irish aie lielil
in my own city, (Boston,) by Ihe Congres
sional Committee that brought the remains of
John Qtiincy Adams to Massachusetts, Abbot
Lawrence is said to have observed thai the
Union was stronger on that day than it had
been for fifty years, lie may be right. At
that board was met n strange mixture i the
men who had attempted to censure and lo ex
pel Mr. Adams from the House, were per
mitted to come to Boston and meet with those
who had just been relieved, by his death,
from the hard taflt ot appearing to support
him abroad, wliilo they were undermining
him at home. That day Pilate and Herod
were agreed : and if there be any real union
between a haughty master and u-willing slave,
the link that binds Abhut Lawrence .to the
chariot of John C. Calhoun may have been
heavier that day than ever helore. Daniel
r ehster iroes to Springfield and labors an ar-
oument lor the Whigs on the value of the
Union, and so Congressional debates, and
nartv caucuses, the pulpit and the press,- la
bor on all occasions to extol the value of the
the Union; und like husband and wile, as
affection becins to cease, they reiterate pro
testations ol love and devotion. (Laughter.)
Now Dissolution has been ly no means a
rare word in our history. Why does it cre
ate so much excitement now 1 Disunion is
no rare word on the American page. Why
the very men who launched the Constitution,
and watched it with a feeling made ol two
thirds of doubt, and one of hope, and nothing
of expectation, as a boy launches his shingle
boat on the pond, hardly thought it would
swim. And since that parties in the mad
ness of defeat, have cried out for Dissolution,
when Dissolution was their only hope of suc
cess. Presidential candidates have clamored
for dissolution, knowing that Dissolution
would bring more presidential chairs lhan one,
and sometimes a State has seemed ready lo
shoot madly from its sphere; hut the Aboli
tionist has this marked dillerence: he is the
first who has ever calmly and beforehand an
nounced his purpose to seek the dissolution
of the Union, not in consequence of parly dis
appsintments, bill as the dictate of duly. It
is on this ground, I think, thai you receive,
and the country receives, with sucli alarm
and disapprobation a sentiment purporting
that the anti-slavery world deems the disso
lution of Ihe I'nion a necessary preliminary,
as far as we can judge by the light of experi
ence. I do not know but our country may
falsify all probabilities, and from evil seed
reap a good harvest : but if efl'iels are to fol
low causes ; if the past be part and parcel of
the future, as leading to it, as foreshadowing
its character, the experience of Ihe last half
century does justify the conviction lhat there
is no salvation for the slave but in Disunion.
Their are but two sources of ideas in this
country, but two great institutions that origi
It
so
of
it
nate the governing ideas, the Church and the
Slale; two great forms w hich public convic
lion takes, political and religious organiza
tions. Now I have talked lierelofote, and
our friends have always talked, on the last of
these. It were as hard to exaggerate the pro
slavery tendencies of the American Church,
as to "gild fine gold or paint the lily." It
always reminds rye of Johnson's description
of Shakspeare ' panting lime toiled after
him in vain;" so of the Church " panting
truth toils after it in vain." A Connecticut
clergyman transplanted to Carolina, will sin
through the whole gamut, while the satire of
Swift and Byron united would be put to its
trumps to describe fitly his first nole. It is
not possible, therefore, lor the Abolitionist to
use invective when he attempts to describe
the American Church and its leaning to Sla
very. I always thought Ihe English language
had a broad compass of denunciation ; but
the Anglo Saxon race beat it all hollow in
capacity of sinning.
But I want to examine this point is Sla
very any stronger to-day than fifty years ago!
and if so, what has made it stronger! and if
the Union has made it stronger, is there any
reasonable prospect that we can reverse the
paddle-w heels of the nation, and make them
go counter lo all the past and its present
course ! Now, what was Slavery fifty years
ago 1 True, we had the Tame relative pro
portion of slaves as now, one in six of the
population ; but look at Ihe relative commer
cial value of slave property. They were then
valued at twelve millions of dollars ; now at
twelved hundred millions.
