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Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, January 03, 1857, Image 1

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Mug It.
v.y a it soy, runusniKa agent.
VOL. 12. NO. 20.
The Anti-Slavery Bugle.
From the New York Evening Post.
In the outskirts of the city of Charleston, to the
west there rises a building of gigantic proportions
which, viewed from a distance, the stranger might
mistake for a castle. It covers more than an acre
c a u .. : l . r v, nnii ...nn , ,,,,, ,4
.9. ... .! . .l. i i
witu Drown mortar, wnicn in me ciear awnospnere
adds a singular boldness to its outlines. In form
square, its high, castellated walls, its suspicious-
looking port-holes, its turrets and watch-towers
and well-towers, on a nearer view, give out srong
evidence of its being a fort-in other words,
means to arininz the fears of the community. I-sj
nosition. however, at once divests vou of the idea'",ooa
that it was built as a means of defending the
city from the attacks of an enemy from without
We will tell you, reader, that it is neither a fort
nor a castle; it is simply the "Charleston Work
house" a municipal slave-pen grand and impos
ing without, and full of bleeding hearts within.
It was built by the city, at au enormous expense.
The design was suggested by one Ledgre Hulchin
on, a gentleman of fine taste, who had traveled
much in Europe, where he concieved the plan of
fashioning thir municipal slave pen after a cele
brated castle on the Rhine. Mr. Hutchinson be
ing several times elected Mayor of the city of
Charleston, inaugurated one of his terms by intro
ducing a proposal to build this magnificent insti
tution, the policy of which was, at that time, con
considered too extravagant to he taken into serious
consideration. This gave rise to a strong opposition.
The question became one of parties. "Young
Charleston" went for it; "Old Charleston" opposed
it. 1 he necessity for Buch a building was argued
upon various grounds, one of which was, that it
would supply a place of refuge as well as defence
for the inhabitants of the city, in the event ot an
insurrection among the slaves. 'Young Charles
ton' in time triumphed, and this castellated sluvo
pen we can call it by no more appropriate name
was the result. Having viewed it from without,
let us look within. You enter at the east front,
through a massive Gothio door or gate, and find
yourself in a spacious -vestibule, with broad stairs
leading to the right and left. Facing you in the
vestibule, and inserted into the wall, are marble
tables, on which is inscribed, in bold lettering, the
names of the architect and designor, the date of
the laying of the corner stone, and sundry other
things, appertaining to the building. Having sat
isfied your curiosity over the inscriptions, you pro
ceed through narrow passages, passing through
the "Punishment Room" on one side, and the
appirtments of some of the officers on the other,
and find yourself looking into a h illow square,
surrounded by two or three tiers of galleries.
Thore is a oai rack-like appearance about the gal
leries, while the air of gloom that pervades nil,
excites strange fancies in one's mind. Returning
to the vestibule, you can ascend the broad stairs to
the first gallery, round which you may walk, look
ing into the squares upon the various apartments
appropriated to the officers, &c Ac. Around
these galleries are rows, of small cells, about four
feet six inches wide, seven feet long and as many
high; in them slaves are confined. The "work
house" answers a double purpose : these convicted
of crimes to which the slave laws make thorn
amendable, are sent here for punishment ; slaves
for sale are sent here for safe keeping, nnd for this
their owners are charged seventeen conts a day,
which includes their food a peck of corn-grits
per week, slave "brokers," as well as dealers,
passing through Charleston with cuffles, find
this a convenient place to deposit their merchant
dise. Safety and economy, two desirable objects,
are here nicely combined. The colls are without
beds, and during the chilly nutumn nights much
suffering to the human beings thus confined is a
natural result. One coarse blanket is considered
a sufficient covering ; and you not unfrequently see
in the papers a notice from the "work-house keep
ers" to owners to provide blankets for their
laves, or it will he done by the institution and
charged to them. This is strongly suggestive of
the suffering to which these poor mortals aro sub
jected. Under a former regimo, in thodays of the
"old workhouse," it was customary to set slaves
confined for crimes to work at breaking stones.
