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Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, December 08, 1849, Image 1

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OMVEW JOIIS(), Editor. "NO UNION WITH SLAVE HOLDEItS." JAMES BAIINABY, Publishing Agent.
VOL. 5 NO. 13. SALEM, COLUMBIANA CO., OHIO, DECEMBER 8, 1849. nT22L
THE ANTI-SLAVERY BUGLE,
jTftr.iHHED r.vrnr baturpav, at
S.1LEM, COLU.MM.1.V.1 CO., OHIO.
. ! TEllMS. ; !
$1,60 per annum, if puiJ within the first six
month of . tho subscriber's year.
If paid before three months of the year has
expired, a deduction of twenty-flvc cents will
be niS'lo, reducing tho price to $1,2.1.
If payment bo made in . advance, or on tho
rycipt of tho first number, lilt) cents will be
deducted, making the subscription hut $1.
To any person vishinfl to examine the char
acter of tho paper, it will bo furnished six
months, fur fifty cents in advance ; to nil others,
eventv-iivo cents will be charged. . ,
No deviatton from thc-se terms.
IX Wo oensionaliy send numbers to those
who aro not subscribers, but who arc believed
to bo inter-rstoi in the dissemination of anli
'.avery truth, with the hope that they will cith
r su'moril-.e thc.iisr-lvcs, or u-so their influence
to extend iU circulation amonir. their friends.
. CUT Communications intended for insertion,
to be addressed to Omveu Joiivsov, Editor.
All others to J amiss Uauxahy, Publishing Agent.
Selctions.
No Union with Slaveholders.
BY WILLIAM L. BOWDITCH.
'Wc will ex' end to tho slaveholder all the
courtesy ho will a'.low. If he is hungry, we
will fond him ; if ho is in want, both hands shall
be atrct.hid out for his uid. Wc will give him
ftui cre'.Ut for ail the good that ho docs, and our
deep gvmp.iihy in all tho temptations under
whose sfi-iijrri he foils. Uutto help him in his
sin, to remain partners with him in the sliivc
f ra ie, is more than ho has a right to ask.'
No wrong notion enn b rightfully done.
No wrong can Imi rh.-htfully supported. We
can neither rightfully hold slaves nor support
oiijt rs in skivcl.olding, because, as wo liave
scon, slaveholding is iiikKt nil en cumstr.n
crs wrong. Somo of tho provisions o!' the
Constitution, us wo hnvo seen, were cxprcss
I; dengm-d for the ptirposu of supporting
slavery, und ibr over hull n century have ve
ry materially supported it. Consequently,
those J io ii.ions Ci.niiot bo rigbtliiliy obeyed
or Mi ported. Jt is wrong; to offer a Infinity
on slave holding, to give tho oppressor pow
er nr. (I influence in proportion c.s ho tramples
on the rights of bis lellow-imui ; it is wrong
to return, or aid in returning, a fugitive slave ;
it is wiong to uid in keeping tlio stave in hi.
fetters. These tilings are wrong, ond not all
tii Constitutions uial kws of the Universe
rnn ni::k them right. We cannot, there
tore, rightfully obey tho pi o-slnvery clauses
oi the. Constitution.
If v.e cannot rightfully obey them our
tclvcs, we cannot ru.Ltiuliy, voluntuiily, sup
port others in o'm-jing lUeni. If it is wrong
lor me to return u fugitive slave, it is wrong
for nio voluntarily to uid or support another
man in doing the net. If it is wrong lor me
to commit murder, it is no less wrong Ibrinu
to lmnd lhe pistol to the ass:.ssin. Whatever
it is wrong lor us lo do ourselves, it is wrong
for us voluntarily to aid or support others in
doing. Consequently, it is wrong for us vol
untarily to uid or support others in obeying
the pro-slavery requirements of the Constitu
tion. If we cannot rightfully obey them, it is
wrone lor us to promise such obedience. If
it is wrong Ibr us voluntarily to support oth
ers in their obedience, it is wrong Ibr us to
promise nny such support. If it is wrong for
na to return a fugitive slave, it is wrong lor
us to promise to return one. If it is wrong lor
us voluntarily to aid the slave-hunter, it is
wrong ibr us to promise such uid. Whatev
er it is wrong tor us to do or aid others in
doing, it is wrong tor us to promise to do or
aid others in doing. Consequently, it is
wrong ibr us to promise to support these
constitutional provisions. We cannot, there
lore, accept any otliee, either Stute or Nu
tionul, which renders it necessary to support
these clauses or to promise to support them.
