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OMVEW JOIIS(), Editor. "NO UNION WITH SLAVE HOLDEItS." JAMES BAIINABY, Publishing Agent.
VOL. 5 NO. 13. SALEM, COLUMBIANA CO., OHIO, DECEMBER 8, 1849. nT22L THE ANTI-SLAVERY BUGLE, jTftr.iHHED r.vrnr baturpav, at S.1LEM, COLU.MM.1.V.1 CO., OHIO. . ! TEllMS. ; ! $1,60 per annum, if puiJ within the first six month of . tho subscriber's year. If paid before three months of the year has expired, a deduction of twenty-flvc cents will be niS'lo, reducing tho price to $1,2.1. If payment bo made in . advance, or on tho rycipt of tho first number, lilt) cents will be deducted, making the subscription hut $1. To any person vishinfl to examine the char acter of tho paper, it will bo furnished six months, fur fifty cents in advance ; to nil others, eventv-iivo cents will be charged. . , No deviatton from thc-se terms. IX Wo oensionaliy send numbers to those who aro not subscribers, but who arc believed to bo inter-rstoi in the dissemination of anli '.avery truth, with the hope that they will cith r su'moril-.e thc.iisr-lvcs, or u-so their influence to extend iU circulation amonir. their friends. . CUT Communications intended for insertion, to be addressed to Omveu Joiivsov, Editor. All others to J amiss Uauxahy, Publishing Agent. Selctions. No Union with Slaveholders. BY WILLIAM L. BOWDITCH. 'Wc will ex' end to tho slaveholder all the courtesy ho will a'.low. If he is hungry, we will fond him ; if ho is in want, both hands shall be atrct.hid out for his uid. Wc will give him ftui cre'.Ut for ail the good that ho docs, and our deep gvmp.iihy in all tho temptations under whose sfi-iijrri he foils. Uutto help him in his sin, to remain partners with him in the sliivc f ra ie, is more than ho has a right to ask.' No wrong notion enn b rightfully done. No wrong can Imi rh.-htfully supported. We can neither rightfully hold slaves nor support oiijt rs in skivcl.olding, because, as wo liave scon, slaveholding is iiikKt nil en cumstr.n crs wrong. Somo of tho provisions o!' the Constitution, us wo hnvo seen, were cxprcss I; dengm-d for the ptirposu of supporting slavery, und ibr over hull n century have ve ry materially supported it. Consequently, those J io ii.ions Ci.niiot bo rigbtliiliy obeyed or Mi ported. Jt is wrong; to offer a Infinity on slave holding, to give tho oppressor pow er nr. (I influence in proportion c.s ho tramples on the rights of bis lellow-imui ; it is wrong to return, or aid in returning, a fugitive slave ; it is wiong to uid in keeping tlio stave in hi. fetters. These tilings are wrong, ond not all tii Constitutions uial kws of the Universe rnn ni::k them right. We cannot, there tore, rightfully obey tho pi o-slnvery clauses oi the. Constitution. If v.e cannot rightfully obey them our tclvcs, we cannot ru.Ltiuliy, voluntuiily, sup port others in o'm-jing lUeni. If it is wrong lor me to return u fugitive slave, it is wrong for nio voluntarily to uid or support another man in doing the net. If it is wrong lor me to commit murder, it is no less wrong Ibrinu to lmnd lhe pistol to the ass:.ssin. Whatever it is wrong lor us lo do ourselves, it is wrong for us voluntarily to aid or support others in doing. Consequently, it is wrong for us vol untarily to uid or support others in obeying the pro-slavery requirements of the Constitu tion. If we cannot rightfully obey them, it is wrone lor us to promise such obedience. If it is wrong Ibr us voluntarily to support oth ers in their obedience, it is wrong Ibr us to promise nny such support. If it is wrong for na to return a fugitive slave, it is wrong lor us to promise to return one. If it is wrong lor us voluntarily to aid the slave-hunter, it is wrong ibr us to promise such uid. Whatev er it is wrong tor us to do or aid others in doing, it is wrong tor us to promise to do or aid others in doing. Consequently, it is wrong ibr us to promise to support these constitutional provisions. We cannot, there lore, accept any otliee, either Stute or Nu tionul, which renders it necessary to support these clauses or to promise to support them. We cannot, therefore, rightfully hold any ex ecutive or judicial olliee, either State or Na tiomd, or become a member of nny State le gisL.turo or of Congress; tor oil these offi cers are obliged solemnly to swear or affirm thut they will stlpport tho Constitution ; and to support the Constitution is to support all of its clauses, as well those which luvor slavery ns those which do not. If we tako this oath, meuniug not