Newspaper Page Text
m tm . . ma ii us r, uoBixsox, ed iron. NO UNION WITH SLAVEHOLDERS." jxx ri'.uisox, ruhusnixG agkxi. VOL. 11. NO. 21. SALEM, COLUMBIANA COUNTY, OHIO, SATURDAY, JANUARY 2G, 185C. WHOLE NO. 53tf. The Anti-Slavery Bugle. SPEECH OF SENATOR HALE. DELIVERED IN THE SENATE, JAN. 3 1856. Mr. Pretidenh I do not rise for the purpose of making a personal explanation, because I beliove that the country thinks it of no very great conse quence what the opinion of any individual Senator may do; out, oir, i nave not a word to say against the propriety of those gentleman from Norlhorn States who votod for the Kansas-Nebraska bill, and ore still members of the Senate, making expla-i'PS nations; for thero is not one 'of them that lias ever had his eloction submitted to the people of a Free State, who has had a chance to nmko an ex- nlan&tinn on tliia flnnr. or will Sn liknlu tn .i ; I , ..... .v.j v ver soon. Hence, I have not a word to say about , mat. . I have no r'ght to assign any motive to the Pres ident fur sending the message- here under the cir- ' rumstonces under which he transmitted it. I shall not do so; but, Sir, there is a privilege which op- pertains to the Yankee nation universally, and that is g.'tessing. That we have a light to resort to, and I crtu only guess what the object was. I "am ot going to undertake to say that the sending of the message at the time when it was sent, with the extraordinary dootrices which it contains, bad any possible relation to tho tact that several Southern Democratic State Conventions wero to sit about the 8th of January, and that it becamo Important to let it be known what were the views 'entertained by the President on certain points be fore those Conventions sat. If he had any such viow as that, I wish to sav to the President, here from my place, that he spoke too late altogether. .He is like a desperate politician, or a speculator of desperate fortunes, coming in just us the auction 'has closed, who makes a treuienduous high bid, the article has been struck off to another man be fore he sot in. He is just at effectually "out of the ring" as if tie had bold his tongue. It is unkind ot those gen tlemen who are the peculiar frinds of the Presi dent to let him labor under such a delusion any ' longer. There is no more chance of his being re nominated, than there is of one of our pages receiv ing that honor, lie may be told so, and ho may ,b flattered inio bolioving it, until about the time XTlien the National Convention sits. But I wish to uggest to bis particular friends, whether it is not unkind, seeing that the President can make noth ing by it, to let him get iNwn on his knees and bumble himself, and insult hi native State, by the insinuations with which his mbssagc is filled, whon it can do no possible good to anybody on earth. The thing is done;- the matter is settled. Ho has been used just as much as you want to use him.and he will be thrown aside. la fact, he is thrown . aside already, though he does not know it. . Now, sir, I wish to say a few words in regard to 'the doctrines of the Message. In the first place, the President has a great deal to say about, Cen tral America, as if that were the engrossing sub ject with th people at this time. 1 tell the Pres ident that there is a central place in the United ' States not Central America, Central United States called Kansas, about which the people of ' this country are thinking vastly more at this time than (bey are about Centra! America, down in the land of filibuf tcrcrs; and it seems to me that "the. President of the United States would have 'discharged just as appropriately his proper con stitutional functions if be had favored us a little with that, instead of consuming ao much space , upon Central America, outside of the United States. 1 have not the slightest fear of any such thing. ' My fears are the other way. My fears are that she cannot do anything that will wake up the na - ticnal spirit beyond a little talk and recrimination s against those who are supposed not to favor cer tain views. Why do I think suT Because I know the history of the past. I know when you made it one of the issues of this country that we should ! insist on the boundary liue of 50' 40' or tight; ; I know that when Mr. James K. Polk took the oath of office in the Eastern portion of this Capi tol, he delivered an Inaugural Address, in which be declared that our title to the whole of Oregon was "clear and indisputable" just as clear as our , title to the district of Columbia for that is only clear and indisputable (there cannot be any thing clearer thnn that;) and I know, alter that after it had been made an issue upon which Mr. Polk came into Uie Presidential chair, and after the Democracy pledged themselves to sustain our rights in Oregon ' or fight and after it was pro ' claimed, under these circumstances, from the oast "ern portico of this Capitol, as our indisputable ter ritory, which was our next chapter ? Why, Sir, we gave it all away to Great Britain we gave her more than she asked. We gave away Vancouver's Island, sustaining the same relative positions to ' the harbors on the Pacific coast and the Columbia ' River that Cuba does to the harbors on the Gulf coast and to the Mississippi. We gave that away , to Great Britain without asking for a considera- " tion. The next chapter in the history of the same 1 Administration was, that they offered $200,000,000 for Cuba. That is the difference between territory North and South I Vancouver's Island could be given away, but Cuba was to be bought evon at the A cost of $200,000,000? Sir, I have had occasion to alludo to these trnns- 1 actions before, and I have stated on other occa sions, and I repeat now, that there is one curious . fact in regard to our territorial treaties, and