We cannot, therefore, rightfully hold any ex
ecutive or judicial olliee, either State or Na
tiomd, or become a member of nny State le
gisL.turo or of Congress; tor oil these offi
cers are obliged solemnly to swear or affirm
thut they will stlpport tho Constitution ;
and to support the Constitution is to support
all of its clauses, as well those which luvor
slavery ns those which do not. If we tako
this oath, meuniug not to keep it, we add to
our wrong, perjury ; Ibr we mentally break
our outli ut tho very instant it pusses our
lips.
Some good men seek to avoid the difficul
ty by snying, When 1 swear to support the
Constitution, I menu I will support the good
clauses in it, and disobey the bod, und sub
mit to tho penalty Ibr such disobedience.'
Jtnt such a course is not a compliance with
the terms of the oath. You have sworn Mo
support the Constitution;' thut is, the whole
Constitution, all its clauses, the bad as sa
credly us tho good. Your oath is not in the
alternative, 'I will support the clause requi
ring the return of fugilivo slaves, or jny five
hundred dollars for every slave laid in esca
ping;' but simply, without quulilicution, I
will support tho side of the oppressor.' If
yon uid the fugitive slavo to escape from his
muster, you do not support the hitter in reta
king his property, merely by paying the legal
penalty Ibr not giving such support. You
would not support u bad law, and jet you
suy your outli is not broken, because you
submit to the penalty Ibr not supporting it.
Tho thief does not support tlio law of private
property, merely by submitting to tiie legal
Itiniishiueut of his crime. To support is to
ie uctive : to submit is to bo passive. You
swear to be uctive, and you do not comply
with your oath by being merely passive. You
have sworn actively to upoit the recapture
of slaves. - You break your oath, if you re
fuse to. do this, or do uny thing less or differ
ent from this.
Others think to find a good exeuso for ta
kitif the oath by adopting another alterna
tive equally unautlioiied. Wc will sup
port the Constitution,' sny they, 'until wenro
culled on to act under any of its bad clauses,
and then wo will resign our office, and re
fuse obedience.' Doubtless, honor requires
you to resign, if you cannot comply with the
terms of your onth ; but what right have you
to adopt or imagine an alternative in your
onth where the law hns made none, where
the officer administering it will admit of none?
Who does not see a wide dilfcrciice between
an honest oath to support the return of fugi
tive slaves, and on outli to support such re
turn, but with D firm resolve on vour pnrt to
refuse such support when cnlleii on tor it,
and to resign ? What right have you to take
on oath which you have previously resolved
not to keep, w hen called on to comply with?
You admit that a bad clause cannot be rLdit-
jiilly supported, else why do you not support I
iir i on uomit inai me oatn obliges you to
support the bad clauses of the Constitution
as well ns the good ; else why do you resign,
if refusal to support the bad clauses is con
sistent with jour oath .' You openly avow,
therefore, that, at tho xay moment you swear
to support a clause, you determine never to
support it. You sweor, and determine not to
keep your oath ! Such a course seems to us
inconsistent with the plainest rules of hones
ty. Wc hove no right to promise to be
wrong, even though we have resolved to do
right when the time for action shall arrive.
Others saj, Wc swenr to support tho
Constitution as we understand it, mid we
consider it an anti-slavery instrument.' In
other words, you swear to support on inter
pretation which is contrary to the plain, ol
vious, mill common meaning of the instru
ment; contrary to the interpretation put up
on it by its trainer ; contrary to that followed
by all the executive and legislative depart
ments of the government, from its fu st estab
lishment until now; and contrary to that
which has been adjudged to be its true inter
pretation by the final arbiter of its meaning.
Of course, you intend to support the true
meuniug of the Constitution. I Jo you really
believe that tho people of tho United States
did not mean by their words what those
words then commonly meant? Do you real
ly doubt the historical lhet of the humiliating
compromise between tho delegates from the
Southern and Eastern States in tho Philadel
phia Convention, by which the latter under
took to barter the moral sense of their con
stituents tor what was suppnsrd to be their
interest ? Do jou really believo that the
people hove sutfered their servants to go on
in ignonmco of the true meaning for sixty
yours? In fuct, do you venture to affirm, or
do you in perfect sincerity and truthfulness
believe, that your interpretation has ever, ut
ntij' time, been considered right by the peo
ple of the United States, or by any consider
able number of them ? You deceive your
self willi words ! What is the Constitution?
