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ANTI-SLAVERY BUGLE, SALEM, O.
ity moro like pandemonium lhan like a '; abode for man. This results in a ! P m UJ"l, rA ' : great measure irom mo ' ches here, including the cniliolic, and a mong ihom all you can bo favored about as oiien wiih a good practical sermon, as vou can with n rcvulation direct from Heaven. The churches nro ull well ul .n,W. nnd the minister always can tell i !.!. ,i..l r tvf... ?u wiiou .i:.wu what in tne times 01 wouii; now u the people were in thoso days, how the ark was built, how long it rested upon tlio mountain, whether tho dove that flow from the window was white or blue, whether the apostles were sprinkled or Immersed, whether they believed in open , ' . i . i or close communion, whether they bo- lieved in tho "perseverance of tho Saints, or falling from grace; in short, they can talk and preuch or read their prosy ser- about everybody and everything except thoir own hearers, nnd the things;"0' ,W mnesra thn nresent wclwnre of so - ciotv and tho church. From such a mitv Istry, may heaven preserve the world. The practice is not found in its theology, and this old crazy world of ours, may roll on with a continual increasing veloc ity toward perdition, unheeded and tin cared for. Creeds, doctrines, church . government and orthidoxy ! Good top ics to bo sure in their several places, but too often substituted for tho plain practic al precepts of the Gospel. There is hero, os elsewhere, (and perhaps a littlo more so) any quantity of speculation on religious subjects, but very littlo of that poitited apostolic preaching which re bukes tin everywhere, whether in the heart of the prince or the beggar, which comes down to the every day acts and af fairs of men. which huniblv, yet boldly nnd explicitly declares. "THOU ART THE MAN ;" 1 am talking to you, sir, not to the antediluvians. ; ; E. L. S. The Country. The succession of startling events which have been passing before the gaze of the world on tho European continent, is almost enoucli to make one force! the petty villanies, were it not for their far-reaching issues, of onr own land. It is a curious spectacle that the two siJes of the Atlantic have presented In Km rope we have seen Nations uprising like' Titans, and shaking themselves loose from the mountain-loads of old tyrannies which have crushed them for ages. The crash of thrones, the down-toppling of crowns, the confusion of principalities and powers, ail show that die Old tilings are passing away, and that all things are becoming New. i The ideas for which these things have stood have gradually changed, and the signs will l'he substance is al- soon be seen no more, tered, and tho shadow which it projects must be renewed. 1 lie Want is tell, and the sup ply will, of necessity, offer itself. The gross, palpable forms of European despo tism forced themselves upon the daily life ond hourly experience of the Nations, and tliey will endure them no longer. The pow er which controlled their destinies and regu lated their lives was forever by their side and before their eyes, lis obtrusiveness made it more hateful than even its tyranny. In America, on the other hand, we are in that by-gone singe cl the European mind when the people worshipped the idols to which they wcro sacrificed. Time was when kings and kaisers, princes and nobles, were sincerely reverenced as the sources whence the prosperity which tho people won for themselves beneficently flowed. Whatever hard-earned wealih, or safely for persons or , poods, they enjoyed, they gave the glory of! nil to their Institutions, and not to themselves. ! They are now beginning lo discern that what ever modicum of social or political blessings they had, was in spite, and, not because, of the rulers they had sot up, or permitted to rule over them. And so "the Divine Right of Kings to govern wrong began to be ques tioned, and at last denied and set at defiance. Bui hero we are still in tho mood of bowing rtnu'n lift lorn the imnire we ourselves have!.., set tip. Our priests - . . and rubra aro Irvintr I -ven to Persuade us that it was not us. but ' God himself, that ordained it. And we ere . . .... . . ;. a.i .... content to purchase such sort of prosperity and security as we have, by the burnt-offering of every sixth man in the country. Not seeinir (hat our own most precious moral ijuaUiies and political riphu are consumed as necessary materials in this sacrifice of our brethten. We have not yet, as a people, be gan to discover that it is not to our Institu- ..1 Otnati I iitit.n nnd nur TTninn In which we owe whatever good we have; but i that these stand