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RO UNION WITH SLAVEHOLDERS."
A.W PIMItSOX, rnblllilnK Agent. UtAIUlS It. HOKIASOX, Editor. VOL. 8--N0. 33. SALEM, COLUMBIANA CO., OHIO, MAY 7, 1853. WHOLE NO 397. THE ANTI-SLA.VE11V ItUVLE, fOSLtSHRD VBBT SaTURDAT, AT SaLXM, O. Tirms. 1 1,60 per annum if paid in advance. Sl,7S per annum if paid within the first six months of the subscriber's year. $2,00 per annum, if payment be delayed be yond six months. nrW occasionally send numbers to those who are not subscribers, but who are belieTed to be interested in the diMcmlnation of anti alavery truth, with the hope that they will either subscribe themselves, or uso their influ 'ence to extend its circulation among their .friends. r7Communtcationi Intended for insertion, to be addressed to Mahius K. Robinson, Editor. .All others to Emily Koiiinson, Publishing Ag't. J. HUDSON, PRINTER. THE BUGLE. Cincinnati Anti-Slavery Convention. [Continued.] SECOND DAY. Convention met at 0 o'clock. Traycr by Rev. Mr. Yancy. Tlie resolutions of last evening were called up and discussed by Judge Steph ens, M. K. Robinson, Rov. Mr. Worth and J. Langston. Mr. Laugston aiiid: I am anxious every -word I utter, ahull Ira ns a colored man, yet on account of my complexion, I do not ask your sympnthy. The grant context in between liberty ami slavery. I thank God that in this contest I mil of necessity placed on the aide of auli-alavery. Hud 1 liccn a white man, and inherited the condition nnd property of my Fntlior, I might have been a pro-slavery mini to dny. I stimd ns the advocate of the American slave, ami from my connection with him, can speak with some freedom and liohlncss. I ak your consideration of n few thoughts, and lliu first ix, that American si n very is the "sum of nil vilbuiies." It is so, because it outrages the physical nature of the slave. You have heard lime and aguiu,of the lashes lie receives from his overseer; hut slavery would be tolerable if it stopped with these. It dors not stop there. The tdiir.k man, though lie lias a black akin, is intellectually and morally a num. The samu intellect ns the white, man, and the name sort of se ina bility, which is when cultivated as tender ns liis. , . He lias the same executive will too. No, if ha lias these, nud slavery strikes them down, it must bo tho stun of nil villun ief. How can n mnn devclope his Intellect, -when lie is denied the use of his intellectual nature ? Can I understand the Christian Religion, unless I linve freedom of thought? It is worse than futile and absurd to suppose that the slave can cultivate his spiritual nnd tnornl nature, nud grntp the great truths necessary to his salvation. Slavery denies anything like a full knowledge of the teach ings of the Bible. No Southern man dare tell the slave that he is a creature of God. The moment it is done, slavery tars nnd feathers, and exiles him. It does not stop with tho slave. There is a class of people in tho South, of youi own color, who are s badly olT us the colored man. See the poor white man, ignorant, drunken, nnd de graded, used as the slaveholders' tool. It stops not here either. It comes into the Northern States nnd makes slaves of the colored people. I stand here to-day with invisible manacles upon me ; I have not the freedom that you desire me to have. The prejudice against us embodies itself in leg islation. Have you forgotten Mr. Cushing's Bill, that renegade Whig, disowned by the Gazette and the Cleveland Herald, and tho ' "Whig party, mean ns it is ? The people of Ohio are too Anti-Slavery to enact such a law. 1 will not review '.he characteristics of that bill. Why should I be driven out of the State ? Have we not labored for the .support of the government ever since its (formation, and your benevolent institutions, and with all, of your penitentiary ? For we liave all the virtues and vices of other men Yes, we have helped to support tour poor, fjut you have refused to support ours. We have done the same for your blind and in ane, but you have not for ours. This spu it docs not stop in this State; it goes into Illinois and enacts bill as bad as Cushing's. The colored citizens of that -State deserved no such treatment a this. They are respectable, and possess the chnr . acteristics of other men. Why then this human and outrageous law ; not only on them, but upon those States