Not the moaning which you oi l, or any third
person, may please fo put upon it; but that
meaning, unci that meaning only, w hich con
sists with its being, whit it declares ttself to
be, the supreme law of tho land. Until,
therelbre, jou can show that tho Constitu
tion may properly receive as many ditiercnt
interpretations us there arc ore oaths to sup
port it, and still be, in fact, the supreme law,
the one, single, definite rule tor all, States as
well as people, you have no right lo say, 'I
will support the pro-slavery clauses as I un
derstand them.' To1' support them in any
other sense than that which is affixod to
them, ns the supreme law of the lund, is
merely to evade tho true meuniug of your
outh.
Others soy, We took tlio oath liefbre we
had any of our present scruples. We would
not take tho oath now; but, nevertheless, we
shall continue in office, and disregard our
oath.' This excuse seems to us very objec
tionable, How can you reup the honorary
or pecuniary advantages of your office, and
honestly rcliicc conipliunce with your part of
the liurgaiu r W lieu you took otliee, j on
were reully told, that if you would swear to
support the return of fugitive slaves, &c.,
you should enjoy these honors and these
profits. The conscientious man, who, in
striving to benefit himself, not his condition,
discovers uilcrwurds that he cannot rightful
ly uid, or promise to aid the slaveholder in
retaking bis slaves, will not think of claim
ing the reward which whs otlered to him,
solely liecuuse he swore to give such uid.
lie w ill make huste to resign honors and re
wards which he tccls cun bo retained only at
tho price of his owii degradation.
If we cannot rightfully hold any office,
State or National, which requires of us a
promise to support the Constitution, it is
wrong to place, or voluntarily aid in placing,
any other person in such office; for by so
doing, wc usk him to do wrong. If we vote
for Horace Muini, by this net ulone we suy
to him, us distinctly us if tho words passed
our lips, ' Wo wish to elect you ns reprc
sentutivo to Congress. If chosen, we expect
and usk you to qualify yourself to act as rep
resentative, by swearing to give slavery all
constitutional support.' Merely by voting (or
him, wc usk him to do wrong, hoping thut
good may come, almost knowing that good
will come! So little faith have we in the fi
nal triumph of right and justice, by pursuing
only right und just ways! Of so little con
seq'uonce do we consider it, thut the curliest
advocate of freedom should comiiieuco his
holy work by promising very materially to
strengthen slavery! lint a short time has
elapsed since we read ono of his most elo
quent rebukes of slavery. Our heurt beat
quickly us wo read his earnest words. Ilut
il in the midst of his address, soino slave
holder had tinned and asked him, 'How hap
pens it, sir, that you, who are so very curliest
und disinterested in belinlf of tho lights of
the sluve, have been willing to swear to sup
port this terrible wrong, to uny extent or lor
any time?' And what answer could be re
turned ? The eloquent tongue would be pul
sied! Surely that man who nas solemnly
called God to witness that he will support
the oppressorcuunot fail, ut some time or
another, to leel himself to be unworthy to
plead the couse of freedom.
Finally, (oino sav, ThiH reasoning leads
to non-i esistanco. i oil clisregim me iuci
that all human governments must contain a
greater or- less amount of evil ; and consc
qiiently, if ever you arb to support any gov
ernment in all its requirements, j'ou must
support evil.' Very true is it that huinnii go
vcrntnents and law's fall short of our relative
standard of right, anil always of nbsoluto
right. What is our duty ? Cl'earlv, as niorol
lieings, to support the "right, on5 refuse to
tipwrt tho wrong. Nothing more than this
is required of us. Nothing less than this is
our duty. Wo oro not put into the world,
blindly to siqiMrt all existing governmental
wrong, until they con be constitutionally
abolished. Wo ore to lie true to ourselves as
inornl beings. If wo ran bo true to our own
souls and support the government, wo inny
give such support, not otherwise! Right
and wrong are not creatures of agreement
and law. Neither the Philadelphia 'Conven
tion that framed the Constitution, nor tho
State Conventions that adopted it, hud pow
er to mnke wrong in the slightest degree
right, or alter nt all the moral character of
slavehohliug. Right is light, tho Revised
Statutes to the contrary notwithstanding.