directly between the sun of our hisheet (and our lowest) prosperity and us. The preitigt still existj for ua. The pervading despotic principle is more skilful ly ki j't out of view. We are allowed the forms of choice, and the name of power, and aie permitted to register the edicts of our Sovereign. We plume ourselves, in this country, on the priority in point of lime of our Revolu tion, and put down all that have followed it us the effects of which ours was the cause. It mnv, or may not, have hastened those events; but it could not have created them. Thev existed and exist because God has made men as they are, and because the arti ficial surroundings ot men must, ot necessity, be moulded and directed by the men tliein selves. And this remodelling and new di rection is wnai we can nu uiuuiii. men . .1.- 1AJ I.Diiinli... am ll.n l?-.ii.i..nt call lievoluilon. iW mo in" .u.. .......... . .u ......... .... And Revolutions are as inevitable as grow 1 1, olf his childish attire when he grows into a man, and the man will fain change lie fashion of his garments at the prompting of conve nience or of w him. The true wimloni is to nirhtin ind iirHL thn ever-buKV rniiwla of meu to that which is absurd or mischievous in tUrir present social habits, end persuade them when they change, to change lor the (.allMV better, Whether our Revolution was the example of others or not, other Revolutions may at least take warning by the event nf ours. We eould not endure idie cepirof King George, or. the supremacy of the British Parliament, and having shaken tliem olf, we delivered oureolves up, bouud hanJ and foot, and by to i ' j 1 1 yet show those who arc seeking for that Phi mons losopher'a (or Politician's) Slone, that it does consist in the abnegation of Crowns or bonds of our own wearing, Into ih hands of ...ho ? I.ine, VV. .purned Aristocracy of English Acres, and then i Aristocracy of "cogn xed Bnd bai'' P h American r lesti and blood. rower resting on Die ownership of Land we abhorred. Power based on the ownership of Human Beings we acknowledged and submitted to. And ever since, and now more lhan ever, we have seen in our National character, tho vas- ? na 8prls 01 that abominable Oligarchy halever tlerrree of safety or success we ,. have in some of the subordinate divi ,, of (. coun,r in B,itQ, anj ot because, of the Covenant which has made us one with the tyrants. From the beginning jits uniform tendency has been to endanger 'the one and lo disturb the oilier ; while the ,;d1elerinra,ion of our national morals, and the .otir national character, have followed our euilly consenting as the night ,he day a true Republic the world has neTer ye, seeni Tn!1, probPII, gli;; ,ernains i0 be worked out. And our experience may "'." P"'ion ol lines; but that all the real ities can subsist under all the forms of Free dom. The World, with all its material Civ ilization, is but spproachinir the point of ad vancement which is essential to the Advent nf flimh narfonf l.litif fhrmwrh mnph Imore toil and suffering and blood must the Race endure, before it can achieve this lnng deferred Hope of the Ages. But (he Faith of the best spirits of all Ages, heralded by prophetic human hearts in oil time, and seal ed wilh the blood of martyrs ever since the world began, shall 'yet be justified and crown ed with fruition. Seventeenth Annual Report oj nit mum. Jt. a. Society. Ohio Legislature. Senate. Feb. 5, 1849. Mr. Archbold, from the Judiciary coin mitteo, reported back House bill to nil- ihorizo tho establishment of scnaraie schools for tho education of colored chil dren, and for oilier purposes, w ith n mendmonis to come in after the word "repealed," in 9th lino of 6ih section : "Except tho act of the 9ih of February, 1831, relating to Juries, and the net of March 14, 1831, for relief of the poor." Tho question being on the amend ment, Mr. Archbold demanded tho vcas and nnys yeas 25, nays 9. A desultory debate followed thn (ion for ordering tho bill to a (bird read jjmr. Mr. Dimmock was opposed to the bill as it now stood. As originally intro duced no should liave voted for it. He considered it as a only. temporary expedient Mr. Blake said ho was opposed to any amendment to this bill thnt will mk distinction on account of color; and con sequently he was opposed to the amend- ment ""'"'"ed by the Judiciary com mitteo. He believed the nesro to belono- the great family of man, and an such was rnnuca 10 an ine rights of man; and he would not, by any vote of his, recognize n system of class legislation, ...1 I , t . wiiun woum deprive any Portion ofmnn. kmd of rights which nature and nature's God has invested them