to keep it, we add to our wrong, perjury ; Ibr we mentally break our outli ut tho very instant it pusses our lips. Some good men seek to avoid the difficul ty by snying, When 1 swear to support the Constitution, I menu I will support the good clauses in it, and disobey the bod, und sub mit to tho penalty Ibr such disobedience.' Jtnt such a course is not a compliance with the terms of the oath. You have sworn Mo support the Constitution;' thut is, the whole Constitution, all its clauses, the bad as sa credly us tho good. Your oath is not in the alternative, 'I will support the clause requi ring the return of fugilivo slaves, or jny five hundred dollars for every slave laid in esca ping;' but simply, without quulilicution, I will support tho side of the oppressor.' If yon uid the fugitive slavo to escape from his muster, you do not support the hitter in reta king his property, merely by paying the legal penalty Ibr not giving such support. You would not support u bad law, and jet you suy your outli is not broken, because you submit to the penalty Ibr not supporting it. Tho thief does not support tlio law of private property, merely by submitting to tiie legal Itiniishiueut of his crime. To support is to ie uctive : to submit is to bo passive. You swear to be uctive, and you do not comply with your oath by being merely passive. You have sworn actively to upoit the recapture of slaves. - You break your oath, if you re fuse to. do this, or do uny thing less or differ ent from this. Others think to find a good exeuso for ta kitif the oath by adopting another alterna tive equally unautlioiied. Wc will sup port the Constitution,' sny they, 'until wenro culled on to act under any of its bad clauses, and then wo will resign our office, and re fuse obedience.' Doubtless, honor requires you to resign, if you cannot comply with the terms of your onth ; but what right have you to adopt or imagine an alternative in your onth where the law hns made none, where the officer administering it will admit of none? Who does not see a wide dilfcrciice between an honest oath to support the return of fugi tive slaves, and on outli to support such re turn, but with D firm resolve on vour pnrt to refuse such support when cnlleii on tor it, and to resign ? What right have you to take on oath which you have previously resolved not to keep, w hen called on to comply with? You admit that a bad clause cannot be rLdit- jiilly supported, else why do you not support I iir i on uomit inai me oatn obliges you to support the bad clauses of the Constitution as well ns the good ; else why do you resign, if refusal to support the bad clauses is con sistent with jour oath .' You openly avow, therefore, that, at tho xay moment you swear to support a clause, you determine never to support it. You sweor, and determine not to keep your oath ! Such a course seems to us inconsistent with the plainest rules of hones ty. Wc hove no right to promise to be wrong, even though we have resolved to do right when the time for action shall arrive. Others saj, Wc swenr to support tho Constitution as we understand it, mid we consider it an anti-slavery instrument.' In other words, you swear to support on inter pretation which is contrary to the plain, ol vious, mill common meaning of the instru ment; contrary to the interpretation put up on it by its trainer ; contrary to that followed by all the executive and legislative depart ments of the government, from its fu st estab lishment until now; and contrary to that which has been adjudged to be its true inter pretation by the final arbiter of its meaning. Of course, you intend to support the true meuniug of the Constitution. I Jo you really believe that tho people of tho United States did not mean by their words what those words then commonly meant? Do you real ly doubt the historical lhet of the humiliating compromise between tho delegates from the Southern and Eastern States in tho Philadel phia Convention, by which the latter under took to barter the moral sense of their con stituents tor what was suppnsrd to be their interest ? Do jou really believo that the people hove sutfered their servants to go on in ignonmco of the true meaning for sixty yours? In fuct, do you venture to affirm, or do you in perfect sincerity and truthfulness believe, that your interpretation has ever, ut ntij' time, been considered right by the peo ple of the United States, or by any consider able number of them ? You deceive your self willi words ! What is the