which regard colored men as citizens ? Let Mr. Remond go to Illinois and remain ten days, and on the eleventh day lie will be taken up and old to tha highest bidder. American slavery does not stop with strik ing down the colored men in tho North. Where are your statesmen Daniel Webster, Henry Clay, ondThomas Corwin ? They were aud are under tha thumb and la the fatten of slavery. Can you see them thus, and not be earnest and active in your efforts to overthrow the corrupting system? If there was no other consideration to induce you to war against slavery, the fact of the prostration of these giants in intellect before it is enough. But it is not satisfied with this; it goes into the pulpit and lifts up its bloody hand against the man who says a word condemning it. And so cowardly and unmindful of the trust imposed upon them, are the professed ministers of God, that they make it a divine institution, and say that Christ and Paul gave it sanction. After thill making tools of your clergy, it makes infi delity of your Christianity. Have you got pure Christianity in these United Stales? What, cry infidel against such men as Wil liam Lloyd Garrison, Wendell PhiHi, nnd Charles C. Burleigh, and any that Doctors Spring, Cox and Rice are Christian and or thodox? What on Inconsistency ? My friends, if you would save your country and govern ment nnd all its great interests, you must one and nil luhor for the overthrow of Sla very, or it will overthrow you and every thing else. We must come to the rescue of our coun try from this great curse. Talk of the Ma cliiti family and Kossuth nud Hungary I Why there is not a people in the wide world that suffers as our own do ; why pass reso lutions in behalf of those, so far off, while we are here, millions of us, nnd you can lift us up if you will ? Webster nnd Clay could make speeches in favor of Grecian and South American revolutions. Who could not do it? You can talk about liberty nbrond, but if you would be consistent you must labor for the emuncipuiion uud elevation of the slaves nt home. Mr. Garrison Pillowed with snmo rrinarks( after which the convention adjourned. AFTERNOON SESSION. Rev John Rankin mudc some remarks, tracing the anti-slavery influence of the coun try to the ltilile as its source, and dissenting from some views expressed by Mr. Garrison. Mr. G. followed briefly in explanation. After which the President read loiters to the Convention. Letter from C. M. Clat Wiiitb Hall P. O., Madison cn. Ky, March 25th, 1853. Lnd'xtt and Gentlemen t Your letter of the Inst month was, in consequence of my ab sence Iroiii home, unanswered till now. In your loiter, in addition to the printed circular, you say 1 am " especially invited" in be present at the Anti-Slavery Convention to be held on the lDth proximo, in Cincin nati. For this special honor, accept my grateful acknowledgement. Let me ever be remem brrediiy the friends of Human Justice, rnther than be honored with place, by the enemies of the Right. If in v engagements will allow, I shall cer tainly will be with you though I cunuot now decide. You say W. L. Garrison will be present. I wish to say n word of that man. As a man. be stumls first unions; livinir men. be cause he has luliorcd most of all in that cause which is of most worth to mankind. It is not for me to say whether, with cipial firm ness nuil sensibility to the right, he might or might not linve done more service in the great cause. It is enough thai with whatever talent was. Inuned him by Deity, with that be has zealously at all hazards of ull things contended for the highest interests of men, I he day for his appreciation has not come ! There is, however, one saying of his frndu cers, and tho trnducers of- those who act with him, which I will notice Hint "they have set back the cuuse of emancipation by agi tation." Nothing is more false. The cause of emancipation advances only with ugi alion. Let that cease, nnd Despotism ia complete. The slaveholders have just ns much intention of yielding up their slaves. ns the most of the kings of the earth have of laying down, lor the benefit of the people, their sceptres! How long will, without ag itation, kingdoms last! Again, they sny the chains of the slave are tightened by the fierceness of discussion. Be it so. When a chain guts very tight, it may perhaps breuk! Agitation, then, ought not