with. He stood upon the platform which declared that 'God has made of one Hood all nations or men; nnd tlioro he should stand. lie regarded it of infinitely moro impor tance, than any "platform" which hu man wisdom can devise. Mr. Dimmock enquired what good the hill as amended Would accomplish. Mr. Archbold in reply, asked if noth ing was accomplished by removing the most objectionable restrictions, and cited a case oi a Known scoundrel escaping from tho incompetency of a colored wit" ness. Mr. Backus thought tlio gentleman from Holmes labored under somo delu sion in this matter. Did the rrentloman jsupposo me nouse bill n perfect ono J lit was a mere bill nf cTf;.., Look v.. ij,ioiuiia iui sennets- i i . . i uu ... property. i "o iiueny was conceded lor t in h neks to tax themselves but the whole power was vested in three persons, who had the entire disposition of the whole matter in excluding them from tho common schools, or giving them any educational privileges nt all. Mr. Swift enquired if die Senator from Cuyahoga did not vote on Saturday to exclude colored children from common schools ! Mr. Back us. No such question wns token. Mr. Swift. lie so understood it. Mr. Unckus. It cannot bo found on tlio record Mr. B. then proceeded ut some lennth to discuss the lending features of the bill as received from iho House, and pointed out what appeared to him to be most ob jectionable. Ho should have voted for it imperfect as it was, but as amended it certainly was more entitled to the con sideratton oi every gentleman on this floor. Alter somo further remarks by Mr Whitman and Mr. Wilson, the nuostion on orucring it to a lliird reading was pas ..II . V I SC(, (,y 0 volc ,,, uvos 2 noes 12. j no uiii was men engrossed at desk and passed. Ayes 23, Noes 11, (he House of Representatives. Feb. 6th, 1849. House bill for the repeal of the black laws came back from the Senate with a- uiendmenis, excepting from the General I; l . . 15 . repealing clause, the jury act, and tho poor laws. Mr. Smith of Madison, moved tho ref erence ol the bill and amendments to tho Judiciary committee. Mr. Smith of Brown, opposed the ref erence, Mr. Chaffee should vote against tho a- mendments that bill In its original shape suited him, and he wished to vote now. Mr. Pugh was opposed to tho amend ments; but he was fearful that If the bill was sent back to tho Senate, it would be destroyed (here. lie should therefore feel called upon to vo(e for (ho amend ments. Mr. McClure also thought iho amend ments wrong; but like the gentleman from Hamilton, ha had fears of ihe ex periment of sending the bill back to the Senate. Mr. Olds spoke at some length in fa vor of the Senato amendments. Ho did not tigree wiih the gentleman from Ham? ilton, nnd the gentleman from Ashtabula, thut the bill as it passed the House, would exclude ulacKs ntul mulattoes from sorv ing as Jurors. Thut bill swept away cv ery distinction on account of color, ex cent that which is found in iho consiiiu lion. It not only brushed ofT, as a mere cobweb, what have been commonly cal- nA llln Illlir U- I.nvu. " I,... :. every nook and corner of statuto law in tho biaic, and ferreted out everything, everytcnere mat made any distinction be twecn tho races, nnd wiped it nil out. Without tho Senato amendment, this class of persons can bo placed on your juries, because there is noriiinir in the constitution defining the qualifications of jurors. Lsy statute they must be "judi cious persons having (ho qualifications,' and you find in (ho constitution that dec tors must bo "tohile male inhabitants;" this statute tnereloro creates a snecial disability against the black man, by say ing ihat a juror must have the qualifica tions of an elector, nnd it is consequent ly repealed by the express terms of the bill. 1 lie henate ha done well in pla cing somo little limit to this act. Thev have discovered that besides repeal iiv the "Black Laws" so called, we have made a change in the jury law nnd the "poor laws" can any gentleman now say how much farther this act reaches; or rather, where it does not reach ? We have had statute piled upon statuto year after year, for the last forty-six years. conflicting and discrcpent often to such a degree that even good lawyers cannot always tell what the law is. In how ma ny of these statutes, and upon how many subjects may there be some little, unob served distinction on account of color ? Can any gentleman hero now tell ? Whatever they arc, and wherever thev ' are, excepting in tho constitution," they are all wiped out. By the constitution a black man cannot vote, but can ho not be voted for? For Justices of the Peace, and Judges