This is Ihe first element of strength in the
commercial nation. Slavery has united itself
to the great governing powers of modern so
ciety. It presents itself not as it did when
the Constitution was framed, a rotten system,
growing less and less in value, but as a migh
ty institution, monopolizing half the wealth
of the land, and overshadowing Ihe other half.
contributes hundreds of millions to the an
nual products of national industry, and is not
much the corner-stone, as the whole foun
dation of our Commerce. This is one source
difference between Slavery in 1789 and in
181$. Then as to its more exclusively poli
tical progress, what is its tone nowl In the
Revolution Slavery was. weak. Remember
was- then spread over the whole thirteen
States,' and remember, also, that although the
wbve has retreated, and now only enters one
half; although all ihe tendencies.of the age
are iu favor of freedom; although the strong
est throne in Europe has gone down in a day
bl'ore the w orking men in Paris, and although
the current sets in favor of freedom, and you
can hardly count the kings us llit-y fly along
the highways, still our accursed system, the
vilest the sun shines on, has been gaining
strength in Ihe citadel; pulltiu.il power in
tiie Government itself. At the time when
the Constitution was formed, where did Sla
very stand I A suppliant at the door of the
Convention on bended knee, confessing her
sins : seekinir toleration, onlv for a lew years
Like Morris, in Rob Boy, she might be said
to heir onlv " life, lil'e if it were to be pro
longed under tortures and privations only
breath if it were to be draw n ill the lowest
dungeons of our hills."
Men had juslcome from articles of confede
ration, which had then been in being for some
live or seven years. Those articles did not
recognize ihe slave population. I hey did
not make it, as our Constitution does, the ba
sis of Government ; the articles ol conledera
tion did not direct the slave once escaped to
be retiKned to his master; he was free under
the old law of Deuteronomy, till, like the Pu
ritans, thev could make a better. But this
supplication of Slavery at the door of the Con
vention was Biiccesslul: she was permitted
to creep in. at the lowest room, a subject ot
shame to Iho nation, not to he named among
Christians. How is it now? Overshadow
ing the land, looming up from every quarter,
sending out diplomatists steeped to Ihe lips
in her principles, taking the very four corners
of the Government and lifting Ihein up at her
pleasure, asserting that the Union was made
to guarantee the institution of .-slavery, inai
the primary purpose of National Government
is a crusade against the world to champion
Ihe sins of South Carolina. A few days la
ter, how stood ihe great men of the Repub
lic 1 That Democratic President, one of
whose slave was among the seventy-seven
who endeavored to escape just now Irom
Washington, James Madison, in the meridian
strength of his intellect, in Ihe Congress of
the United States, endeavoring lo make a
way, if he could find it, by which to ubolish
Slavery from the country. At the door of
Congress, in the fullness of his years, stood
Benjamin Franklin, entreating Iho first Con
gress to go to the very verge of their Consti
tutional power lo put down the system of Sla
very. All over Iho country ihe great men
were pledged lo the same ideas. Wythe and
Jefferson almost saved Virginia. Jay cover
ed NeW York with his angel wings, and
Samuel Adams thundered in Faneuil Hall.
We come down a little later, to 1807. Then
the abolition of the Slave-Trade was deemed
lo be Ihe abolition of Slavery itself. That
was the lesson which Wilberforco and Great
Britain were teaching the world. By Ihe ac
complishment of that. It was thought that
Ihe Union would be sundered from the sys
tem of Slavery ; and as soon as it was possi
ble, in 1807, with a public sentiment almost
unanimous, ihe act of abolishing the Slave
Trade waj passed amid greal national rejoic
ing and a self-glorification, which lias lasted
till our time. We come on a little und be
hold the scene changes, and Slates from Slave
Territories demand admission. Kentucky
and the rest present themselves, and are smug
gled in under iho excuse of being part of
our original territory. Then Louisiana is ad
mitted. Where now are the Wylhes, Ihe Madisons,
Ihe Jefl'ersons, and the greal men of the South
Poor Massachusetts only is found faithful
among Ihe faithless. She stood alone in her
indignant protest against the introduction of
Slave Scales wesl cd" the Mississippi. " If a
slave a rebellious one," as Alpen sings. We
come again down a little later and Arkansas
i and Missouri are admitted ; then public sen-
liment is aroused by the act to the important
subject. It nearly rocks the Union asunder
again with excitement; but by a few voles,
hy ihe influence of one or two men, the sub
ject is put aside. There was sounded Ihe
lealh knell of Ihe American nation; then
Slavery triumphed, by the knowledge gained
there, by the prestige of success. She has
gone on since conquering and to conquer.