to cense. " Un cle Tom" proves thai there is yet vitality in it ! Very well written, they sny, but then it is an exaggeration of the evils of the " peculiar institution." No human ingenuity can color that which allows to be done nil Ihnt the hu man heart can conceive of Diabolism ! For one case of " Legreeism," I'll show you a dozen of infinitely exceeding horror! But enough. The thing is axiomatic. Delends est Carthago! I nin very truly, Your oh'i aerv't, March 25th, 1853. C. M. CLAY. C. DONALDSON, &c., Committee, &c., LETTER FROM REV. JOHN G. FEE. To Christian Donaldson and other friends of universal Liberty. I have received your kind and special in vitation to attend the Anti-Slavery Conven tion, to be held ill Cincinnati, on the I'Jth, 20th, and 21st of April, and take purl in its proceedings. Most gladly would I do so, could I con sistent with other duties. Previous to any knowledge of the proposed convention, I had made engagements with other friends of humanity, to assist in a series oi meetings in the interior of thia Stats during the month of April. Aniir.rently the interests of truth nnd hu manity require that those meetings be held at tho earliest period practicable. Should I not meet with you, in convention, nt the time proposed, my absence will not, there fore, Ira tor the want of a common interest in the cause of human liberty. I trust that when your voices snail elo quently nnd efleclive'y plead the cause of the poor slave, and graphically depict the sor vilnnce of the North and wretchedness of the South, my voire, feebly it may be, shall be rnised in the tiudsl oi i:ie evu you so much deplore. By spenking thus, however, I do not in tend to disparage in the least, your labors in the free Stale. -Vo .' under Cod, I believe the inlvation of thil nation must primarily come from the Free Xorlh. And that it those who have the blessings ol nnerty auu are privnc ged lo see the evils nnd horrors of slavery, shall fail to rouse the North to consistent, vigorous, and persevering action, then our country is lost! 1ai to those blessings of liberty, peace nnd prosperity which the friendsof humanity nnd righteousness so do vnutly pray for. That slavery will not live always, I of course believe. Liko other great sins, it will eventually work out its own destruction. But if it shnll not oe abolished by pcncclhl menus, moral, social, political, then it will die ns it often has done, amid the crnsh of arms, nnd the shrieks of tho dying, nnd our nntiou's sun will set in n sen of blood. May God Almighty avert the cnlamity. 1 repent it, salvation under God must come from the North. Those who are in darkness, blinded by prejudice, falsehood, ' and sup posed interest (as is tlie condition oi many in the South) see not their error nnd danger. Then, ns in tho spiritual nud physical world, life only can beget life, so those who have light niuxt givo light. There me, it is trup, a fow spots in the South ftoui which light and hnpo feebly radiate ; bill these tew spots havo been lighted and sustained chiefly by thu North. Tho North then must bo roused to a Christ-like devotion to the Interests of oth ers, to genetons, vigorous, and persevering anion. Conventions, protracted Mass Conventions will be found n powerful means for tho ac complishment of this end. Theso conven tions will be valunblc, not only for the truth and argument evolved and spread before tho minds of'lhe people, hut also for that all pow erful and lawful enthusiasm inspired by tho voice nnd countenance of the living speaker, nud that courage mid strength Imparted by the presence of tho multitude. 1 regard conventions nil one of tho agen cies, which God Almighty is now employ ing, for llie overthrow of that monster uiiqi ty, Americnn Slavery. May yours bo hon ored ns such. And may the (Jod of wisdom, righteousness, and mercv. preside in your deliberations. JOHN G. I KK. Glenv ille, Cabin Creek, P. O., Lewis Co, Ky. C. Dunuldsoii, Suruh O. Km nest and others. LETTER FROM REV. R. B. DOBBINS. IPAVIA, April 8th, 1853. Dear Iirethern : Though 1 cannot bo with you in body, I am with you in spirit. I pre sume you inquire why noi present in body; I answer. For several reasons. I am too poor I am too old. Born 23rd August, 1773. Crippled by a fid I from my horse, henumhud nil over my system, too deaf to hoar propo sitions in a Convention, I am not