it is a verv curious one. I do not know but that it is what Mr, Welter I do not mean the member of the Senate, but Sam Weller, ot Pickwickian " memory would call an "astonishing coincidence." At any rate, the fact is, that every treaty that has been made in regard to territory on our North ern border has been cut off and given away. We out off Maine, and sold to Great Britain all she wanted, which was a good military road from Nova Sootia to Canada, and th'en we gave away an . Empire to her on the Oregon question. On the .South, however, we have always taken. We have . constantly been cutting off at one end and buying at tho other, and when we could uot sell Northern territory, we gave it away. 1'ben, Sir, 1 think 1 can say to the Presidont.tliAt lb people would have been quite as much ple.tsod ito hear a liulfl more about Kansas, as so much .about Ccutral America. The President however, , dscs have a very little to say about Kansas a very little indeed, lie says : "In the Territory of Kansas, there have been acts prejudical to good order, but as yet none have -k occurred to justify the. interposition of the Federal , . Executive." , I wish that were true; but I take issue with him. I say the interposition of the Federal Executive has been there, and it has been there on tho side " of those very acts of violence, Sir, the people of - Kansas have bad to protect themselves against . mob law, instigated by the President and sustained .' by his officials there. When ho says there has been ' nothing to "justify" official interposition, I admit ' it is trno there was nothing to justify it, but the interposition was there, whether justified or not. .. Then he goes on to say that the people of Kansas must be protected. Well, Sir, they will bo protect ' ed; but they have not bad protection from the ' President of the United Btates. Do you not know, r i Kir does not th Senate know, and does not the country know that Govsroor Boeder came home and proclaimed in the ears of the President that Kansas was a conquersd country ? And what did . . . n . . L neaor , . n T.A.nn lZi btv. done if We of hi. fiovnaor;-had come ; ?liau""i Bnd Willson Shannon went, shout " over tho plains as he went, that he was for ' Slavery in Kansas, lie went too fast; and, I to asmngton ana said, "ueneral, mat Territory which you Bent me to govern hns been conquered." "Why in the name of the Ktornal," he would have said, "who has conquered it?" lie would have called upan the country for all its military force and all its volunteer force to retake it. But. Sir, it was not to General Jackson that the story was told, but to another and different sort of man What was his answer? The President turned him out. He said: "Governor, ire have no further need of your services; we wish you all piospority, but yon are not the man to carry out snuatter sov- I eroignty in Kansas." Then ho took Mr. Wilson I between the North and the South, Mr. Wil son Shannon will not find a very wide place to Btand upon. I do not tli iu k he will find a friend II. 1 ' noro t0 ,aTi "God save him 1" when his time conies up So much for Kansas. After this allusion to it in his message, the President undertakes to rend a long( lecture upon slavery. It is not the first time the President has delivered lectura on nknr and I have a word or two to say on the viow which he takes of it. The President of the United State in the paper which ho sent here a few da takes the ground that the gentlemen who days ago, ho do not agree with him in his peculiar notions are the one- mies of the Constitution. He so puts it, for he "If tho friends of iho Constitution are to have another struggle, its enemies could not present a more acceptable issue, than that of a State, whose Constitution clearly embraces 'a republican form of government,' being excluded from the Union becauso its domestic institutions may not in all re spect oomport with the idoas of what is wise and expedient cutcrtuincd in some other State." Thus the President undertakes to designate as enemies oj the Constitution those who differ from him on this subject. I do not know how others feel, but I say it is nn insult to tho majority of this nation. The President knows, if he reads any- niiuj; ueyuuu ine most servile sheets that Ins crea tures send to him, that the public sentiment of this country condemns most decidedly his action in that Territory. No man knows it bettor than he or at least no man ought to know it better; and when ho goes on to characterize as enemies of the Constitution those who differ from him, he knows ho so characterizes certainly ono hnlf of the noun. lur brunch of Congress, and quite a number of the members of the Senate no matter for them, how ever; ns they do not belong to "healthy organisa tions," let them take care of themselves. I will not speuk for them, but I speak for myself, and 1 say that tho President can do me no sort of harm bv any such denunciations as this. I am perfectly willing to take it; but, Sir, standing here as a representative of our native State his and mine together I w ill not have him hurl such an impu tation as that unchallenged or rebuked. He has no right to designato any men wh6 are here under the same oath to support the Constitu tion which he has taken, as enemies of the Consti tution; nnd when he does it ho comes down from the high place which God, in his wrath for the punishment of our national sins, and for the humil iation of our nutional pride, has permitted him to occupy. I say ho comes down from that high place into the arena'of a vulgar demagogue, and strips himself of everything which should clothe with dignity tho office of President ot the United States. I deny tho issue; I hurl it back in his face; I tell him, when he undertakes to designate these men as enemies of the