Wrong is wrong, the Constitution to the con
trary notwithstuiiilig. We say, therefore, we
will obey the good requirements of the Con
stitution, and peacefully submit to the penal
ty of disobeying the bad. This is oil that
government has a right to osk of us. Insti
tutions were made tir man, not man ibr
them. Constitutions aro the work of man,
fliid man is to lie reverenced bclbre his works.
We seen no inconsistency or impropriety in
supporting the system of live-trade between
the States, and refusing to support tho do
mestic slave-trade ; in supporting the patent
laws, and refusing to aid in returning a rim
away slave. Wo arc good-goveriiinent men,
not no-government men. All governments
ore partly good. All we ore willing to sup
port in part: we will actively support tho
Constitution and laws, so liir us conscience
permits; wo will peacefully submit to legal
exaction for disobeying the rest.
Our purpose is accomplished. We have
shown that we ore politically united w ith the
South in tho support of slavery. We have
shown that wo should constantly liear iqion
our lips, and in our lives, the motto, '.Vb
union teaVi slaveholders, whereby we are obliged
lo countenance or support slaivri.' We desiro
to see n union among tho States, but not a
slnvehohling union ! A union of freemen
and free States for the sake of freedom, no
one would moro readily support than wc
lint a union like ours, of tree men and slave
huidui Hf-at -fr-r Hi . mi Ui Wmasn. fiu
tho sake, in part, of securing property in
slaves, is demoralizing (how demoralizing hns
it been !) to both parties, and should receive,
as it doubtless at no distant day will receive,
the condonation of tho wise and good. In
the meantime, it ought not, nud it will not,
receive either our respect or our voluntary
support.
Slavery and the Missionary Work.
As on illustration of tho blinding influrncc
of sluvery, we copy the lbllowing advertise
ment from the Religious Herald, a Baptist
paper, published in Richmond, Va. :
WHO WANTS $35,000 IN PROPERTY?
I uni desirous to spend the balance of my
life as a Missionary, if the Ixird permit, nud
therefore, offer for snlo my Farm, The Vine
yard, adjacent to Williuinshurgli, and con
taining about liOO acres well watered, well
wooded, and abounding in marl-together with
all the crops and stock, and utensils thereon.
Also, my house and lot in town, fitted up
as a boarding establiseiuent, with all the fur
niture belonging to tho same.
Also, about forty Servants, mostly young
and likely, and rapidly increasing in number
und value.
To a kind master, I would put the wholo
property at the reduced price of thirty-live
thousand dollars, and arrange tho payments
entirely to suit tho "purchaser, provided tho
interest be annuullv paid.
SCERVANT JONES.
Would any Northern Christian believe it
possible, thut a true disciple of him who
ciiino to preach deliverance to the captive,
and the opening of the prison to tho bound,
could usssign, us a reason fiir wishing to sell
forty human beings, a pious and benevolent
desire to be a missionary ? Mr. Jones does
this, and apparently in ull sincerity ! Sluvery
has blinded him.
In the hope of securing a purchaser, he as
sures all who rend, that his forty servants aro
mostly young and likely, und raiiidlv increa
sing in number und value. He thus virtual
ly claims the right to sei.c upon mid hold us
Ins own, every child tliut may he born to any
of those whom he culls bis servants, and he
proposes to transfer that right to the purcha
ser of his human chattels. Yet he seems un
conscious Unit in so doing ho is giving the
highest sanction in bis power to u practice
which the Scriptures rank among the high
est crimes, to man-stealing! Sluvery has
blinded him.
lie takes credit to himself ns being willing
to sell his servants at a reduced m ice, provi
ded tho purchaser is a kind master. He has
probably never thought of tho question
whether it is possible for ono who deals in
mortul men as merchandize to be kind ; and
ho seems equally oblivious of the fiiet, that,
whatever may be tho character of the buyer,
tho persons bought inuv. bv bis death or in
solvency, speedily be thrown into other
hands. Mavery hns blinded bun.
And whut ol the editor or publisher who
is willing to give currency to such uti adver
tisement for money ? Is lie not blind also?
naicm Lhrislian,
Camiouh's Doui.mo.is. It is stutcd in a
South Carolina iianer that tho census of
South Curoliuu bliovvs that tixtii tliuusand
umie UUU113 in inui mute cannot read nor
write. Add to them three-filths of her pop
ulation tho slaves, who are lbi bidden by
law 10 reua or write ana you have the very
best reason why -one man rules the State,
From the Chronotype.