For this purpose they were supplied with sharp-
J tainted hammers, with handles about foui fjet
ong. These hammers, during an attempt at in
surrection, somewhat celebrated as being headed
by the "Boy Nicholas," were turned into instru
ments of warfare ; they were used with great ef
fect, and made a weapon by which the police were
twioe repulsed. In one of these the mayor had
his arm broken. Since that time the labor of
breakiug stone has been suspended. It may here
be well to add that the people of Charleston livo
in oontinual fear of uprising of the slaves, and
keep in existence Oie most complote preparations
for meeting suoh an event.
Having walked round the galleries, looked into
the narrow pens that line their sides, and glanced
at the area where dealers in slave merchandise ex
hibit their wares to purchasers, we will decend the
stairs, turn short to the right, and enter a -small
dark room aqout sixteen feet square. We are in
the "Punishment Room." Here ingenuity would
seem to have exhausted itself in devising instru
ments of torture. We say torture for when man
is reduced to merchandise, submission must fol
low ; and when every other means fail to produce
it, torture is restored to. In many instances tho
master, in sending his slave to be punished at the
-workhouse, seeks rather to bxcite torrnr than in
flict pain. Hence the appearance of the
"Puniabment Room" it made moan, to that end.
Fantastical! j-ihaped capi for .mothering tbe head ; M
wooden instruments of various sizes, with flat
blades from four to six inches wide, and handles
three feet long, called paddles ; broad leathern
straps, ropes and cowhidos all hang there sus
pended upon the walls. A block nnd tackle,
similar to that used on shipboard, hangs suspend
ed from the centre of the ceiling; while undorneath
a platform stretches across the floor. Upon this
platform the slave is made to stand, his feet being
fast secured to it with cords. His wrists are then
secured in a double shacklo, to which the block is
hooked on, and the victim being' stripped and the
cap drawn over bis face, is hoisted to the utmost
tension of his or her body. Some of these pad
dles have perforated blades, and when laid on the
Eosteriors, as is customary, produce acute pain.
y this somewhat refined process of punishment
the 'property' is saved that deterioration in value
which remits from lacerating the back with the
whip or cowhide. Suspended in the manner here
described, the paddle is laid on by the keeper of
the institution, or one of bis officers. The fees
scouring from punishment are very consideraole,
and are part of the perquisites of the keeper.
Powerless, but writhing in ths agony of his
pain, tbe cries of the sufferer not unfrequently
break upon the tar, "piercingly, outside the walls
of tbe prison. As slaves vary in color, from the
fairest white down to the blackest ebony, so is one
. oonstitution more delioate than another. The
more robust black can bear up longer under pun
ishment than the 'bright' or fair slave. In view
. of this, it is found necessary to adapt tbe size of
. the paddle, as well as tbe force of the blow, to the
. bearabilitv of the constitution. It is not an un-
. common thing that females, delicate, and fair of
i i , ... T r .. v -
, hid, art puDiinea in mis mauuer, i juu dii
"S '" wmie, not to attempt 10 inti.ei a P in-
trnncient visitor, the Chnrlestonian will toll jou,
with an air of sincerity, that females are not flog
ged by men. This, we assert, is false a decep
tion practised upon the stranger in order to shield
themselves from the odium of the outrage. Fe
male slaves are bound and suspended in the same
manner as the males ; the only difference being
that of their garments, which are rolled up from
behind, and secured about the waist with a strap.
In the punishment of these delicately formed
slaves great discretion is necessary : indeed, in
many instances spasms have been produce I on the
first stroke nl the paddle, we romeinuer tn nave
had pointed out to us by an ex keeper of the
"Unner Workhouse," ft girl than whuin none fair
er walks Uroadwny, who was by Iter owner-n man
of most dissolute habits! twice liroimht to the In
. - . . . . ..." ...
tit"tion for pum,hmet.. and each time sunk into
"Pms under the i first blow. 1 ho kceper-u man
f K""d he,irt: nnd "V"f b? eirouro.iance. to
fcP' ft position that involved duties against
!liichhis nature revolted-assured us that
appealed in vain to the owner of the girl, who
ishmcnt rhe was too delicate to withstand. Thi
girl was the daughter of a 'gentleman' belonging
to one of the 'first families of Charleston.' That
our friends there may not mistake us, we will here
add that we refer to the girl Ann Wilson. The
fastidious will no doubt, suy these things had bet
ter remain untold, for the motto now is: When
chivalry speaks, let humanity be dumb 1
Let us leave the castolated slave-pen, (called by
the fucetious, Hutchinson's folly.) and its heart
sick victims and its dungeons of torture, and
wend our way to the great 'Guard House,' a de
which in our next.