Constitution, he abuses and de fames men whose shoe-latchets he is unworthy to untie. Sir, these are plain words, but the time demands them. When the President of the United States sends such a mess as this to me, or to a body of which I am a member, I shall be restrained by no consideration from speaking what I believe to be tlie truth. lhe President says, that it the enemies of tho Constitution we all know whom be in cludes in this phrase are to hare another contest with its friends, there cannot be a better one. Grant it, Sir; let us have it. I tell him that this is the very vilaco where the fight is to be made. This paitof his message, stripped of its verbiage, means this: If, by the illegal violence of the men who have gono over into Kansas, and undertaken to estublisb slavery there, they shall conic here and ask for admission into the Union with a Slave Constitution, and Kansas will be rejected, the Pre sident tolls us that is the must favorable aspect in which that question can be presented. That will be the issue, and, if it be decided against Slavery, we are threatened with civil war. Sir, I am not a man of war; but when I have heard it threatened bo often, I have sometimes wished that God in his providence would let it come. It it had no other enect, 1 think it would have one. I think it would learn those men who are constantly talking about the dissolution of the tmon a lesson which neither they, nor their chil dren's children, would ever forget. I am not certain that I should not want the war to come on while we have about just such a President as wo have now, and I will tell you why. If the attempt at disunion were made with such a man as General Jackson, or General Taylor in the Presidential chair, and it were repressed promptly, as it would bo, peoplo would say, "Oh, it was his great milita ry power, his reputation, his popularity, which was it. God knows they could not say it of this Pres ident. (Laughter in the galleries.) If the Presi dent succeeded, and if the Union were sustained as it would be, it would be by its own inherent en ergy, and from no factitious power which it would acquire from tho overshadowing popularity of the President. Sir, when the President undertakes to stigma tise, as he has done those who differ from him, it steps beyond what ho has a right to do; he stops over tho mark; be violates the laws which, I think 'should govern the intercoure between the differ ent members ot this Uovernment, When he de nounces as enemiss to the Constitution those who differ from him, I think it proper to meet him in this way, and to take issue with him. Does the President think that upon this issue he can go be foro the country? Does lie think that he stands in a nlace where it is safe or prudent for him to de nounce as inimical to the Constitution views which are cntetained by a vast majority of the peoplo of this country I If he is safe, it is h':s obscurity, and nothins else that shields him it is the utter hopelessness of his position. Sir, I heard a very instructive com ment made upon bis Message by a Southern gontlo mcn witbia a very brief time. "Oh," said he "It is one of the best messages that ever was written and Pierce is the best President we have over bad since Washington." "Well," said the person to w hom be was speaking, "you win re-nominate mm will you not?" "No," said he, "that is another thing , his meesao is a little to strong to get Northern votes with; we shall not use him any more." That is exactly the position in which the matter stauds. I do not wish, Sir, to 50 any further into this matter. If the views which I have entertained are receivol by the Senate and country, as I suppose they will be, and no controversy be made, I shall have nothing more to say about it; but if, on the other hand, my views shall bo controverted, I may take the occasion at some future day to go some what at length into the various topics which tho President has suggested. But, Sir, whon he sent .m.h maaimire us this, and when' the only com- mouts that were made on It were commendatory not oommondatory of this part, 1 Know, tut 00m. 1 n..n... r ihi n.'.nuintn vith which it is filled ju, Ventral America, and no inn baa a word of; I I 1 i t 1 M.n m. i rebuke (not evon my excellent and' worthy friend from New York, Mr. Seward) to utter at the atro cious sentimonts to which I have alluded I felt compelled by a sense of duty with great reluctance to lay before the Senate the views which I have entertained. Having dono so, I withdraw the motion. From the A. S. Standard. "LETTING THE UNION SLIDE," We are often asked why we don't act with the Liberty party, or the Free Soil party, or the Whig party, or the Republican party, or with whatever form of politics mixes up the most Anti-Slavery with the other ingredients of the mess they desire ' to be permitted to set beforo the Sovereign People. i People can't see what we would be at, when the lcadeis of tho latest pattern of a party are going about the country making strong Anti-Slavery Speeches, and we stand back from the movement and criticise insteud of falling in with it. Mr. Banks, the foremost man in the country, just at this mutnent, has been good enough to furnish us with nn answer, ilia enemies, desirous of civiniz j him his covp-de-yract and putting him out of the pain ho must have been in for the last four weeks, demanded of him whether or not ho had ever said that, under some possible circumstances, he would "let the Union slide." Ho did not deny that he had said that, if Slavery should be made the para mount interest of the country, and all others should be made to yield to it, he should then be willing to "let tho Union slide," rather than be made the instrument of slaveholdin? tvrannv addinc as another account say?, that Tie loves the Union as it