Slavery in Kentucky.
fT,-'" 'avorrnt'ct'oiislitutiinul Convention
Of Kentucky, have bad some rich discussions
on the Slavery question, on a 'proposition to
Jorbid the importation f slaves into the
State, amended so as to admit the importa
tion by any one Ibr bis own use. They have
also a proposition liefbro them to prohibit
emancipation, and to require tho expulsion
ot the fi-ce blacks from the State !
- On tho iioii-importation clause, Mr. Clark
oiMis'mg K Haiti
'l nl" "ot unwilling to declare here before
the State and world, that I believe Slavery
as it exists in the Slave States of this Union,
elevates the character of the white race, its
dignity, and its morals, und I trust we shall
frame a Constitution that will perpelutito
Slavery in this State in ull time to come.'
'1 he same chivalrie, whole animal advo
cate of nabobisni, ulso declared that ho was
unwilling to confer on tho Legislature the
power to legislate on the subject of Slavery
at all.
Tlio great macs of tho debates professed
themselves opposed to Slavery, provided the
question were of its introduction. If they
were tiiiindiug a new State, it should not be
odiuitted, They desired that every human
being should be free. Yet tidiing things ns
they were, they regarded Slavery its a bless
ing to Iwith w hites and blacks, and depreca
ted uny measures tending to emancipation !
There were, however, two noble exceptions,
Mr. Knot ably and eloquently plead against
shutting the door to freedom, and regarded
slavery us a curse from which the State
should abhor, and hope to be freed. Mr.
Oariicld opposed n motion to lay the the dis
cussion on the table, because, as he said,
there wero two " literary gems in embryo "
which ho wished to see developed. The
first was, that Slavery was a moral blessing
to blacks mid whites. The second was tho
" divine axiom that the lining who descended
from heaven to free mankind lrom the shack
les of sin, came ulso to assist in riveting the
shackles of human despotism." He wished
to . have tho discussion continue till theso
strange doctrines could be demonstrated. It
is hardly necessary to remark that that w ould
be making it a permanent assembly.
In the Louisville Journal of Oct. 10th, is
ou editorial commentary on these proceed
ings, in w men, uiuicr tue must downy ten
derness towurds the Slave Power, some ter
ribly sharp truths ore presented to the Slave
holders. . We don't remember when we have
the piratical system bo cut to pieces un-
Wm ii-if twa.Kk-ljdrv t.M'jjjM.tks.gma.
ofWcr, could not have stabbed it more pre-
cisely thro' the heart, with " the kinder end
of the spear," tlmn Prontieo has dono in
this article. Whether his firth rib will be
tickled with some slavehohliug Juab's liowio
knife in consequence, remains to be seen.
Mr. Prentice thinks the production of cot
ton has reached a stage ut which it can no
longer ubsorb oil the energies of the planting
States, and consequently the demand ibr
slaves in the.u must slacken. This will cause
accumulation of the article in Kentucky, and
perhaps turn buck the tide. He thinks that
while general emancipation would be bud
policy, slaves from abroad should be exclu
ded, und the institution Ik) kept, if possible,
in its present limits. Ho then makes the
very remarkable statement, that
" In every felavo e-tnte there is u maximum
of whito population which is never passed
but when once attained the white population
gradually diminishes, while the disproportion
of slaves rapidly increases. This has been
more particularly 'remarked and generally oi
plied to the low lauds of Virginia. The
reason usually giveu lor it is, that the lands
have been worn out under the impoverishing
influenco of slave culture. Ilut the census
proves the same to be equally true, of the
uu worn, still rich lands of Kentucky. Some
of the counties embracing the richest land
in the Stute have actually decreased in white
population.''
Mr. Prentice gently reminds the Conven
tion thut 1'20,000 noii-sluveholding voters, re
presenting five-sixths of the white popula
tion of the Stute, and not having one single
representative of their class in that body,
may have some rights nud some interest in
the settlement of the sluve question. . To lie
sure, he says, it is a wonderful compliment
to the integrity und high character of the
slaveholders, that these non-slaveholders
should have entrusted their interests so en
tirely to their keeping, and it ought to stim
ulate the slaveholders to be exceedingly mag
nanimous und consult the interests of the
laboring white men us well as their own!