only wil ling, but desirous you should do anything, but everything you can with propriety, that will purgo the Church of Slavery, relieve the poor slave, whether white or black. No slaveholder ought to he a church member. All our great dillicultics now in this Repub lic, are the consequences of our perfidy ro s)ccting the Declaration of Independence. Had this Republic adhered firmly and faith fully lo llio principles of the Declaration of Independence, we would now lie a happy and glorious community : and to these prin ciples we must return, or he miserable. The Church is the great bulwark of Slavery in North America. The Church is ashamed of Christ Jesus the Lord. May God be with you, and influence you and guide and direct you to whatever snull be most for his glory and the advancement of his cuuse here below. ROBERT R. DOBBINS. l.xplnnntion too poor, to pay passage too old, weak in body and mind. Too deaf, often require those who speak to mo to spell tho words, cau't distinguish the articulation without it. 11. it. l Mr Garrison then said, " I hold in my hand a series of resolutions, which I will read. The five first with the concurrence of the Business Committee, but the two last 1 report on my own responsibility: Resolved, That the nearest duty is tho first duty to be fuithlully nnd energetically per formed by abolitionists thai belbre expend ing the force of their denunciations upon the alavuhuldiug South, they uro bound to grnpplo with whatever in legislation or public senti ment manifests a nroscriptive and tyranous spiiit against the colored man in the Statu where they live ; aud to make its suppression their constant nud immediate concern. Resolved, Therefore that the political dis franchisement of the colored citizens of Ohio, being a most unjust and proscriptive act, and a dark stain upon the escutcheon of the Slate, and furnishing as it does, a weapon lo the slaveholder to strike down the l ining spirit of emancipation, should be vigorously denounc ed and held up to populur condemnation until it ceases to exist. Resolved, That anti-slavery is not simply an issue with the fugitive slave law, or oppo sition to slavery in the District of Columbia and the Territories, or resistance to the fur ther extension of chattel servitude, or giving succor or shelter to the fugitivo slave, or con tributing occasionally to the funds of our movement; but it ia a life-giving and a life embracing principle, demanding inflexibly and uncompromisingly tho immediate sua . ......... u,i, in, vt in mi; oiuvn system, and n i iuii recognition oi tlie equal riclils ol nil M l o dwell on the Americnn soil, without regard lo origin or complexion. Resolved, That the claims of tho slnvo to freedom admit of no postponement for tho convenience, profit, safely or success of any Institution, sect, party or enterprise whntover ; but are to ho enforced as paramount in sol enmity and importance to ull other consider ations. Itesolvcd thnt the pnrty which is in nllianrn with slaveholders, ought to he repudiated as unworthy of any countenance or cooperation ; nnd the Church or sect which gives the right band of Christinu fellowship to those w ho cloim nnd hold property in luirnnii flesh, ought to be abandoned ns an anti-Christian body, in order to he true to freedom. Kesolved, Thnt the government which is fashioned and moulded by the slave power ; that the constitution which grants aid and pro tection, and gives unusual prerogatives to tlm bidders and breeders of slaves, that the Union which was formed and is maintained only by immolating one-sixth portion of tho people of the land on the nltnr of shivery, ought to be excommunicated at whatever hazard, cost or opprobrium by every one claiming to bo the friend, representative or udvocnlu of the stave. Resolved, That tho vital nnd all-conquering motto of the anti-slavery movement, is " no union with slaveholders, religiously or politi cally," and therefore by n stern moral neces sity, every consistent abolitionist is forced to disfranchise himself for conscience sake ; lo tak i his position outside ol the present irov- i mucin, auu 10 eon ior inn insiution ot n new government, wherein shall ho recognized neither slaveholders nor slaves ns umoiiu hu man existences. In advocating these resolutions, Mr. Gar rison remarked, in substance: The anti-sla very cause is one, and