Now she stretches out her hand and grasps
all Mexico, announcing that she w ill annex
enough to secure her institutions. Take next
Ihe Texas question. The North rouses her
self again to aciion; arguments long unseen
fill the air again; old mottoes issue from their
hiding-places; the meek, half-awakened
North, thinks she has thrown up a barrier
over which Slavery can never pass. She glo
ries in mighty numbers; iu the 'brave words'
of statesmen. The South like an angered
beast draws growling back, and bides her
lime. "Texas in and we an, out," shouts
the exulting North, and then folds iis arms
to sleep. Watching its opportunity the South
stoops, like a falcon on her prey, and all is
over. Where now are your "Texas in and
we out" men! Get a spaniel and think ol
Webster and Massachusetts, and imagine the
answer.
Allow me to pause a moment, and allude
in this connection to the melancholy occur
rence which happened to Daniel Webster;
the particulars of w hich he has not communi
cated to the nublic till very recently. In Ihe
midst of the Tyler movements, in behalf of
Texas, ho went home to Massachusetts, ue
says, despairing of his country, and anxious
to get up an anti-Texas meeting. So he went
to Massachusetts, and there, either his credit
not being good enough to hire a hall, or his
rnnutation not beinrjr large enough to attract
an audience, ha says he applied lo a laige
number of his political Inends, and' iney
I
I thought it was net necessary or judicium, to
the poor man went down to Marshfleld, and,
suppose, as th clergy say, wept in secret
places," since I never heard of his weeping
before in public on this account. All this
the great leader of the Whig parly relates lo
the Senate in 1813; being what he intenu'tti
to hnve done against the annexation of Texas,
some four or livetyears before. It reminds
mo of tliu story of an old revolutionary sol
dier, who came down lo Boston at the time
Webster was going to declaim over the corner-stone
of Bunker Hill Monument. There
was a Committee appointed lo examine cer
tain persons claiming lo have been present at
the battle, who were to ride in open carriages,
and be the special object of part of the address.
There was one of them who entered Ihe room.
wishing to have a certificate ; and w hen ques
tioned as to his being present at the battle,
he said, " I'll tell you all about it. I got up
very early that morning, nnd.said I. wile,
we'll have an early breakfast; so we sat
down, and then I got my gun out." "Stop,
Sir," said the Chairman, "wejiwish simply
to know whether you were in the battle."
" Let me tell," said he. " We sat down lo
breakfast, and aflerwe had been there awhile,
we got on the subject of the lighting." "But
were you present, thai is nil we wish to
know." " Let me tell. Said I, wile. I am
going down to Charleston." " You shall do
such thing,' said she, and she hid my hat.
I ben you were not Ibere s "No; but I
fully meant to be there." (Laughter.) So
Danie) Webster meant to oppose Iho annexa
tion of Texas by a public meeting, hut some
body hid his hal! We are very much ob
liged to him lor thn information, though it
dunes rather lale in the day.