Cuu anything lie iik ro ludicrous thou the
wuste of such arguments upon such men?
Can anything be more absurdly ingenious
than this turning into a compliment to the
slaveholders of what is reullv a most as
tounding proof of the shame, ignorance and
utter degradation of tlio liou-sluveholding
whites ?
Air. Prentice argues with irresistible force
against forbidding emancipation and driving
out the free Mucks, a cluss of lneu to whom
he gives a high cliuructer as peaceful, trust
worthy, law-abiding citizens. On the latter
point, ho warns the slaveholders thut the free
blucks have rights and property, and thut
they who have especially deprecated inter
ference with such rights, shuuld beware of
setting tho example of trespass. Says he,
" if there bo uny right of jiropcrty deserving
to be characterized as entitled to more sanc
tity thuu another, it must be a man's right lo
himself" Exactly so Mr. Prentice, and there
you have sewed lip the slaveholders. There
never was a timo in tho history of any free
man, colored or white, in which his right to
himself wus not " entitled to more sanctity "
thuu his right to any tiling else, liy what
right then could this liecuiuii bo enslaved ?
Surely not by any right of property. It must
l3 the right of power, or self-defence, or
philanthropy, or something else tho right
of wrong, most likely anything but the right
of property. When slaveholders claim their
ilavcs by the right of roj-alty, priesthood, or
bencvoleuco, there may be more or less sense
in it very littlo wo think, if not less but
when they claim them as property, they only
furnish the Alxdilionists a logical club to
knock their brains out. Tho claim of pro
perty in man, notwithstanding the oily clo
quenco and ready wit of Henry Claj', is ab
surd, imjHissible and abominable.
What has the North to do with Slavery?
The following letter from n Washington
etH-rcspondont of Tho Tribune may pus.-ibly
help some to answer tho question.
WASHINGTON, Tuesday, Oct. 16.
Mr. Gokei.et : Facts are stubborn things.
When Mr. Gott offered n resolution in the
House of Representatives Inst winter, decla
ring Slavery in the District of Columbia to
be n disgrace tn us in the eves of all Chris
tendom, the Southern members held a meet
ing in the Senate Chamber, in secret, in the
night time, and threatened to dissolve the U
nion. Is it any wonder that Northern men,
with Northern hearts and Northern heads,
should cry 'Amen' to the efforts of these
Southern liuialies, when they see, in the very
heart of the capital, on Pennsylvania avenue,
lictween tho Halls of Legislation ond the
Halls of Legislative power, on God's holy
day, a wagon load of human cattle in the
form and likeness of their Maker, chained
ond manacled to the vehicle like sheep in
the butcher's enrt, readj- Ibr the sacrifice of
blood and toil ? Such a scene occurred here
on Sunday last, Oct. 1 1, year of our Lord
18111. The cries of the miserable wretches
as they jolted over the rough pavement at a
brisk trot, mingled mysteriously with light
and careless voices of God's people returning
from the cushioned seats and damask stools
where they are wont to worship the Most
High, and pray for ull mankind! The slave
driver had been into Maryland to purchase
his ' Live Stock ' probably for the South
ern market, and was Inking them to the
shambles, to be inspected by the dealers in
'God's image cut in ebony!' Oh, did it ev
er occur to the pious, Christian Slaveholder,
or to any Slavehohliug freeman who ac
knowledges himself accountable to a Hereaf
ter, what u fearful distance lies between him
and everlasting happiness! When Almigh
ty Power and Retributive Justice r.,o forth to
liit the pall of darkness from the world, to
unloose tho shackles of the oppressed, und
open the eyes ol uuuikiml to light and truth,
how will some of the patriots and saints of
to-day call upon the rocks and mountains to
cover them from thut unsleeping Eye which
sees everywhere !
... How lujig arc we to Bufl'or this reproach?
Will Slavery continue in the District? Js
there not one yet w ho lias arisen w ith genius
lit and courage sullicient to stab tlio mon
ster to the heart, mid rid us of the disgrace ?
Will men in Congress still truckle to power,
and let tho seal of everlasting shame und
guilt bo burned deep on their liont or is
there light uliead ?
A New Phase.
The correspondent of the Journal of Com
merce announces that u Southern Democrat,
on the first day of the session of tho Senate,
will submit u proposition on the question of
Slavery, which will settle it us regards the
Territories, and Clay uud Calhoun will sup
port it. This is the scheme
Unit CalUoiiua bliiul be divided into
three States.