Constitution? Not the moaning which you oi l, or any third person, may please fo put upon it; but that meaning, unci that meaning only, w hich con sists with its being, whit it declares ttself to be, the supreme law of tho land. Until, therelbre, jou can show that tho Constitu tion may properly receive as many ditiercnt interpretations us there arc ore oaths to sup port it, and still be, in fact, the supreme law, the one, single, definite rule tor all, States as well as people, you have no right lo say, 'I will support the pro-slavery clauses as I un derstand them.' To1' support them in any other sense than that which is affixod to them, ns the supreme law of the lund, is merely to evade tho true meuniug of your outh. Others soy, We took tlio oath liefbre we had any of our present scruples. We would not take tho oath now; but, nevertheless, we shall continue in office, and disregard our oath.' This excuse seems to us very objec tionable, How can you reup the honorary or pecuniary advantages of your office, and honestly rcliicc conipliunce with your part of the liurgaiu r W lieu you took otliee, j on were reully told, that if you would swear to support the return of fugitive slaves, &c., you should enjoy these honors and these profits. The conscientious man, who, in striving to benefit himself, not his condition, discovers uilcrwurds that he cannot rightful ly uid, or promise to aid the slaveholder in retaking bis slaves, will not think of claim ing the reward which whs otlered to him, solely liecuuse he swore to give such uid. lie w ill make huste to resign honors and re wards which he tccls cun bo retained only at tho price of his owii degradation. If we cannot rightfully hold any office, State or National, which requires of us a promise to support the Constitution, it is wrong to place, or voluntarily aid in placing, any other person in such office; for by so doing, wc usk him to do wrong. If we vote for Horace Muini, by this net ulone we suy to him, us distinctly us if tho words passed our lips, ' Wo wish to elect you ns reprc sentutivo to Congress. If chosen, we expect and usk you to qualify yourself to act as rep resentative, by swearing to give slavery all constitutional support.' Merely by voting (or him, wc usk him to do wrong, hoping thut good may come, almost knowing that good will come! So little faith have we in the fi nal triumph of right and justice, by pursuing only right und just ways! Of so little con seq'uonce do we consider it, thut the curliest advocate of freedom should comiiieuco his holy work by promising very materially to strengthen slavery! lint a short time has elapsed since we read ono of his most elo quent rebukes of slavery. Our heurt beat quickly us wo read his earnest words. Ilut il in the midst of his address, soino slave holder had tinned and asked him, 'How hap pens it, sir, that you, who are so very curliest und disinterested in belinlf of tho lights of the sluve, have been willing to swear to sup port this terrible wrong, to uny extent or lor any time?' And what answer could be re turned ? The eloquent tongue would be pul sied! Surely that man who nas solemnly called God to witness that he will support the oppressorcuunot fail, ut some time or another, to leel himself to be unworthy to plead the couse of freedom. Finally, (oino sav, ThiH reasoning leads to non-i esistanco. i oil clisregim me iuci that all human governments must contain a greater or- less amount of evil ; and consc qiiently, if ever you arb to support any gov ernment in all its requirements, j'ou must support evil.' Very true is it that huinnii go vcrntnents and law's fall short of our relative standard of right, anil always of nbsoluto right. What is our duty ? Cl'earlv, as niorol lieings, to support the "right, on5 refuse to tipwrt tho wrong. Nothing more than this is required of us. Nothing less than this is our duty. Wo oro not put into the world, blindly to siqiMrt all existing governmental wrong, until they con be constitutionally abolished. Wo ore to lie true to ourselves as inornl beings. If wo ran bo true to our own souls and support the government, wo inny give such support, not otherwise! Right and wrong are not creatures of agreement and law. Neither the Philadelphia 'Conven tion that framed the Constitution, nor tho State Conventions that adopted it, hud pow er to mnke wrong in the slightest degree right, or alter nt all the moral character of slavehohliug. Right is light, tho Revised Statutes to the contrary notwithstanding. Wrong