was alluding to the subject of the progress
ot the political strength of Slavery. Now
you w ill observe that Slavery gains strength,
not only in the slave Slates, hut still more in
the Iree States. Alter Ihe free Stales have
abolished Slavery through inolivcs of econo
my, they stiil retain the virus of pro-slavery
prejudice, which upholds ihe system more
strongly lhan any strenglh of the slave Slates
themselves. Illinois, in her virgin pride, tor
bids colored men to set foot on her soil under
pain of a large fine and imprisonment. Wis
cousin forbids the colored man to vole. Ohio
disgraces herself hy her black law s. Penn
sylvania, thai once permitted 40,000 blacks
lo vote, shuls them otT by her new Constitu
tion, from the hallot-hox. New York stilt
disfranchises them. Connecticut, the little
State lhat exports schoolmasters and wooden
nutmegs, steeped to the lips in orthodox ill
viiitt y, by a large vole refuses Ihe colored
man access to the ballot-boxes. These are
Ihe free Slates of the nation. Now there was
nothing in the nublic sentiment of the day
'fjf the" ReVoIi-tion,' In the Sentiment of any of
the old parties that augured any such result
as tins. Why a mend told me yesterday
that Timothy Pickering, in 1805, moved for
an alteration in the Constitution, to strike out
ihe three-filths slave basis. II you will pass
your eye along the Senato and House docu
ments, you may find a similar motion of Ru
fus King, and those of others, to abolish Sla
very in the District of Columbia. Now a Li
berty party President sits in the Senate of
the United States, and has not yet opened his
mouth on the question of abolishing Slavery
in the District of Columbia. I might go on,
and you may increase ihem for yourselves,
and allude to another aspect, respecting the
great men of the Revolution. Wythe, Jay,
and JelVerson, when he almost forfeiled the
confidence of Virginia, in order to bring for
ward a plan of emancipation, respected the
current sentiment of the revolutionary party.
Where are your Gods, O Israel, now! the
successors of these men their Ami-Slavery
sentiments. Echo answers, where ! W litre
is the proposition on the part of any party, or
anything lhat deserves the name ol party, to
put down Slavery itself! The greal parties
of the country propose nothing more lhan lo
drive Slavery back into its Constitutional lim
its ! The lion has broken out of his cage and
torn his door to pieces, and the purpose of
the keeper is not to provide for him a strong
er cage. Din lo induce nun to reireai into ins
old one. hal is the guarantee thai he will
slay there! that things will be any better for
thu fifty years to come I Have we a belter
man than Jay to lead us against the compro
mises of the Constitution 1 Any honester
men than Wythe, and bolder men than Ells
worth and Rufus King! 1 trow not. Why
iry over again an experiment, tried already
under Ihe best of leaders und best of auspices,
and which has failed! This bringing Sla
very back into Constitutional limits reminds
me of the story of the Arabian Nights. A
fisherman drew from the water a casket on
which was the seal of Solyman. Foolishly
listening to entreaties from within, he broke
the seal, and there came out a genii, who di
lated his proportions till he filled Ihe whole
horizon and reached the heavens; and began
to tluealen the man with vengeance, though
he had been his deliverer. The- story goes
on that the cunning fisherman w iled him buck
by appearing lo doubt whether so monstrous
a being was ever in that casket; lo convince
him of which, the genii again entered, and
the fisherman shut him up again. Slavery
was admitted into an obscure corner of the
Constitutional limits, and I said we broke the
sacred seal of right God had set upon our
hearts; by and by the monster began to ex
pand, it looms up, it covers the horizon ; now
it plants one foot on Wisconsin, and exiles
the colored man, the other on South Caroli
na, and kicks Massachusetts out of Chailes-
ton, in the person of Samuel Hoar strangles
ihe Mexican eagle wilh one hand, and gags
with the other the free Hps of Faneuil Hail.
Seeing all this, foolish politicians say 'wait
a little, and 1 w ill wile her with a cunning
tale wail a little, you shall see her go down
again into the same little chamber whence
she came.' Suppose she should. What
then! Can you keep her there! But be
think you, have you better means to contend
wilh Slavery in time to cttnethan heretofore!
Try it. If you have better men, try them
belter mottoes, try ihem. There is Webster,
the man who goes up and down claiming Ihe
Wilmot Proviso as his thunder, afur pio
a
I
!
claiming in the October Snn ef Ihe Old Do
minion, that the " Constitution has nothing
to do directly or indirectly. Willi Ihe subject
of Slavery." If he did originate Ihe idea
it owes him no practicable development. He
is like a man w iih a patent, who made no use
of his invention and lost it, as Ihe law yers
say, by non-wer, Wehst. r now, at least, has
no claims. He reminds you of a man in the
theatre w ho had invented a method of prcduc
inga rumbling noise for the actor, and when
ever it was successful, stood up and cried out
to bis companions in ihe pit, "that is my
thunder;" exartly so with Webster. But the
malicious world will not believe Daniel, es
pecially ns they see he dares tniirh his own
thunder only when very fir North in a cool
Innate, (ay al ."springfield, by the cool Con-
pi client.) fearful of hnriiinir his finoers.