now stands, and is well contented to maintain and defend it. We do not profess to give his language oi which, indeed, we have no authentic report, only the laconic brevity of tho tolcgraphic wires and the more diffuse roudering of the Washington correspondent. But that this statement is sub stantially correct is clear fiom internal evidence 1 and from the necessities of the caso, Mr. Banks, havins iust sworn to sunnort the Constitution of the United States, could not very well havo expressed any present purpose of knock ing away tbe stocks of the Union and letting ber slide into the uncertain waters of an untried sea. His oath sufficiently dcGncd his position. It was a pro-slavery importinenco to ask him Whether he intended to break his oath. Of course he could not stand whero be did, with his eye and his hope fastened on the Speaker's Chair, unless he was prepared to sustain the status quo, on which that Chair, together with all our Federal Institutions, rested. But it is just here that we part company with Mr. Banks and the Republican party. He thinks the Union, as it is, is a sufficiently good thing to be stood by. Though he can imagine a state of things which would chance his loyalty into dis trust, and affect with jealousy the sweetness of this affiance, still he does not think the occasion has yet arisen. He is not ready, just yet, to cut the moorings and let the piratical old hulk float down the stream of time, among other historical monstrosities, in which men believed once, but which they have long since sent weltering to per dition. He thinks, we suppose,- that she can be cleaned and refitted and rigged anew, and that, with a fresh crew and a fresh hand at the helm. she may be made wholesome and seaworthy. More blood must run out at her scuppers, more of the crew must be put in irons or dangle from the yard arm, more of the most precious things we have, which we have received as heir-looms from our fathers, must be trampled under foot and kicked overboard, before Mr. Banks can be brought to see that the only thing to be done with the bloody old craft is to scuttle her, and then to build an honest raft, if nothing better, and try to save something from tho wreck. Now, we differ very materially from Mr. Banks, and those he stands for, as to this matter, and so we cannot be found at Washington trying to make him Speaker. We cannot share with him the love he feels for the Union as it is. nor yet the willing ness he expresses to help hold it up. We are sat isfied with the experiment at this present time, and think that nothing further is needed to signalize its utter failure. When wo see that, under the form of a Democracy, it has made politically om nipotent the closest and smallest of all oligarchies, an oligarchy resting not on descent from benefac tors of the public, or on personal merit, or servi ces towards the common weal, but solely on own ership of human beings when we see that prero gatives are given to these odious oligarchs in vir tue of thoir dealings in flesh aud blood, and that tho whole machine is so contrived as to give them the controlling power over it and when we see that this power has been used solely for its own increase and perpetuity, and all the offices aud functions of government sot up for sale to the high est bidders in servility and when wo seo that the actual effect has been, what morally and philo sophically it must have been, to set the whole weight of the Union on the hearts of the Slaves as the mountains were piled on tho giants by the victorious gods, so as to keep them forever under when we have seen such things, and more of which these are but tho types, the natural, neces sary, logical consequonces of the Union as it is, we think the experiment has been triod long enough, that it has utterly failed, and that the on ly thing to be done is to try again in the light of tho former failure xes, we think that the sooner the Union Is let slide, the better; that its influences are evil, only evil, and that contiuually; and that what civil and social rights we have saved out of the fire, we bold in despite and not becauso of the Union. Thoso are our deliberate opinions. Wo believe that Slavery exists in this country, at tho present moment, solely through tho aid; comfort and pro tection it derives from the Constitution and the Union. We believe that it is the physical, politi cal, social, moral and religious support that Sla very derives from the Union of tbe Slave States with the Free States that enables it to withstand the influences of tho Age which, without this fos tering care, would soon doom it to the destruction which has overtaken all past Crimes and Cruelties, and will yet roach and overwhelm those that yet survive. We believe that this makes out a suffi cient case for Revolution; that a government with these original and inherent vices in its very Consti tution, uud which has, by the natural and necessa ry course of events, been growing worse and worse is fit only to be destroyed and trampled under the feet of men hastening to build up a better iu its stead. We see, too, that, by a just consequence of the sins, our fathers' and our own, which this Union has made necessary, we have boen curtailed 0.' all the rights the Constitution was intended to secure to white men, that we possess none by its grace or protection, and that we are threatened with the loss of all that in anywise interfere with the supremacy of Slavory. Though we confess that this is but a just chastisement for our guilt in thus casting in our lot with the worst of tyrants and consenting to be made the tools of their cruel ties and abominations, still we think that these very fruits of our crime are meant as a Divine warning to put it away from us, that we may free ourselves from its punishments. Look