of our Courts, the constitu tion gives no qualifications that would prevent his election. Can he not ho e lected Governor and member of the Leg islature ? Ho recollected nothing in tho constitution requiring a candidate for of- lice to be a citizen of die State, except in regard to county officers, whero he must be "a citizen and inhabitant of ftiS'coun- ty." Mr. McClure inquired if the Constitu tion did not require that the representa tive should bo a citizen of the tailed Slates ? Mr. Olds replied that it did. The langungo is, "a citizen of (ho United States, and nn inhabitant of this Stale." But he did not recollect (ha( the consti tution of tiio United States defined what should constitute citizenship. Tho only provision on that subject, as far as ho re membered, was, "The citizens of each State shall bo entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in iho several Slates." In somo of tho Slates, as the gentleman was aware, black men were citizens, and had the right of suffrage, nnd by the samo token, could they not come hero nnd vote, as well as be voted for 1 Suppose, said Mr. Olds, that this bill had passed last year, nnd die citizens of my county had sent up n respectable black, man ns their Representative ; for there aro rospectablo black men thero, who would bo moro likely to be disgra ced, than to disgrace tiiis hodv, by hold ing a seat here. W ould gentlemen dare to excludu him under our consiiiuiinn and with ull the disabilities of statutes re pealed ( Sir. Siuiih of Brown, cnouired of Mr. Olds if black men could bo vo:cd for. why could they not voto T Mr. Olds. If ihe gentleman's constit uents, in compliment to him for his voto on this bill the other day, should see proper to put a black man in the field a gainst him next summer, 1 assure tho gentleman ui much us I esteem him, thai I should not go on a special mission to Brown cotiuiy to explain (otho COO blacks the ro why they could not vote for one of their own color to represent ihut coun ty. But, Mr. Speaker, to treat this subject with becoming gravity, I regard these a- mendments of the Senate us important. And 1 believe wo should have done bet ter to have put some other limitations up on ihis uci. With a few such limitations 1 should have been able to vote for the bill tho other day. Put I regard It as ex tremely unwise lo work those radical, sweeping reforms, in society at a single dash. A proper regard for tho interests nnd wolfuro of (he black man himself should have prevented it. Cull it a pre judice, wrong feeling, perverted taste, or what you will, (ho fact still exists, thn( (here is an invincible repugnance in the great mass of tho people of this Slate a gains( bringing il,0 black population at onco to u social and civil equality with tho whiles. There is great danger that by this sudden and unexoe.cte.1 l?r0L.rr I down of ajmosi every barrier between the raco, you will produco such a reaction in iho public sentiment as will speedily place on yonr statute . book laws more strin gent, moro unequal, moro unjust lhan theso which you have now swept a way. I must confess, sir, that In the long ag itation of this subject, mv sympathies have always been with the 'black man. So far as my own feelings are concerned, 1 could cheerfully Imparl to him full re lief from the operation of, what has born commonly known as (he "Bhir k Laws." But my sense of tho duty which the rep resentative owes to his constituency, whose sentiments on this subject are well known, would Impel me to permit (heir voico (o bo heard rather than mine. And my senso of justice toward the black man himself, would impel mo to refrain from that hasty and inconsiderate action on his behalf, which is almost certain to re coil upon him and sink him jn deeper degradation. . Mr. Pugh thought the original hill did not give to the colored man the right to sit on a jury, as the jury act provides that none but electors shall bo selected as ju rymen. Mr. Olds remarked that the gentleman did not fully hit iho point. Tho consti tution defines what shall bo tho qualifi cations of an elector, while a statutory law defines what shall bo the qualifica tions of a juror; and hence a general re pealing clause, while it would not touch the elector, does repeal any part of the jury net which mukes u di junction on ac count of color. Mr. Pugh yet contended that tho a mendmcnt to the bill w;is unnecessary, as without it u colored man cuuld not sit on ajury. Mr. O'.ds enquired of Mr. Pugh, whether- a statute giving thn black man n right expressly to sit as n juror would ba con stitutional I Mr. Pugh sai l, certainly ii would. Then said Mr. Oids, you