Did he launch It in the hot sun of Hie Dis
trict, or under the red heat of Calhoun's flash
ing eye!
v.ainnun is nni'ging in tr.e annminsition ot ,
his pro-slavery doelr.nes. lavlor ha. writ-',
ten two letters too much one about the blond ;
hniirirtu nnrl ihp ntlipr u iih hia ftu-nul i.n ,ha I
batlle-fii Ids of Mexico. Clay is beyond re-
deniplion. As for Mr Lane, he conns with
a white shield like the man In the London
riols, when some were writing over their
doors, " no Popery," and others, "no Pro
testantism, he wrote over his door, " no Re-1
ligiun at all." An American politician has!
no chance for success unless he was never!
known before. (Applause.) The hesl you
can say of hini is, he has no principles w hat- j
ever. (Applause.) I
Just imagine, then. Ihe Presidential candi-l
dates coming up like the knights of old, with
their banners. Calhoun has got a biarK flag.
and on it, in red lines, " Slavery now and
forever." The lurid light glareB Irom it, and
ip bears himself bravely below. Then conies
l'aylor, w ith a banner dripping wilh blood,
and no motto it needs none. Clay lowers
like a blight over Kenti cky. w iih these lines
borrowed from Queen Elizabeth's answer lo
the Catholics,
" What the Convention make it
That I believe and take ii."
Mc Lane has a white flag of silk, and on it.
"No principles, suit yourselves." John P.
Hale shews a man attempting to stand on
two stools, and for a motto, his answer to
Foote when charged wilh approving of the
aciion of Captain Sayres. "Thou canst not
say that I did it."
Truly, No. No man ever stood on two
stools. There was a tune when sons of South
Carolina went like Olmutz, and Huger, and
Bollman, to risk their lives in saving Fay
ette Irom the grasp of a tyrant. Did South
Carolina approve then! Now ihey nsk of
' Hale what he thinks of this net of Captain
Sayrps, and he says, " thou canst not say that
I did it."
Polk's banner is pictured with three wo
men, sold at auction for the benefit of the
United Stales Treasury, and the legend,
"these are my trophies." But I have only
named five, there is a sixth. Webster comes
from New England with his banner, like a
true Yankee, insciibed on both sides, for shall
not all customers be suited! One side is
Inwards New England, and its design, like
our old New England almanac, is calculated
" for thn meridian of Boston, but will do for
the neighboring States." (Laughter.) his
a man running alter tiie Wilmot Proviso, and
saying, that's my thunder." On the other
side is an autumn scene; with the beautiful
and sunlit Capitol of Richmond in the back
ground, and over It the date " 1810, before
it stands ihe " God-like" Daniel, and floating
from his lips is the motto, " Go home to your
friends, and spread il broadcast hy press and
speech, lhat Daniel Webster, in the October's
sun, of the Old Dominion, before the Capitol
at Richmond, proclaimed his belief, thai Ihe
Federal Government has no power, direct or
indirect, nver Ihe subject of Slavery." And
Daniel would get on very well, but thai, In
borrow a Jack Downing word, our coast
wiuas are "caniariKerons, ana w in heep lurn-
inir ihe banner ihe wromr wav
These be ihy Gods, O, Israel." These
are the men thai are to save us; if political
machinery con save ns. I hese are the men
lhat represent the political idea of the times.