at it in any light, and from any point of view, we cannot see in the Union anything to love, anything to revere, anything that promises or is even possible of good. Let the cable be out. Let her drift out to sea and founder, and be aocarsed to all generations. We believe there is safety or good only in escape from her. There is timber enough, and men enough, to build and inau another, from whose ton-mast no I black flag shall fly, and whose thunder ehall be for th, terror and not the comfort of tyrants Havinz these opinion as to the Union and the Constitution, wo cannot place ourselves by the side of Mr. Banks and of the party he rcpicscnts. We cannot support such a Union. Wo cnuuot swear to support it, meaning to do our best to destroy it. We cunnot appoint others to do any of these things for us. We are shut out from political power, pri marily or derivntivcly, not because wo do not love it as well as others, necessarily, but because we cannot pay tho price which must bo paid for it. Wo must be true to ourselves, come what may, Lven the Slaves may not ask us to sacrifice our own tense of personal duty and honour for their deliverance. But we are assured that ours is both the right and the effectual way. Wo have seen no results of Anti-Sluvery political action, in the Fed eral arena, that ion lie us doubt the worldly wisdom of our course. Men or large Anti-Slavery hearts, with no such Bcruplo as withholds us from public life, hove bean sitting in cither House at Washing ton for years, nnd what have they accomplished ? What have they even hindered or delayed ? John Quiey Adams, Giddings, Sumner, Palfrey, Hale, suiiiii, anu many more, have teen doing their en doavcur there for long years, and what have thev brought to pass ? They havo done a good work as Ami-Slavery lcctursrs, standing on a platform from which all the world could seo and hear them and agitating the subject of Slavery. But this is hot what they were sent there for. What have they dono, or hindered from being done, politically as Member of the Legislature ? Let Tesas. the Mexican Wnr. tho Coinnromiae. tho t-oi'inve hlave jaw, the Jtepeal ot the Missouri Compact, answer, They not only have done nothing, but it is politi cally impossible they ever should do anything, as long as the present political system lasts. We think wo are acting mare wisely in our generation, more practically, if you please, in preparing the way lor the only Movement that can delivor tho country and help the Slave. It must and will eome, for thert are the Slaves; here are human hearts and huinun miuJs: and uLoce is God himself. From the Boston Telegraph. REV. THEODORE PARKER'S LECTURE There was a large audience in Trcmant Temple, on tho 3d, to hear Kev. Theodoro Parker's lecture on "tho duty of tho North toward American Sla very." As ho came upou tho platform he wns re ceived with the heartiest applause, nnd when he aroso to deliver his lecturs, tho enthusiasm was so great that it was some minutes before he could proceed. As wo anticipated, the lecturo was a noble production. Liko all Mr. Parker's most earnest and glowing discourses, it was very i-ici and vigorous in style, and very clear and direct in its logic. He was applauded rcpeutedly, his glow ing expression of great principles bringing down the house in the most rousing fashion. We no ticed that many who disagree with Mr. Parker theologically were among the foremost in these ex pressions of admiration. IVhcn the audience was leaving the hall, wo observed two gentlemen who are anion, the most respectable and dignified of the "solid men of Uoston, who were discussing the lecture with considerable earnestness. They did not eeein to relish all the sentiments expressed but remarked to each other finally that "Mr. Par- (Br was about right after all." We take from the Atlas tho following outline of the lecture: ' "In beginning, he denounced the institution as hostile to all the industrial, political, and religious interests of tho country. It banishes from the cabin of she slave the six and twenty apostles of religion the alphabet aud gives bun the mythol ogy only, and not tho religion of Christianity, The slaveholder impresses religion into his service as an aid to tho driver's whip, and puts the devil on the track of the runaway, because he is more ser viceable than a bloodhound. Slavery ho declared to be a federal institution. which for 35 years has ruled the government, and contended that it was not the borderers of Missou ri who try to drive slavery into Kansas, but the Executive at Washington, in proof of which he re ferred to tho President's Message, blurted out be fore Congross was willing to hear it. Hostilo to wards the slaves, tho slave states, tbe free States. and all humanity, slavery has rievir:heless con trived to control the country. The great capital ists at the North are controlled by the products of slave labor, the great commercial capitalists, through tho capitalists, all the wealthy pulpits follow as a matter of course. Tho Senato always goes in the wake of the market and the meeting house, and the leading political parties have been suly'ugatcd to slavery for years. The Democrats and tho Straight Whigs denounced fusion in Mas sachusetts, but iu Maino they have thoroughly fused. Tho lecturer next showed from statistics that in all the departments of government tho slave pow er has always boon in the ascendant. Tho South has, at the present moment, zl misreprosoutativcs of slaves in Congress, and it is they who prevent an organization. Thus, having control over the capitalists, tho commercial cities, the church uud the government, ot course slavery controls the press to a great degree. Yet all the circumstances considered, he regardod tho American press as the most servile in the world. Tho next topic was