yield tho whole question. llemnrkitig upon tho other amendment, Mr. Pugh said, robbing tho blacks of tho benefits of the poor huvs, he looked upon as harsh, and he regretted it had been made by the Senate. Ho could hardly bring himself lo voto for it. The motion to refer to tlio Judiciary committee wns then lost. Tho question then being on ihe first amendment of the Senate, relative to tlio jury law, it was agreed to yeas CO, nays 5. . The question was then taken on the amendment reserving from tho repealing clause the poor laws, and it was agreed to yeas SO, nays 14. COMMUNICATED. Petitions! Petitions! Abolitionists of Ohio! there's business on ' hand. The Legislature is in session. True, it is not our Legislature ; we did not help create it ; we did not voto to send its mem bers we could not pay the price ! We could not swear allegianco to the slavery of fifteen other Stales, for the sorry privilege of choos ing men to do business fur us in our own. . But for all (hat, they are chosen, and are ready, or profess lo be, to do Iho business. But they will not do our business, nor that which ought to be theirs, unless we ask them to. They will not oven know that it i theirs, till we tell them. The idea will not so much as enter their minds. They will lliink of canals, railroads, turnpikes, ami banks, and understand that they have some thing to do about them. They will think of ten thousand little lhing, ol almost no con sequence, and feel that they must all be at tended to. But the most impurtunt business that can devolve on them, that which is real ly and emphatically the business of the Ses sion, that which will be, till it is done, the bu siness of every St&sion Jui ycurs to cowic the calling of a Convention of the people of Ohio, to secede from tiio Union this, why, not one of the members would ever Jrcam of such a thing ! Yes, the calling of tuch a convention, till it is done, is the only business of the legis lature! It infinitely transcends in impor tance it absolutely swallows up all olher business that can come before it. Talk of banks, and city charters, and the incorpora tion pf some Society to build a meeting house, or something of the kind when the 2,000, 000 of inhabitants of Ohio are at the very game moment pledging their faith to march down to the south and suppress a servile in surrection at the point of the bayonet! Talk of digging a paltry ditch, or grading a ro;id, when the people of the State are giving the miserable hucksters in human flesh votes for their slaves! They art doing it! Con stitutional, or unconstitutional, they are (luing it, and they know it! Talk of the peniten tiary, and the institutions for the blind and the insane, and the interest of the state debt, and all -such matters when chains gall the limbs of 3,000,000 of our brothers, and Ohio is in league with the monsters who rivot them! Talk of amending our own Consti tution, while the whole people are going up every year in solid phalanx, lo swear their support to the slavery-steeped United Slates Constitution! Out upon all this senseless cant! Shame on Ihe brazen mockery ! Why the United States Constitution, is as really a ue constitution, as any of the constitu tions of the tlaot Statu themtelvcs ! It ac tually creates slavery ! And none of the constitutions of those States do, or can do, anything more. They only allow Ihe peo ple of those states to hold slaves and then re ward them fordoing it. And that is precise ly what the United Stales Constitution does, ll says lo the slaveholders of the South " you may hold slaves as long as you please, and the North shall give you votes for doing, it." And in this way it actually crtalet slave- ' ry. By this reward it tempts men to became ' slaveholders, and slaveholders to become ' greater slaveholders. Therefore, by this temptation, lhat constitution has actually re- ' duced hundreds of thousands of men lo slave- ' ry who otherwise would have been free. And yet the people of Ohio' will talk of a- ; mending their own Constitution, to benefit themselves, while at the very same moment, ' by swearing their allegiance to this one, and 1 paying the infernal bribe it oilers, they are as really enslaving these hundreds of thou- I sands of men as if they wielded the cowskin over their naked backs, with their own hamU; out upon such hypocrisy! I Yes, let Ohio cease busying herself ever- ' lastingly about such infinitely little things as banks, taiifHs, and corporations about the breeches pocket, nnd go lo wo:k in right good earnest to redeem her slaves ! Let her take back Iho bribe. Let her come out from the slave-league. Let her cut loose from the Union ! 