is wrong, the Constitution to the con trary notwithstuiiilig. We say, therefore, we will obey the good requirements of the Con stitution, and peacefully submit to the penal ty of disobeying the bad. This is oil that government has a right to osk of us. Insti tutions were made tir man, not man ibr them. Constitutions aro the work of man, fliid man is to lie reverenced bclbre his works. We seen no inconsistency or impropriety in supporting the system of live-trade between the States, and refusing to support tho do mestic slave-trade ; in supporting the patent laws, and refusing to aid in returning a rim away slave. Wo arc good-goveriiinent men, not no-government men. All governments ore partly good. All we ore willing to sup port in part: we will actively support tho Constitution and laws, so liir us conscience permits; wo will peacefully submit to legal exaction for disobeying the rest. Our purpose is accomplished. We have shown that we ore politically united w ith the South in tho support of slavery. We have shown that wo should constantly liear iqion our lips, and in our lives, the motto, '.Vb union teaVi slaveholders, whereby we are obliged lo countenance or support slaivri.' We desiro to see n union among tho States, but not a slnvehohling union ! A union of freemen and free States for the sake of freedom, no one would moro readily support than wc lint a union like ours, of tree men and slave huidui Hf-at -fr-r Hi . mi Ui Wmasn. fiu tho sake, in part, of securing property in slaves, is demoralizing (how demoralizing hns it been !) to both parties, and should receive, as it doubtless at no distant day will receive, the condonation of tho wise and good. In the meantime, it ought not, nud it will not, receive either our respect or our voluntary support. Slavery and the Missionary Work. As on illustration of tho blinding influrncc of sluvery, we copy the lbllowing advertise ment from the Religious Herald, a Baptist paper, published in Richmond, Va. : WHO WANTS $35,000 IN PROPERTY? I uni desirous to spend the balance of my life as a Missionary, if the Ixird permit, nud therefore, offer for snlo my Farm, The Vine yard, adjacent to Williuinshurgli, and con taining about liOO acres well watered, well wooded, and abounding in marl-together with all the crops and stock, and utensils thereon. Also, my house and lot in town, fitted up as a boarding establiseiuent, with all the fur niture belonging to tho same. Also, about forty Servants, mostly young and likely, and rapidly increasing in number und value. To a kind master, I would put the wholo property at the reduced price of thirty-live thousand dollars, and arrange tho payments entirely to suit tho "purchaser, provided tho interest be annuullv paid. SCERVANT JONES. Would any Northern Christian believe it possible, thut a true disciple of him who ciiino to preach deliverance to the captive, and the opening of the prison to tho bound, could usssign, us a reason fiir wishing to sell forty human beings, a pious and benevolent desire to be a missionary ? Mr. Jones does this, and apparently in ull sincerity ! Sluvery has blinded him. In the hope of securing a purchaser, he as sures all who rend, that his forty servants aro mostly young and likely, und raiiidlv increa sing in number und value. He thus virtual ly claims the right to sei.c upon mid hold us Ins own, every child tliut may he born to any of those whom he culls bis servants, and he proposes to transfer that right to the purcha ser of his human chattels. Yet he seems un conscious Unit in so doing ho is giving the highest sanction in bis power to u practice which the Scriptures rank among the high est crimes, to man-stealing! Sluvery has blinded him. lie takes credit to himself ns being willing to sell his servants at a reduced m ice, provi ded tho purchaser is a kind master. He has probably never thought of tho question whether it is possible for ono who deals in mortul men as merchandize to be kind ; and ho seems equally oblivious of the fiiet, that, whatever may be tho character of the buyer, tho persons bought inuv. bv bis death or in solvency, speedily be thrown into other hands. Mavery hns blinded bun. And whut ol the editor or publisher who is willing to give currency to such uti adver tisement for money ? Is lie not blind also? naicm Lhrislian, Camiouh's Doui.mo.is. It is stutcd in a South Carolina iianer that tho census of South Curoliuu bliovvs that tixtii tliuusand umie UUU113 in inui mute cannot read nor write. Add to them three-filths