the progress of slavery since tlio formation of the government. In 177o it oc cupied the Atlantic belt, not exceeding 300 miles inland, and numbered not more than halt a million victims. New there are between three and four millions of slaves, nnd the institution covers all tho laud. Then it appeared in the guise of a beg gar, pleading to bo spared a little longer; now the beggar is ou horseback, and claims that slavery shall exist and expand by inherent right. It has corrupted all our institutions. Democracy has be come Satanic, and falsifies its name. It is uphold by men of all elates, including always tho Ameri can snob. Three measures have been devised by the slave ouwer and its coadjutors, the Satauio or false De mocracy and tho snobs, to extend nnd perpetuate the institution. The first of these is the extension of slavery in all the North. The fugitive slave law was dovised to forward this sohoino. The slaveholder lives at the South, the slave hunter os oilliatet between the North and tho South, and the slavehunter's dogs are those self-styled Lmon sa vers, who live wholly at the North. The fugitive slave bill is the Blavo hunter's dog call. The next step towards this measure ie to allow the slave holder tu take his slaves into any free State and work them there. Judge Kane's decision tends to wards this, and it is rumored that his decision was made on the advice of the Cabinet. The second of those measures of tho slave power, is the acqui sition of new territories tor the extension ot sla very, and honce the various filibuster movements aided or permittod by tho Executive, against Cu ba, llavti. Nicaragua. Central America, soutn America, and tbe rest of mankind generally. The third of these measures would be the restoration of the African slave trade. If these measures suo ceo4, and there is great danger of it, tbe country will be ruined and the Worth win Deoome use oiu er conquered liberal States. Either slavery or freedom must perish. Now the ouestion is. whethor slavery or freedom shall oecunv the Sneaker's chair: next year it will be, which shall have the Presidential chair; and before long it may be, whether freedom shall have a place anywhere. No nation on earth stands in greater peril. Nevertheless, he believed that freedom is destined to put slavery down, peaceably It it oan and it can peaceably, now; forcibly if it must; but put slavery down ! He held this faith, beoauie it is the 19th, and not tbe 9th century, and because J thin it the Angle axon rc, wbicn lien tne mv:i of Hsngist and Horsa, of Luther and Latiiner,arVd ui me Driiisii reioriuern. The great questions havo come beforo the Anglls saxon peoplo, in successive centuries, lhoy were decided by the Church revolution in the 10th cen tury, when religious freedom was founded; the State revolution in the 17th century, when civil liberty was established, with much bloodshed; and the American revolution, in the 18th century, when the questions adjourned from the old world strug gle found a settlement here. The fourth question is now raised shall American democracy bold property in man, s part of a republican form of Government? It is only the old claim of the Di vine right of capital against lnbr, the strong against the weak, the tyrant against mankind. The question must bo met at once, or it can only be set tled by the best blood of the land. There are only two ways to resist slavery aggres sion with any prospect of succesc. A dissolution of tho Union, leaving the South to settlo its own difficulty, is urged bv ninny, but this the lecturer regarded as neither practical nor just. It might coino to that, however, in the end. Slavery is the' U. L- V I. I C.....U 'PL true men of the North try to pull it on, but Pierce, and tho Democratic party, and the Staight Whigs and tho American party, continually strike it, and 1 uiuy su i&e it mucii jougur, u w 11. apiifc us asun der. The other way, which he regarded as more feasible and proper was to use tho present local auu iiimouui lugismuoii tor uuuiisuiij slavery. He then recounted the various measures which should be adopted by the State Legislatures and Congress, and concluded with an eluqueut appeal to the in ou of the North to be united and earnest for freedom, as tho South ir for slavory." Next Thursday evening Mr. Campbell of Ohio, will lecture, if he ci.n leave Congress, and on Tliuisday following, Mr. HUliard of Alabama, has promised to deliver his lecture. From the Richmond Examiner, Dec. 23, PRO-SLAVERY FANATICISM. THE MODERN ABOMINATION OF FREE SCHOOLS. We have got to hating everything with the prefix free from free negroes down and up, through the wnoie catalogue ot abomination, demagoguenes, lusts, philosophies, fanaticism and follies. tree farms. free labor, free niggers, free society, free will, free vuinaing, iroe love.iree wives.treo children and tree schools, all belonging to the same brood of damna ble isms whoso mother is Sin aud whose daddy Is the Devil aro all the progeny of that prolific monster which greeted Satan on his arrival at the gates of hell, which, Swmfd woniHD to th wnlat, mnd fair. But oUtl foul in many sacaly fold Yoluminoua aod vast, a twrpeut arui'a With mortal tioff: about ber mUdle round ' A cry of ball-houDila Dover coaling bark'd With wide Cerberuun atouUli full loud, and laaay A bldeoua peel : yet when tbey lint would creep. If aught disturbed their noina. tntoher womfc, And kennel there ; jet then aUU barked and. hew 14 . within unseen. But the worst of these abominations because, when once installed, it becomes the hot-bed propa gator of nil is the modern h vat am at fron o.dwJa We forget who it is that has charged and proved that the New-England system of free schools has been the cause and prolific source of all the legion j ui uornuio inuuemies anu treasons