'Tis her duty to do it, her first, her greatest, ond till done, her only duty. Till she does thi; every lliinsr ese that she does is ! sin, nnd nothing but bin. Till she does this, ' (iod will accept humanity will accept, of nothing else that 6ho may do, however good in itself, as right at all. Even the repeal of her own vile black laws, though that is a duty, and one more mighty than any oneshe has ever performed since the day she became a state, and one too, the non-performanco of hich np lo this time, granting they should be ahnlished lo-niorrow, will be sufficient lo consign her name lo infamy for long genera tions even tho repeal of thust laws, m no duty till Ihe nth:r it June. And it will not bo accepted before. (Jod shall account the very repeal a sin lo the people of the state, seeing ihe lying hypocrites but make it a cloak for still continuing to commit that oth er and far more diabolical criir.e of enslaving thousands of his children a crime compared with which these black laws bleach into in nocence. It is the business and duty of Ohio, then, to walk out of Ihe Union, and therefore it is the liusinees and duty of Iho legislature to call a Convention for dr ing it. It is its first business, it is its highest duty. The very next motion made upon cither of those floors, should be a motion for this convention. And yet the members don't know it; they have not even thought of it. Abolitionists of Ohio! it is your business to tell them of it, and to ask them to lake instantaneous action on the subject. It is your business to peti tion them to call such a convention. And it is your business, not only to sign petitions, praying for Ihis convention yourselves, but also to circulate them among your neighbors, and ask them to sign too, multitudes who are not disunionists are willing to do so. Try then and see. Copy the following petition on a paper, wiih a line to separate the names of legal voters rom those of the women and minors, and circulate it through your neigh borhoods, obtaining the signatures of all you can over the age of fifteen, and then indorse it to some member of the legislature, whom you may know, or to somo Tree Soiler, with the request that he will present it to the house of w hich he is a member, as soon as practicable. To the General Assembly of the State of Ohio, in Senate aifd House of Representa tives, convened : The undersigned legal voters and others, over the age of fifteen years, residents in the township of , in the County of , in tho State of Ohio, earnestly pray your honorable body to call a Convention of the people, to consult meamres for effecting a speedy and peacable secession of this State from the Union, for some or all of the follow ing reasons : 1. IS.'Chho the connection of the Stale of Ohio w ith Ihe Union is voluntary; and a Free State cannot be voluntarily associated in political relations wilh Slave States, with out giving the countenance and sanction of that voluntary association to Ihe t'uvery of those slave Slates, on Iho principal tiiat a State, as well as a man, "is known by the company it keeps :" and therefore Ohio, keep ing company with the Southern states, fira jirnwibte far their slavery, and whilo in the Union wilh the slave States, is by that very connection one if the slave Slates. 2. Because by continuing in the Union, the 2,000,000 of people in this State are throwing the shield of their respectability over 3,000,000 southern slaveholders, as a screen from the rebuke due their horrible crimes; on the principle that Respectabili ty goes with Numbers that a Nation is more respectable than a State and, thai a rebuke lhat would be felt, if permitted to come down on the heads of three hundred thtiu'and, would be thrown away, if taken off from their shoulders and divided among two millions and three hundred thousand. 3. Because the people of this Stale are bound to express in the strongest manner possible, their abhorrence of the crimes of these slaveholders, and to bear the most sol emn testimony in their power, not only against these crimes, but against the criminals who commit them and in no way ean they make . ' Ihis abhorrence so manifest, and this testi mony so emphatio and startling, as by say ing to these criminals stand by yourselves come not near to us, wo'll have nothing to do wilh you." 4. Because Ihe people of Ohio cannot re main in the Union even for a single hour, only as, in compliance wiih the agreement which thf y have themselves made to aid Ihe slaveholders, and which they solemnly and by oath renew lo him every year, they pay him power in the general government as a premium for every slave he shall kidnap, breed, or hold only as they make their soil his hunting ground, nnd thrust back into Iho hell of slavery whence lliey have escaped, his runaway victims and, only as they pledge themselves lo pour Ihe l-aden death into the vitals of those poor .victims, when, in the agony of their despair, they resist Ihe monster's authority and rise to assert their liberty. 