Do not imagine that Anti-Slavery has any
hatred towards these. 1 am not using invec
tive when speaking thus of these men. When
you look up at the vane you do not feel an
gry wilh ii, though the wind be East. So
with these men. 1 am sorry for ihe pro-slavery
cause to which i hey bow. They are hut
siraws on the current, and I dwell upon them
by name, simply because men cannot rereive
truth except when it links itself tn individu
als. God never reforms men w ith abstract
ideas. The philosopher and student digs up
ihe lowest strata a new idea, and links
it wilh his fibres and life blood, and grows
strong in the hope that it w ill some day be
the idea of the community. He casts it out
broad-cast, and thoughtful men like liimsell
gather rich fruit from it. But the people do
not reach ideas so. Ii is when some Luthei
smites with his battle-axe the triple crown,
that the people apprehend the principle sym
bolized in the struggle, help the defender,
und become sharers in his mighty idea. If,
therefore, I would make this people appre
hend the great truths of Anti-Slavery, 1 must
deal with the leaders of parlies, not in the
spirit of anger, not in the spirit of insult, not
because the individual is not as good as any
of the party he represents.
It is lime for me to close. I know there
are other men who can interest you far better
than myself. (Cries of " Go on.") I do not
forget the devotion of Palfrey, the boldness
ol Giddings. John P. Hale, when cut loose
from the ridiculous political balloon which
tills him into the Presidential current, and
set on his own feet in the Senate, is an hon
est and brave man. ((ireal applause.) Ire
cognize ta services they can dolo the cause of
liberty, but always when 1 ihinK ol Ihem,
think of them as of the man in ihe fable in
chains, and compelled to fight for his liberty
Il is Giddings with his hands chained behind,
Palfrey with his foot entangled in the network
of that rotrusnt with desth he has swotn
support. On the other tide tower Ctlhoan,
armed with his battle-axe, nerved whh the
hope of saving his own plantation. And how -unequal
is the rontest. (Applause.
The Southerner gels op and say to Mr.
Hale, "doynu approve the act of Captain
Say re !" Did he say. " My mother told me
of a Wallace I have heard of a William
Tell I South Csrolina one produced 8 Ma
rion, and it was somewhere here Henry wit
horn, with his cry of "Give me Liberty, or
give me death." Did he point In France,
and say, ' why do you glory in the blouses,
and ihrn forget Ihe heroes at home V No.
He snys. " I have never counselled, nor aid
cd in any woy, and never shall counsel or
aid in any encroachment on Ihe compromise!
r.f th American Constiiulion." He respect
ihe laws of ihe District! He knew there
was a law above nil these; there wae eeil
more sacred than thai of Solyman it wa
spl on a casket more precious than lhat of the
Arabian lale. He knew Ihe ears of the world
were waiting his answers. How like ice
have they fallen on the beating hearts of those
who Judged of him hy the foolish wishee of
party that seeks lo skulk out of existence
under Ihe shadow of trie nsme. They went
onto question him ' Do you believe, Mr.
Hale, that any man tn the District has pro
perty in his fellow-man." "1 never said I
did not believe it," says the representative of
the political Anti-Slavery party. "Do you
tipprove."' gays one, "of ihe art of Captain
Say real" " I never said I did," was Ihe re
ply. (Cries ol Shame.") What could he
have said else! Men, who go lo ihe ballot-
hexes next full in New ork.w tiat could yen
say less! How dare you lift tn God a pure
.. ... j i .:n ., .. ,u n..,i
, (,j(1;an(1 ,,,,. " llim
..-: c . ', ..
. r . . .... '
must give in hisplaee! l" you plant the vine,
you must expect the frnit; if you eat aour
grapes your teeth w ill be set on edge. There
is not n man of you who has a right lo throw
a stone at John P. Hale : he said just whnt
ho ought lo have said, unless he were hound
us I think, and ready as he ought to be. to
refuse an oath in support of ihe Constitution.
I take him only us the Spartans took the
drunkard and placed him before their children,
lor a warning, Deis the likenesa of your
selves; then ask yourselves are you ready
to go and do likewise. So with Giddings.
These are d liferent men from those of the
past, and better men. Why Ihe old represen
tatives always reminded me of the story of
the Sicilian slaves, who, when their master
were all absent in haute, revolted, and took
their stand, in arms, outside of the town.