That tho law of the Missouri Compro
mise shall bo applied thereto.
the Correspondent says:
The bill which will be introduced in tho
Seuuto w ill provide, first, for tho establish
ment ol lour territorial Governments, to
wit: that for New Mexico, thut for Deseret,
that part of California north of 30 e 'M mill,
and west of Deseret, and tlio part of Califor
nia south of 3UciW mill, shall be authorized
forthwith to form a Stute Constitution, and
shall be admitted into the Union. Also, that
a new State shall be admitted front the cus
tom part of Texas, und south of lHj c 30 miu.
The bill will not settle the boiuidury between
iexus uud ie v .Mexico, but will provide
thut the question be submitted to a Board of
Commissioners.
California w ill not lie ullowed to take tlio
Ocean iKjundary, which bus been proposed
in her Convention.
The Territorial questions, mingled with
the slavery agitation, und the uncertainty us
to the permanence of either of the present
party orgunizutious, will give an extraordina
ry interest to the coming session, even ut its
very commencement. 'Jl'ho slavery question
is the great humbug of the day, und will
swullow up all others.
John Van Buren.
This adroit politician, son of the magician
Martin VunUureii 'u chip of the old block,'
bus a letter in the lioston Republican, cor
recting certain errors m the report ot lus
recent speech nt the Free soil meeting in
Fuucuil Hull, by tho editor of that pupcr.
Murk tlio lollow ing paragraph lrom it :
'1 did not uvow my determination 'never
to go into a Nutionul Convention with slave
holders.' 1 have never objected to a man on the
ground of his being a slaveholder. 1 said thut
so long as tho Southern States made j no
slavery the sole test of eligibility lo office, it
wus obvious that no National Democratic
Convention could bo held, for the basis of u
National Convention is a willingness und uu
obligation to support the nominee of the
Convention, w hoover bo muy be.'
This is the length und bi eudlli of Mr. Van
liurcii's 'live soil' principles, lie. objects to
the nouiinutiou of no iiiun-stculcr as a candi
date lor democratic!?) suffrages; ho only ob
jects to the making of perpetual shivery a
nuuoiiai tieinucrmic lesi. ii is iiiumiesi mat
he is willing thut the Southern wing of de
mocracy should be pro-slavery to any extent
locally ; only tho Northern wing must be
lelt free to bo uuti-bluveiy locully, according
to circumstances; while lhe puny itself must
agree to ' run for luck.' Uud luck to ull such
coinprouiMcrg ! Liberator.
From the Anti-Slavery Standard.
Things Political.
Tiik Annual Agony is over. Tho ballot
boxes have closed upon the Sibylliuo leaves
from which our Sooth-soyers sock to spell
out our Destinies. Their imerfect utter-,
slices were flushed from Maine to Louisiana
almost before tho Inst lingering voter hadt
torn himself from the scene of his imagined
victory or defeat, uud nil may read them as
they list. It has on the whole been a tolera
bly comfortable season for us impartial look-,
ers-on, becuuso the Elections have, as a- gen
eral thing, resulted in the disappointment of
ull parlies. The Democrats in New York
have not quite carried their oiiit, while tho
Whigs rejoice w ith trembling over a victory
which they foresee must grow into a JJcl'eat.
In Massachusetts the Ttiylorile have had a
rebufl'such us they little Xected ami which
must have materially qualilied the pleasure
of their absolute success. While 1t0 Fren
Soilers, every where, have had a lesson ns U
the inelliciency of their Method lo accom
plish any sufiieieiit End. They have not
only been taught, if they have the grace to
learn, that Slavery is not to Imi rciu lied by?
the means thev use, but that their men aro
not to be relied upon so as to developo w hat
virtue there may lie in them.
Wo sincerely wish that the success of tho
Freo Soil Movcmenthud been greater. Not
that we think that it is of any particular i Mo
ment to the Slaves, or to the Country, win;. J
or Zachury Taylor or Martin Vuu ilui-i
the Chief Gaoler at Washington, or wnether
George Uriggs or Stephen C. Phillips be set
to keep the Mas.-chuset(sSWnxiVof tho Na
tional IVison-hoiaie ; but bcealjP-e we lielieve
that many of tint sincere Ati i-fMnvcry men
of that Party will learn thd A(!Yfy oV their
attempt only through the Disappointment of
Success. We have no objection to their
Coalitions and Amalgamations where they'
hud the honest object of (locating tho party
which is now the especi.-if Representative of
tho Slate Power, for such b'the only means
by w hich political success can lie a? iiievcd.'
and it is absurd, having accepted the pro
cess, to quarrel with the necessary steps.