imposes the samo obligations on us nil. We should seo to it that not for our own convenience, or profit we compromise the rights of tho slave. Abolitionists havo forsaken the parlies nnd churches they loved for the slave. It has cost them a struggle to do it. But they have done it, and now 1 believe we stand before the citadel of slavery, nud it must he carried or all is lost; and that citadel is the Consti tution and the Union, nnd the samn necessity that separated mo from my chinch and party bears upon me in regard to these. A pro slavery Church cannot be supported without gtnl, and so of a pro-slavery party ; nnd 1 think we must not stop h"re, but come out of tho government loo, or cat our own words. I say tho Constitution is a pro-slavery instrument, and that the Union is co il, cnted With the blood of tho slave, and I cannot uphold il. I know there is a differ ence of opinion about this. But how is the issue met? It is said in justification of voting nud a continuance in tho government, That the Preamble to the Constitution, proves il iiicmupntiblu with slavery. It shows that the instrument was formed to establish justico and secure tho blessings of liberty. That there is no Fugi tive clause, nothing that requires or allows tho return of fugitive slaves. That if there was any understanding to that effect, they did not get il into the instrument, and there fore it is not binding. That the South has broken tho bond, and therefore we may do the same. That the Constitution is to bo construed as each understands it, nnd the objector so understands it as to relieve his conscience. That the Compromises were not intended to be permanent, fur the frnui- ers expected slavery would die. l lint ns Gcrrit Smith says, the Constitution was nudj is designed lo Do Anti slavery, nud so slav ery is unconstitutional every where, nud Congress has the right to nbolish it. Thnt it provides for its own amendment, and it is not pro-slavery to vote to do it. That the preservation of the Union is of more im portance than the abolition of slavery. That if we wait for a perfect government before we act in it we Bhull wait till the crack of doom, and wo must do the best we can now. Thnt there is no power fir dis solution, and we must stay in the govern ment and right it os fust us we can. Thnt, finally, it will be far ensier to persuade tho people lo abolish slavery, than the govern ment. I believe theso cover the whole ground of objection to my position. In iiiuh-rlnking to settle this matter, we must take facts, with out denying, shuffling or dodging them. Mr. Smith soya the Constitution is Anti-Slavery. What are the historical facts with regard to its adoption? There were then 700,000 slaves, and 13 out of the 13 Slates were sluveholding. Mr. Smith says men owning slaves came together in Convention, and without discussion or agitation udopted on instrument which took every sluve from them I Cun a statement be moro wild? Why did not the slaves go free after the adoption of the Constitution ? No one thought of it. The price of slaves went on increasing. Its trainers were slaveholders, and they did not bring a single sluve to en joy its benefits. Did or did not the frnmers of the Consti tution stipulnto that the Slaveholders should have a three fifths representation for their slaves? Tho fact is, ns soon ns it was nil.ip led, n census was taken nnd three-filth of the slave population irat taken ns tho basis of representation. This would have been ebsurd nml impossible, if such a contrnet hnd not been made. It remains intact to tho present timo- tho worst compact ever entered into since llio sun began to rise. The nation has decided by il arts for 00 years that il is in the bond. Will nny oun sny ho lielicves there never was n contract maile with tho slave power, for tha continuance of the slave trade for twenty years? In regard to fugitives, can nny one stand up and sny that our fathers did not bargain for their return ? I crmld say that there are tin slaves ill the world, as well ns to say this. They ngrecd too, that in surrection of the slaves should be put down, nnd all these things except the foreign slave trndn remain in the Constitution till now. I admit the word slave nnd slave holder are not in tho instrument, hut this is not a con flict of verbal criticism. Tho calamity is that the words are not there. Fur