of her pop ulation tho slaves, who are lbi bidden by law 10 reua or write ana you have the very best reason why -one man rules the State, From the Chronotype. Slavery in Kentucky. fT,-'" 'avorrnt'ct'oiislitutiinul Convention Of Kentucky, have bad some rich discussions on the Slavery question, on a 'proposition to Jorbid the importation f slaves into the State, amended so as to admit the importa tion by any one Ibr bis own use. They have also a proposition liefbro them to prohibit emancipation, and to require tho expulsion ot the fi-ce blacks from the State ! - On tho iioii-importation clause, Mr. Clark oiMis'mg K Haiti 'l nl" "ot unwilling to declare here before the State and world, that I believe Slavery as it exists in the Slave States of this Union, elevates the character of the white race, its dignity, and its morals, und I trust we shall frame a Constitution that will perpelutito Slavery in this State in ull time to come.' '1 he same chivalrie, whole animal advo cate of nabobisni, ulso declared that ho was unwilling to confer on tho Legislature the power to legislate on the subject of Slavery at all. Tlio great macs of tho debates professed themselves opposed to Slavery, provided the question were of its introduction. If they were tiiiindiug a new State, it should not be odiuitted, They desired that every human being should be free. Yet tidiing things ns they were, they regarded Slavery its a bless ing to Iwith w hites and blacks, and depreca ted uny measures tending to emancipation ! There were, however, two noble exceptions, Mr. Knot ably and eloquently plead against shutting the door to freedom, and regarded slavery us a curse from which the State should abhor, and hope to be freed. Mr. Oariicld opposed n motion to lay the the dis cussion on the table, because, as he said, there wero two " literary gems in embryo " which ho wished to see developed. The first was, that Slavery was a moral blessing to blacks mid whites. The second was tho " divine axiom that the lining who descended from heaven to free mankind lrom the shack les of sin, came ulso to assist in riveting the shackles of human despotism." He wished to . have tho discussion continue till theso strange doctrines could be demonstrated. It is hardly necessary to remark that that w ould be making it a permanent assembly. In the Louisville Journal of Oct. 10th, is ou editorial commentary on these proceed ings, in w men, uiuicr tue must downy ten derness towurds the Slave Power, some ter ribly sharp truths ore presented to the Slave holders. . We don't remember when we have the piratical system bo cut to pieces un- Wm ii-if twa.Kk-ljdrv t.M'jjjM.tks.gma. ofWcr, could not have stabbed it more pre- cisely thro' the heart, with " the kinder end of the spear," tlmn Prontieo has dono in this article. Whether his firth rib will be tickled with some slavehohliug Juab's liowio knife in consequence, remains to be seen. Mr. Prentice thinks the production of cot ton has reached a stage ut which it can no longer ubsorb oil the energies of the planting States, and consequently the demand ibr slaves in the.u must slacken. This will cause accumulation of the article in Kentucky, and perhaps turn buck the tide. He thinks that while general emancipation would be bud policy, slaves from abroad should be exclu ded, und the institution Ik) kept, if possible, in its present limits. Ho then makes the very remarkable statement, that " In every felavo e-tnte there is u maximum of whito population which is never passed but when once attained the white population gradually diminishes, while the disproportion of slaves rapidly increases. This has been more particularly 'remarked and generally oi plied to the low lauds of Virginia. The reason usually giveu lor it is, that the lands have been worn out under the impoverishing influenco of slave culture. Ilut the census proves the same to be equally true, of the uu worn, still rich lands of Kentucky. Some of the counties embracing the richest land in the Stute have actually decreased in white population.'' Mr. Prentice gently reminds the Conven tion thut 1'20,000 noii-sluveholding voters, re presenting five-sixths of the white popula tion of the Stute, and not having one single representative of their class in that body, may have some rights nud some interest in the settlement of the sluve question. . To lie sure, he says, it is a wonderful compliment to the integrity und high character of the slaveholders, that these non-slaveholders should have