. v.. .... o ,3 o .iij i u.:ii.u mm iiiiuisy ma
chine, at best, and they who arc too fino
gentlemen to bear its legitimate r.nd neces-'
sary workings had better let it alone. In
our Country it is only to be led by votes,
and people who wish for a grist to their
minds must not be too particular as to what
goes into the hopper. Nothing can well bo
more comic than to see gentlemen profess
ing to believe that the Country Is to be re-,
deemed y'a majority of votes, turning up.
their noses at tho very votes that are essou-
tin! to the redemption they seek.
The first thing which a' Voter lias to swul.
low is the Constitution under which ho rules.
und which is the Commission he gives to his.,
minister whom ho appoints bv his ballot If
his Esophagus has been enlarged by tho,
deglutition of this monstrous Camel, w ith all
its humps of Pro-Slavery Compromises and
concessions, one would think thut he would
hardly strain ut a poor littlo gnut of u Demo
crat, or a Whig cither, when, "the whirli
gig of Time has again brought around hi,
revenges." We wish tosco ull the elements .
that principle or policy can unite brought .
together for political onslaught upon Slavery,
not because wo believe that they could do,
any thing to the purpose, us long us thuy aro
encumbered by the fitters of the Constitu
tion; but becuuso wc believe thut this is u
stage that must bo passed through beforo a J
largo class of minds w ill discover thut noth
ing can be thus done. We believe that
many of the leadini; Free Soilers. w ho camo.
out of the Whig uud Democratic parties, aro.
since, men who nave muilo actual sacrifices,
of personal position and political promoliou
fin- what seems to them a high fcduty. Wo
wish they could be put in u jMjsiiion, tor ,
once, in which by trjing w hat they etui do
they will find that they can do nothing, ond
inui nicy must uegiu Uieir work over again. .
Rut the feni'ful lulling off of tho crop of X'reo
Soil votes, wen in the localities most favoru-.
ble to their growth, since tho last harvest
time, looks ill for the future. It looks as if
the constitution of the Free Soil Party wero
too qncusy for prolonged lile, unless it can.
get u large infusion of li-esh blood inta im
veins.
We hnvo never expected thut am J hu-go
portion of the American People w ould couio
up to tho ground occupied by the American .
Anti-Slavery- Societv, in relation to the Cou
stitutiuu of the Union. That ground was
discerned und is maintained by men who.
have looked ut tho Constitution uud tho
Union w ith the eyes of tho Slave, and w ith ,
the single purpose of discharging the grand
duty of this Ago und Country, as liir us iht-y ,
were concerned, lo him. Such lire. not thu
view s or purposes of the muss of tho '
Northern People, not even of thut portion :
that goes to make up the Free Soil Party,. ,
The motives uud arguments thut huvo bceu ;
urged to influence its uction, us fiir as-they
have come within our notice, have- beeu.
chiefly drnwu from tho seliish interests of
those uddressed. The predominance of tho
South, her injustice to the North, the lino .
qual distribution of high Oiiice, her hostility
to Northern interests, und other similar top
ics of a personal or sectional nature, huvo
beeu the main spriiiifs which tho muiunrei-
of this Movement huvc played upon. Thin
is uio iiuuin.i couiie ot things and one not
to be complained of. Rut these, considera
tions do not come home to the duilv busU
nt-ss and internal lives of those uddr.Fedk
mid therefore their influence is but transient.
Witness tho diminution of tho Flue Sod
Vote in Massachusetts. Tin :re are tho
Sluvcs, ond hero Is the polilicul punishment
of permitting them to bo such ; w hy khould ;
Zeal dimmish iiid love glow cold? Tho'
existence of an Ultra, Fauuiical, Anti-Slavery
body is as essential to political Anti:Sla- '
very as the Steam hi thcEngiuo'is to the'ano-."'
tion of the Train, ;
It is true that an enlightened seliittercst '
or an intelligent self-respect would lead to'
politicul action thut mijht result in lbs

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