when you have the naked devil beforo you, you lire in no danger. Ho is daiigeruus onl when ho wraps himself in tho garb of mi nngel of light. When men enter into devil ish bargains ihey net in secret. Now ihey cull slavery n patriarchal or peculiar institu tion, hut who thinks they don't mean slavery? Mr. Smith grants that the foreign slave trade is recognized in the conMiliilinn, but I defy him to prove it on his own ground. It only speaks of the migration or importation of persons. How cunu it to pass for nil this length of time, ihal slave holders havo rep. rcsentalivea on the floors of Congress, nnd fugitives have been bunted if slavery is not recognized. 1 ullirni the Constitution to ho a covenant with death ami un agreement with hell ; that in the language of lliu prophet, "Wo huvo made lies our refuge." For more than sixty cars lill public bodies have agreed in con struing this instrument In the samn manner. Did not Washington, Henry, Madison, nnd nil the fathers understand tho Constitution they adopted? To make it uuti-slnvery you must accuse them of this fully. I am not disposed to say nny thing hut'shly of them unnecessarily, but I say they acted wickedly in compromising with shivery. Tho argu ment was that if the Union was not formed, llio colonies would fall a prey tit England. This argument was powerful plausible, and I w ill admit, for tlm urgumeiit's snko, that such n result was certain. Wlint then h lint right has one man to sacrifice another to save himself? What right had our fath ers In immolate the rights of others, to se cure their own ? It is high-handed villainy. It seems to ine that if the meaning of the Constitution is not settled, nothing is settled. Do you Frea Sailers go for nil amendment of the Constitution for striking nut the compromises with slavery ? You have not inscribed it on your banners, ami until you do, I bold you to tha bond. Mr. Smith is going to Congress-. I In will bo n rjra avis there. Ho says that slave holders nro pre eminently pirates, nud he takes his scat among pre-eminent pirates, to promote the blessings of liberty. I would not dictate to him, but it seems to mo his first duty will be to move for the expulsion of twenty-live members of Congress as interlopers. I hnpo he will nttend lo that part of his duty. That will do to begin with. Tin y will have live ly limes. Another thing an anti-shivery construction of the constitution would bring n dissolution. Such n definition would he a de claration of civil war. If Free Soilcrs had majority in Congress, nnd should proceed on Ibis construction, the South would arm us a man. . It is a bloody construction ours is a peace ful one; we acknowledge the bond, and we have this alternative, to swear lo support il or stand outside. But you support il ns you understand it; that is a game two can piny nt. Cnrry it out nud your constitution isn nose of wax. If the slaveholder can gel the power, he will understand il bs be pleases. Aside from the constitution, we havo no un ion, nnd when I speak of dissolution, I menu a withdrawul from the constitution) and a re fusal to act under it. EVENING SESSION. The evening was devoted principally to a discussion of the position and claims of the colored people of llie Free States. The speakers were three in number uud nil col ored men. They acquitted themselves in a manner that would have been highly credit, able to nry cluss of men under any circum stances. They were Mr. John I. Gaines, of Cincinnati, Mr. C. L. Remond, of Salem, Mass., and Mr. J, Laugston, of Oberliu. The speeches of the Inst two gentlemen we are nut ublo at Ibis timo even to sketch, as we took no notes at the time. Mr. Guinea speech rve will publish next week. A few remarks were also mndo by Mrs. P. M. R. Puikcr, of New Richmond. THIRD DAY—MORNING. a Cnnvrn'inn met nt 0 o'clock, and the res olutions of Wednesday were culled lip. Mr. Amos Moors addressed the meeting in favor of the Union, Constitution nnd tha Compromises thereof. The gentleman ad mitted these compromises were wrong, yet observed that the Convention could do no other than adopt them, nnd bo would have voted for them br.d be been a memlier there of. Ho condemned with much severity tha course nfremnrk of some of the speakers w ho hnd impugned the character of Wash ington nnd bis rompntriots. The speaker n vowed that he bad born the rrmnrks