entrusted their interests so en tirely to their keeping, and it ought to stim ulate the slaveholders to be exceedingly mag nanimous und consult the interests of the laboring white men us well as their own! Cuu anything lie iik ro ludicrous thou the wuste of such arguments upon such men? Can anything be more absurdly ingenious than this turning into a compliment to the slaveholders of what is reullv a most as tounding proof of the shame, ignorance and utter degradation of tlio liou-sluveholding whites ? Air. Prentice argues with irresistible force against forbidding emancipation and driving out the free Mucks, a cluss of lneu to whom he gives a high cliuructer as peaceful, trust worthy, law-abiding citizens. On the latter point, ho warns the slaveholders thut the free blucks have rights and property, and thut they who have especially deprecated inter ference with such rights, shuuld beware of setting tho example of trespass. Says he, " if there bo uny right of jiropcrty deserving to be characterized as entitled to more sanc tity thuu another, it must be a man's right lo himself" Exactly so Mr. Prentice, and there you have sewed lip the slaveholders. There never was a timo in tho history of any free man, colored or white, in which his right to himself wus not " entitled to more sanctity " thuu his right to any tiling else, liy what right then could this liecuiuii bo enslaved ? Surely not by any right of property. It must l3 the right of power, or self-defence, or philanthropy, or something else tho right of wrong, most likely anything but the right of property. When slaveholders claim their ilavcs by the right of roj-alty, priesthood, or bencvoleuco, there may be more or less sense in it very littlo wo think, if not less but when they claim them as property, they only furnish the Alxdilionists a logical club to knock their brains out. Tho claim of pro perty in man, notwithstanding the oily clo quenco and ready wit of Henry Claj', is ab surd, imjHissible and abominable. What has the North to do with Slavery? The following letter from n Washington etH-rcspondont of Tho Tribune may pus.-ibly help some to answer tho question. WASHINGTON, Tuesday, Oct. 16. Mr. Gokei.et : Facts are stubborn things. When Mr. Gott offered n resolution in the House of Representatives Inst winter, decla ring Slavery in the District of Columbia to be n disgrace tn us in the eves of all Chris tendom, the Southern members held a meet ing in the Senate Chamber, in secret, in the night time, and threatened to dissolve the U nion. Is it any wonder that Northern men, with Northern hearts and Northern heads, should cry 'Amen' to the efforts of these Southern liuialies, when they see, in the very heart of the capital, on Pennsylvania avenue, lictween tho Halls of Legislation ond the Halls of Legislative power, on God's holy day, a wagon load of human cattle in the form and likeness of their Maker, chained ond manacled to the vehicle like sheep in the butcher's enrt, readj- Ibr the sacrifice of blood and toil ? Such a scene occurred here on Sunday last, Oct. 1 1, year of our Lord 18111. The cries of the miserable wretches as they jolted over the rough pavement at a brisk trot, mingled mysteriously with light and careless voices of God's people returning from the cushioned seats and damask stools where they are wont to worship the Most High, and pray for ull mankind! The slave driver had been into Maryland to purchase his ' Live Stock ' probably for the South ern market, and was Inking them to the shambles, to be inspected by the dealers in 'God's image cut in ebony!' Oh, did it ev er occur to the pious, Christian Slaveholder, or to any Slavehohliug freeman who ac knowledges himself accountable to a Hereaf ter, what u fearful distance lies between him and everlasting happiness! When Almigh ty Power and Retributive Justice r.,o forth to liit the pall of darkness from the world, to unloose tho shackles of the oppressed, und open the eyes ol uuuikiml to light and truth, how will some of the patriots and saints of to-day call upon the rocks and mountains to cover them from thut unsleeping Eye which sees everywhere ! ... How lujig arc we to Bufl'or this reproach? Will Slavery continue in the District? Js there not one yet w ho lias arisen w ith genius lit and courage sullicient to stab tlio mon ster to the heart, mid rid us of the disgrace ? Will men in Congress still truckle to power, and let tho seal of everlasting shame und guilt bo burned deep on their liont or is there light uliead ? A New Phase. The correspondent of the Journal of Com merce announces that u Southern Democrat, on the first day of the session of tho Senate, will submit u proposition on the question of Slavery, which will settle it us regards the Territories, and Clay uud Calhoun will sup port it. This is the scheme Unit CalUoiiua bliiul be divided into three States. That tho law of the Missouri Compro mise shall bo applied thereto. the Correspondent says: The bill which will be introduced in tho Seuuto w ill provide, first, for tho establish ment ol lour territorial Governments, to wit: that for New Mexico, thut for Deseret, that part of California north of 30 e 'M mill, and west of Deseret, and tlio part of Califor nia south of 3UciW mill, shall be authorized forthwith to form a Stute Constitution, and shall be admitted into the Union. Also, that a new State shall be admitted front the cus tom part of Texas, und south of lHj c 30 miu. The bill will not settle the boiuidury between iexus uud ie v .Mexico, but will provide thut the question be submitted to a Board of Commissioners. California w ill not lie ullowed to take tlio Ocean iKjundary, which bus been proposed in her Convention. The Territorial questions, mingled with the slavery agitation, und the uncertainty us to the permanence of either of the present party orgunizutious, will give an extraordina ry interest to the coming session, even ut its very commencement. 'Jl'ho slavery question is the great humbug of the day, und will swullow up all others. John Van Buren. This adroit politician, son of the magician Martin VunUureii 'u chip of the old block,' bus a letter in the lioston Republican, cor recting certain errors m the report ot lus recent speech nt the Free soil meeting in Fuucuil Hull, by tho editor of that pupcr. Murk tlio lollow ing paragraph lrom it : '1 did not uvow my determination 'never to go into a Nutionul Convention with slave holders.' 1 have never objected to a man on the ground of his being a slaveholder. 1 said thut so long as tho Southern States made j no slavery the sole test of eligibility lo office, it wus obvious that no National Democratic Convention could bo held, for the basis of u National Convention is a willingness und uu obligation to support the nominee of the Convention, w hoover bo muy be.' This is the length und bi eudlli of Mr. Van liurcii's 'live soil' principles, lie. objects to the nouiinutiou of no iiiun-stculcr as a candi date lor democratic!?) suffrages; ho only ob jects to the making of perpetual shivery a nuuoiiai tieinucrmic lesi. ii is iiiumiesi mat he is willing thut the Southern wing of de mocracy should be pro-slavery to any extent locally ; only tho Northern wing must be lelt free to bo uuti-bluveiy locully, according to circumstances; while lhe puny itself must agree to ' run for luck.' Uud luck to ull such coinprouiMcrg ! Liberator. From the Anti-Slavery Standard. Things Political. Tiik Annual Agony is over. Tho ballot boxes have closed upon the Sibylliuo leaves from which our Sooth-soyers sock to spell out our Destinies. Their imerfect utter-, slices were flushed from Maine to Louisiana almost before tho Inst lingering voter hadt torn himself from the scene of his imagined victory or defeat, uud nil may read them as they list. It has on the whole been a tolera bly comfortable season for us impartial look-, ers-on, becuuso the Elections have, as a- gen eral thing, resulted in the disappointment of ull parlies. The Democrats in New York have not quite carried their oiiit, while tho Whigs rejoice w ith trembling over a victory which they foresee must grow into a JJcl'eat. In Massachusetts the Ttiylorile have had a rebufl'such us they little Xected ami which must have materially qualilied the pleasure of their absolute success. While 1t0 Fren Soilers, every where, have had a lesson ns U the inelliciency of their Method lo accom plish any sufiieieiit End. They have not only been taught, if they have the grace to learn, that Slavery is not to Imi rciu lied by? the means thev use, but that their men aro not to be relied upon so as to developo w hat virtue there may lie in them. Wo sincerely wish that the success of tho Freo Soil Movcmenthud been greater. Not that we think that it is of any particular i Mo ment to the Slaves, or to the Country, win;. J or Zachury Taylor or Martin Vuu ilui-i the Chief Gaoler at Washington, or wnether George Uriggs or Stephen C. Phillips be set to keep the Mas.