5. Because this Union was formed for the express purpose of keeping as slaves, all who then were slaves : that they should be thus kept, and that the norlhern states should help htcp them, were made the very conditions of the Union; they are its conditions now. The Union consequently rests upon slavery as its corner stone : the 3,000,000 of slaves constitute the bond which binds it together: it is cemented with their blood : its mighty fabric of government rests upon their mang led limbs and broken bodies: and therefore the people of Ohio cannot be partners in thi Union, w ithout bi ii g chsrgnble, before the world and before Heaven, wilh being slave holders for slave owners. G. Because had it not been for the Union, slavery would long since have been dead ; the Union has been the sole means of keep ing it in existence till now; it has been lhat, w hich has raised it from the abject condition, in which it lay as a humble suppliant at (he formation of (he Union, lo its present growth of kingly power and haughty pride; it has been tiiat which has increased the number of its victims from 700,000 lo over 3,000,000: and therefore Ohio, as a part of the Union, as done part if the deed, and comcntid to all the rest. 7. Because slavery is the sum of crimes, and American slavery is "the vilest lhat ever saw the sun," and the Union was formed for the mutual protection of the parties uni ted ; and therefore, since the people of Ohio cannot remain in the Union without protect ing the South without protecting slavehol ders w ithout protecting slavery, they cannot remain in it without protecting the most hei nous system of wickedness that ever exist ed. 8. Because, (for the above reasons,) Ohio never had a right to join tho Union ; the very net of coming into it was a Mistake and a Crime: and each hour of continuing in it, from that day to this, has been bat a repeti tion of that crime, only grow ing continually greater, wiih the lapse of time and growing light: and therefore her continuance in it now, after so many long years of experien ces, and umler.the blazing light of the Noon of the Nineteenth Century, is h,il original crime heightened into a very Colossus of evil, and increased to that magnitude of enormity lhat words cannot express the great reali ' 9. Because the Senators and Representa. Uvea from this state cannot take their seats in Congress by the 6ide of the slaveholders from the South, without recognizing those tyrants-, as fit to make laws for Ohio free men ; and therefore the people of Ohio, who send those Senators and Representatives, can not remain in the Union, with those slavehol ders, without also recognizing them as fit to make their laws. 10. Because the Union having nationali zed slavery, and made it American has in volved the people of Ohio as well as of the other Northern States, not only in the guilt, but also in the disgrace of that execrable sys tem : has exposed them to the charge of in consistency and hypocrisy : has subjected them to the taunts and sneers of the despo tisms of Europe: has caused their very name i In become a byword and a hissing, nnd lliein ) selves lo be made the laughing slock even of barbarians : and in no way can they relieve themselves from this load of deep and meri ted disgrace so long as they continue in the Union which has brought it upon them. 11. Because the people of Ohio cannot possibly be in a governmental Union wilh i the South, without being subjected lo a hea ' vy pecuniary tax every year in support of ! slavery slavery being essentially a Lank j rupt system. i 12. Because, finally, the people of Ohio I have clearly the right to secede from the 1 Union. The Union is only a means, and if (he people of Ohio think the ends lhat ought to be attained by it, not attained, or il they I think Ihe ends that are attained by it, bad ' ends, they have the right lo come out from it, and set up a new government. This right is distinctly asserted in the Declaration of In ! dependence, and is founded in the very na ture of State sovereignty. And by exerci sing it, Ohio would interfere with the rights ) of no portion of the Confederacy, even with ' those of the South. Yours to get signers, J. B. TREAT. We are obliged to omit a lengthy appeal with which our correspondent closes his ar