turn bava turn. ed her cities into Sodoms and Gomorrahs, and her lair land into the common nestung-lace of howling bedlnmities. Wo abominate tbe system becaute tho schools are free, and because tbey make that which ought to be the reward of toil, and earnest, ardent, and almost super-human individual effort, cheap, commonplace, prizeless and uninviting. As there is no royal road to learning, so there ought to be no mob road to learning. A "little learning" is a damroroua thino- in th individual, to society, to learning itself, to all con servatism of thought aud oil stability iu general affairs. The sole functiou of the free school is to supply that "little learnicg :" and thus it is charr ed to the brim with incendiarisms, hercsies.and all the explosivo elements which uproot and rend and desolate society. Free schools nre only another name for Govern ment schools ; and both natural and revealed law mako it the duty of the parent to educate his chil dren, and not the duty of Government. It is as much the business of the futher to instruct the mind of the child as to fill its belly ; and it is no more tbe duty of Government to furnish free ed ucation for children than free soup, free buttermilk or free bonnyclabber no more its duty to furnish governesses and pedagogues, than grannies, wet nurses and baby-jumpers. It is theduty of parents to support aud nurture their children ; and if the task is a burden to thorn they are apt to forego the having of childran at all which is much better than having children to be bundled off upon the cold charities of the public for nurture and instruc tion. It is alike their duty to educate their chil dren in the rudiments of knowledge, and if they feel themselves unequal to the burden, in this case too tbey will be apt to forego the having of chil dren. This responsibility of parents for their children is the well-spring of parental bappinoss. and every effort to divest them of it dries up the home auections, undermines the institution ot the family, fills society with reprobate ruffians, aud approximates the uaturo of the hutnau species to that of the brutal and cullous crocodile, which de posits its eggs uppon the sand, leavos them to be hatched by the sun and tho brood to be reared by the tender mercies of the elements. Care ana anxiety are the sources of affection : and as you divest parents of tlieso for their children, you cut the tie by which God hns bound together the home circle. It is the duty of the parcut to nurture and instruct his children, and it is the duty of tbe Gov ernment to make the parent do this, as much for the parent's as the children's good. When you destroy the reoollcctions of the child, the youth or the man, for mother aud for father, upon what an awful abyss of licenciousness and crime do you not launch him f Shall the State, in the name of benevolence or any other name under heaven, with iron grasp, tear the infant from huuu, father and mother, without incurring the vengeance of outraged nature r ivnoiuiioa has joined together let no man put asunder, Our Virginia fatbeia established tho best systom of government which ever the wit of men conceiv ed', and every departure from their system has in- vulvod us in laybriuths ol trouble. J hey handed down to us three institutions as distinct as the Godhead, and each alike essentiul to the well-being of society. They hedged each of these institutions around with strong barneis, to prevent their mu tual interference or entanglement, and in every in stance in which modern "reform" has leveled one of these barriers, have we had deep aud lasting reason to repent the vandal impiety and folly. ibese :nstitutions are: 1.1 lie General Govern' ment, oharged with the entire and exclusive man' agemeut of national affairs; 2. The State Gov ornment, charged with the entire and evclusive eontrol of municipal affairs; 3. The domestis of plantation government, charged with the entire and exclusive management of domestio affairs. Those threo institutions the Confederation, the State aud the family our fathers planted as dis tinot, independent, sovereign and sacred institu tions. Iu proportion as we have restricted each within its sphere at the South havo we enjoy ed the blessings of peace, quiet, stability and con servatism. To the respect we have paid them at the South do we owe all that favorable conditions in our society which have distinguished our lot trom tntt ot the auiioted, beleaguted and bedeviled North To the fact tbst the. North hT not uppre ciutod or upheld the family institution: but allow the State to invade it with Free School, Anti Liquor Laws, Incorporated Factories, and a thou sand and one "attociuliont," ot males and of fe males, fur a thousand aild one specioas tmd absurd purposes are attributable all the social dinrgani xation and demoralization which havo blighted as a moral Sirocco every square mile of its surface. Terrible are the ravages and ruthless the in roads oommitted upon "Tho Family" by the im provements and empyricismsof the Northern States. Children look elsewhere that) to their parents for the right of instruction, and sustain tu them but the animal relation of pups to the bitch that baa weaned them. Tho trades take off the boy to be reared by t he tankmnster mechanic, or to 'become nn apprentice of the factory and a champion of the machine. The factory entfets away the girl from a genial and virtuous home, to become a stranger, a hireling, a sinner; and nn outcast. Who can tell what the end of these things shall be? We trust ine south will lortily the funulv with ramparts ten fold thicker than the walls of Sevastopol From the Wesleyan. THE OLD ROMAN AND HIS HORSE. There was once a Roman Emperor w ho had 1 ' ",Tor"e horse which he named Inoitivtus. Tin 1 '-uipcror was a very cruel nmn.und