-chuset(sSWnxiVof tho Na tional IVison-hoiaie ; but bcealjP-e we lielieve that many of tint sincere Ati i-fMnvcry men of that Party will learn thd A(!Yfy oV their attempt only through the Disappointment of Success. We have no objection to their Coalitions and Amalgamations where they' hud the honest object of (locating tho party which is now the especi.-if Representative of tho Slate Power, for such b'the only means by w hich political success can lie a? iiievcd.' and it is absurd, having accepted the pro cess, to quarrel with the necessary steps. . v.. .... o ,3 o .iij i u.:ii.u mm iiiiuisy ma chine, at best, and they who arc too fino gentlemen to bear its legitimate r.nd neces-' sary workings had better let it alone. In our Country it is only to be led by votes, and people who wish for a grist to their minds must not be too particular as to what goes into the hopper. Nothing can well bo more comic than to see gentlemen profess ing to believe that the Country Is to be re-, deemed y'a majority of votes, turning up. their noses at tho very votes that are essou- tin! to the redemption they seek. The first thing which a' Voter lias to swul. low is the Constitution under which ho rules. und which is the Commission he gives to his., minister whom ho appoints bv his ballot If his Esophagus has been enlarged by tho, deglutition of this monstrous Camel, w ith all its humps of Pro-Slavery Compromises and concessions, one would think thut he would hardly strain ut a poor littlo gnut of u Demo crat, or a Whig cither, when, "the whirli gig of Time has again brought around hi, revenges." We wish tosco ull the elements . that principle or policy can unite brought . together for political onslaught upon Slavery, not because wo believe that they could do, any thing to the purpose, us long us thuy aro encumbered by the fitters of the Constitu tion; but becuuso wc believe thut this is u stage that must bo passed through beforo a J largo class of minds w ill discover thut noth ing can be thus done. We believe that many of the leadini; Free Soilers. w ho camo. out of the Whig uud Democratic parties, aro. since, men who nave muilo actual sacrifices, of personal position and political promoliou fin- what seems to them a high fcduty. Wo wish they could be put in u jMjsiiion, tor , once, in which by trjing w hat they etui do they will find that they can do nothing, ond inui nicy must uegiu Uieir work over again. . Rut the feni'ful lulling off of tho crop of X'reo Soil votes, wen in the localities most favoru-. ble to their growth, since tho last harvest time, looks ill for the future. It looks as if the constitution of the Free Soil Party wero too qncusy for prolonged lile, unless it can. get u large infusion of li-esh blood inta im veins. We hnvo never expected thut am J hu-go portion of the American People w ould couio up to tho ground occupied by the American . Anti-Slavery- Societv, in relation to the Cou stitutiuu of the Union. That ground was discerned und is maintained by men who. have looked ut tho Constitution uud tho Union w ith the eyes of tho Slave, and w ith , the single purpose of discharging the grand duty of this Ago und Country, as liir us iht-y , were concerned, lo him. Such lire. not thu view s or purposes of the muss of tho ' Northern People, not even of thut portion : that goes to make up the Free Soil Party,. , The motives uud arguments thut huvo bceu ; urged to influence its uction, us fiir as-they have come within our notice, have- beeu. chiefly drnwu from tho seliish interests of those uddressed. The predominance of tho South, her injustice to the North, the lino . qual distribution of high Oiiice, her hostility to Northern interests, und other similar top ics of a personal or sectional nature, huvo beeu the main spriiiifs which tho muiunrei- of this Movement huvc played upon. Thin is uio iiuuin.i couiie ot things and one not to be complained of. Rut these, considera tions do not come home to the duilv busU nt-ss and internal lives of those uddr.Fedk mid therefore their influence is but transient. Witness tho diminution of tho Flue Sod Vote in Massachusetts. Tin :re are tho Sluvcs, ond hero Is the polilicul punishment of permitting them to bo such ; w hy khould ; Zeal dimmish iiid love glow cold? Tho' existence of an Ultra, Fauuiical, Anti-Slavery body is as essential to political Anti:Sla- ' very as the Steam hi thcEngiuo'is to the'ano-."' tion of the Train, ; It is true that an enlightened seliittercst ' or an intelligent self-respect would lead to' politicul action thut mijht result in lbs