Their masters returned, and when they found
it was only their slaves, sheathed their swords
and displayed their slave-whips. At the
sight of this well-known instrument they
struck immediately. Calhoun did not need
his battle-axe. The South came wilh their
slave whips, and the w hiteslaves of the North
recognized the legitimate symbol of authori
ty, and bowed their knees at once. (Ap
plause.) But, thank God, it was discovered
one day, that one Joshua Giddings had a back
bone, and men began to conclude Abbe Ray
rial w as wrong the race had not degenerated
on this side the water.
We are told to trust the Constitnlion the
Statesmen of the nation one error may ha
mended we do not think our distinguished
men in be worse than all the world. Daniel
Webster was as sound a man when he slatt
ed as James Madison, as Luther Martin, or
Governor Morris, but he was thrown into the
maelstrom of political temptation, and like
the sailor carried over Ihe waterfall, dumb !
(Applause.) Clay, you recollect, was told
by one of his constituents, " Harry, I've vo
ted for you for years but never shall again
alter such a vole." "Have you a rifle!"
said Clay. "The best one in all Kenluck."
" Did it ever miss fire !" asked Clay. "Sure
enough." "What did you do, throw it
away!" "No, indeed pick the flint and
try it again," cried the hunter. "Try mi
again," was Clay's reply und you know hie
magic w it was successful. But we are asked
lo keep picking the flints of rifles that have
aiway missed !
Slavery has swelled from, in fifty years,
700,000 lo 3.000,000. She emasculates our
literature, stains the ermine of justice, ren
ders the wealth of the land her vassal, poi
sons the communion cup, prostrates the influ
ence of the nation to her purposes, laughs at
political parties, makes ready use of religious
sects. Can either sect or party shew a cause
lo expect a change ! If a tree has borne fig
will it begin to bear grapes! I irow not. I
I know the power of Ibis sentiment to which
my friend Parker has alluded, but 1 know
tins, also, tlial ihe way in which truth makee
"y agama, uiginuiiuna uiuiuupnij mi
rupl, is not to bow at their feel " wilh baled
breath and whispered humbleness," and cry
we are very moderate men; "O King, live
lurever ; thou hast but cast us into a fiery fur
nace and a lion's den." This was not Lu
ther's tone, or Fox's. Il is not before such
timid or -uncertain trumpets lhat the walls of
cities fall dow n, or evils blanch away. I be
lieve in the hopeful picture our friend haa so
eloquently depicted. 1 know God did not
bring noble men here and give them this no
ble heritage, lhat our coasts should be strowa
with Ihe w recks of human hopes. Liberty
is not iu die here. God never scooped the
valley of the Mississippi for her grave, nor
formed ihe thunders ol Niagara lor her requi-
; em. I his people should be the standard
from j bearer in ihe hopes of humanity. They will
i be made so only by the progress of Ihe Anll-
'
I
to
Slavery sentiment, trampling on a corrupt
l liurch and replace it by a purer expression
of a true religious sentiment.
A man fancies that at whatever coat, he
must go up and be a citizen, even if he sacri
fice lo idols, lo gain permission to touch 8
ballot. As Andrew Fairservice said, if you
put a pudding on one side of hell and in Eng
lishman on the other, he will spring lor it.
So wilh an American, if you put him on one
side of the crater and a ballot on the other,
he will risk all to get it. He thinks God
sent him into the world to vole, and before
He made him a man. He made him a citizen,
taking into account what he should do at
twenty-one. Forgetting lhat the highest ex
pediency is the highest right, he dreams he
shall lose influence if he slick close to hon
esty. Il ia no proof of faith to trust a great prin
ciple when its good results spring up at your
very feel; bul when it is done in darkness,
w hen the principle seem to the world to be
folly, and leads only into clouds, then faith
folds her arms in sublime trust, and reeling
on the bosom of infinite w isdom, rests tecure
lhat when He laid the foundation of the earth.
He taw to it, that justice should be always
expedient. (Applause.) Therefore, when
the Aiiieiican is called to eunder himself from
Ihe Constitution, tear himtelf fi'oni the

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