yesler day ns long ns he could, nnd hnd left th meeting in nonseqtteiiec of them, lie was followed by Mr. L Remond in a few caus tic remarks. Tho first five resolutions wersj unanimously adopted. Mr. Garrison then took the floor in continuation ol bis argu ment, in support of the two last resolutions of the series now before tho bouse. He re marked : ''Sir, you wero right In your pre liiniiiary remaiks. Ami Slavery Is not sen sitive nnd cowardly, bill brave, bold, nnd frt, and invites the most searching scrutiny of it principles nnd its measures. I do not ack nowledge a mini ns nil abolitionist who is a fm ill of discussion. Said the Apostle in tha face of opposition "we nro always confident." And why should they lint be ? They had truth uud God upon their side. When wo try lo put n question from u we have occa sion In nsk ourselves seiiotisly "do we lovs. triilh ?' Are we nfrnid of progress? Or nro we in the condition of those of old who exclaimed "old things nro passing away."- In paming through lliu different stages of our cause it is done step by step. Aud eventual ly we come lo the last, nud if wo refuse to take this, wo have taken no step. If wa compromise with Slavery nnywhtre we can never uholish it. Tho question before us now is "can an ubolitiuniM sweur to support the Constitution of tho U. S. or vote for another to do it forlorn?'' n answer we must go to the instrument nud examine into lliu conditions it imposes upon us, mid see il wo ran carry out its provision j without coir--seining with thieves nnd striking hands with adulterers. I am addressing abolitionists who Irivo givou evidence of the correctness of their purpose by the advances and tha sacrifices they have made. If you do not oc cupy the highest possible position upon tha question of sl.,veiy il is bccutiso you have not yet examined nud understood it. By the adoption of tho five first resolutions which you have just consented to unani mously, w bicb assert the propriety nnd ne cessity for iiholiiiuiiiids to come out of and ho separated from ull parlies uud sects which compromise with slavery, you have com mitted yourselves to the priiiciplo which de mands jour separation from a pro slavery government. Jesus said "if any one love lather uud mother, wife or children, houses or lands more than ho loves me, ho is not worthy of me." It is no light matter to givo up father or mother, or fiiends and sub stance ; to do so requires faith in God. In our day it is taken liir granted there is no cross to be born. One is looked upon as a madman who lakes up his cross and mani fests his love to God by hi lovo for man. We have Scribes nnd Pharisees now, and more hardened nppnsers to the teachings of truth than ever the Jewish nation exhibited. You ask whern shall we bn if we dissolve; the Union ? That is tmt the question, but thu true one b-'loro us is, how' shall we ex pect to prosper by the violation of God's Luw ? You do not believe tho end sancti fies ihe'ineuiis. Tout is tho Jesuit's doctrine A man may not lie a litllu for the sake of nflectiug n great good. It is an nhiurdity to expect good In result from the violation of God's Law. Many temptations are held out in this compromising world, to bargain for a considerable good, nt the cost of o little evil. When I can be charitable without crime, I mil willing nud desirous to be so; but when you nsk me to nllow you to sin u little that good may cnuio of it, I cannot agree to it. I need not recapitulate ull of the twelve positions I alluded to yesterday as those gen erally nssumed by our voting friends in sup port of their political course. Those and stronger perhaps, will probably bo stated by themselves. The object before us is not 10 recriminate or nliui-o, but lo inquire into facts nud responsibilities. But conceeding aa you have nlreudy done that it is our duty to leave party and sect which upholds slavery, it follows logically and unavoidably that aa ' the government which upholds slavery is equally accursed, we nre bound to come out of that ulso. Thia brings ua to the question ' "Is the government of the United States' pro-slavery ?" 1 argue it, undorstnud tne, aa an abolitionist, and not aa a lion-resistant, Tho question of the rightfulness of human governments ia a wholly extraneous one with which we have nothing to do on this pisi form. We may not plead our nntl slavery