withal a' strag old fellow who did many curious thino-s. Am one other strange fieaks, ho usod to have Incitatus brought to table where he with his family, and hi ... Iw,! . . -. L .1 , J Here he fed him with gilded oats, and in him costly wino to drink, from a jewelled drinking ves sel. He commanded his subjects to salute him with the greatest respect, just as they would any great man. At last In his folly, he was going to make his horse a consul. A consul was a man who. held high office in the Roman government. H was going to have Am hoi st declined consul of tho itoman people nnd duly installed into the office. But the poor horse died before ha re&chtit th. dignity. Now suppose the old Emperor had made a regu lar deoreo or law that his horse, Incitatus. should be the consul of the Roman people, and should be honored and treated as a consul. Would that have made th? horse a consul t Nor rbr'it was not in his nature to he a consul1, and atl th decrees and statutes in the world could not make him one. lor when the law said that the horse. was a consel, and ought to be treated as a consul, it told a lie, and so could not be a law. We hare no laws now-a-days, which tell the absurd lie, that horses are men and must be treated as men.iut we have what are called laws, that tell a meanrr li tie than that. For they say that a wan shall1 fee piece of property, like a horse, shall be bred, bought, sold, worked and whipped like a bene. Bui are they really laws any more than the old Emperor's decree f Did the one tell any bigger lie than the other 1 What do you say, boys and girls T They have the form of laws, to be sure. but does that make them laws t If it does, then any lie, that is mode up into a statute, is a few, and men onght to believe and obey it. O. B. WATERS. "GOT THE SULKS," The Boston correspondent of the Erenfno- P,.i furnishes us with an edifying piece of information as follows i "It is said two ditlincrnished Whis. ffentlemen of distinguished talents, and who have held vari ous high public stations, refused to attend the late ceiem-atton at Plymouth, because VV endell Phillip was among the invited guests. Another gentle man, also an out-and-out Whig, who was present, sat with his face covered with his right band all the time that that terrible Abolitionist was speak ing. I wonder he did not stick his sogers into his ears, to keep out the noise of the Union falling to pieces, for surely that political edifice never oould have survived so doleful an occurrence. Mr. Shorter ought to take advantage of these fucts to aid him in carrying out his chivalrous design of expeuin; xiiBDiassacnuseiis delegation lrom con gress. The gentlemen I refer to have a right to stay away from celebrations if they please, bat to do so Docause another gentleman is invited as well as themselves, does not, to say the least, indicate in them any superfluous amount of greatness of soul. Tbe loss was theirs, as Mr. Phillips made a fine speech, which was much admired bv men who have never been accused of Abolitionism. Evorott nnd Choate ore probably the two sulkt Whigs here alluded to. Hard times, it must be confessed, for Webster Iiunkerism in old Massa chusetts t Negro Schools Vctoed. Mayor English, of Sa cramento, has vetoed an act passed by the Common Uounoil ot that city providing for the establishment of free schools for negro children. He says : "V bust 1 fully admit the necessity ot educating the youthful portion of our population, in order to qualify them for the duties of life, and to prevent them from becoming hereafter a burden upon the community, I cannot overlook tbe fact that the ap propriation of any portion of the taxes levied upon them, to the education ot colored children, would be particularly obnoxious to those of our citixeni who have emigrated from Southern States." Ihe Jactfic says: "We can but regard this as a pusillanimous act, and trust that the council of the oily will pass their ordinance over tbe veto." DiGNiriin and Scatuixq ! The Geologist of Alabama has made a report upon the minerals and rocks of that Stato. A joint resolution was offered in its Legislature last month, to send copies there of to all the Stntos in the Union. It was adopted with the amendment, that abolition Massachusetta be excepted ! Albany Journal. "Abolition Massachusetts" will live through it all. Though Bhe sannot learn of the rocks of Ala bama, every child she has, is familiar with the rock of Plymouth, and tbe granite of old Bunker' towering shaft. The commonwealth which holds within its bosom tbe foundations strata of a Revo lution, need not trouble herself about the slave- trodden rock of a sister State. Cayuga Chief, Proposed Cuano! or Bound art. A Nebraska correspondent of the N. V. Time states that a movement is bn foot to meinoralise Congress to re move the present boundary line of Kan' ;i north ward to th I latte Uiver, and include th tame in Kansas, thereby gmnz an addition of actual and bona JtVie settlers to Kansas of 3,100, of wham 000 are voters. Nine-tenths of this population are in favor of freedom to Kansas.and henoe th principal object to make Kama deeidedlu a free itatt. Th subject is to be presented to the ISebraexa .territo rial Legislature. A. S. Standard. During the last two yean tbe Virginia Colonisa tion Society hat transported to Liberia, 916 colored persons. Under th law of 1850, levying a tax upon free negroet.in aid of th Colonisation funds, the sum of $60,000 has accumulated, and, owing to legislative restrictions, remains unexpended. Hicn Tiiicr ro Negroes. Th Montgomery Journal learns that at an estate sale, a few day since, of the late Mr. Sillei, of Pike County, Ala., ninety negroes sold at $64,000 an averag of about 4700. These, it it stated, also were inferior ' oegrcesthe refus of itock of hands.