The Baltimore American comments upon the
late alarm at the South in regard to slave insur
rections as follows :
The New York Tribune, and other journals of
that class, whose reason and sympathies nre alike
ruled by an ultra opposition to the South, specu
late curiously upon the Into servile insurrections
in tho South and Southwest, and are scarcely at
any trouble to hido the exultation with whieh they
argue such occurrences to be the natural result of
the institution itself, nnd see only in their present
actuality the opportunity to censure the severity
which in their alarm nnd consternation the whites
used ns the means of protecting themselves from
dangers the most horrible the mind can contem
plate. The fanaticism of these journals has never
presented itself in so revolting a form ns this cir
cumstance hns given to it. In their greed for sec
tional agitation, they, are tacitly willing that the
South should experience all the horrors of the
monstrous and hideous tragedy that would follow
the successful rising of any portion of her servile
population. The most terrible carnage nnd the
most fiendish oat rage, recommend themselves as
necessary results in tho accomplishment of a pur
pose to which they subjugate every other consider
ation, and if slavery can be abolished in no other
way, they are willing to see its abolition reached
through the extermination ot the slave.
Any thing like a general successful rising of the
slaves in this country is ot course out ot the ques
tion. A at. Domingo massacre would he an im
possibility, even in those portions of the slave
states where the relative population: is most in la
vor of the negro. But it is just possible that in
some isc lated neighborhoods the inluriated slave
might obtain n few days or hours possession of
unrestrained rjower, and use it lor purpose ot mur
der and rapine, in which the male whites would be
indiscriminately slaughtered, and sisters, wives
and daughters subjected to that worse fate, which
the negro hns always planned as the rewatd of
Ins imaginary suciess. it is this danger which
awakens the Southern mind to its utmost sensi
tiveness, when the possibility of a slave insurrec
tion is considered nnd makes the crisis supposed
to involve any such purpose" one of terrible horror
to the slaveholder end ot great severity of punish
ment to the slave. The imminence of the danger
admits of hut one of two results. 1 tie relative po
sition of the master and slave must be preserved,
even if it he only accomplished by the immolation
ot the whole or hall ot the interior race.
There is little doubt that the present insurrec
tionary movements among the slaves have been
trreatly exageruted, through, there is equally ns
little room for question that throughout n wide
section of country a vague idea has found credence
with the slaves that the recent tectiunal agitation
was about to bear the fruit of freedom for them
and that the bolder among them have sought to
hasten this result by combinations among them'
selves. But however promptly such purposes on
the part of the slave are subdued and the master
froed from the horror which their contempla
tion suggested, the effect nil! still remain and its
influence will be most severely felt by the weak-
minded, misguided slave. 1 hough abolitionists
may disguise the fact the general current of legis
lation at tbe south lor years past has been in la
vor of tho slavo. His rights have been more look
ed after, his person better protected, nnd when
these ends have not been sought bv positive enact
ment, the gradual but firm influence of the moral
sentiment of the people has tended practically to
. i t a i -: ..t L:. I:.:
me moui uenencitti amelioration ui uin coiiuiuuii.
But it may be feared Into events will check this
desirable progress, nnd that years will huvo to
elapse before the same relations between the
master and slave nre restored. More stringent
laws, sterner disipline, an uneasy suspicion tend
ing to make tho master unhappy and the slave the
sufferer, must to a certain extent replace the full
confidence nnd cheerful submission which had
grown to be characteristic of American slavery.
Fur these results thosj are responsible who by the
continued nnd needless agitation of the slavery
question, if not by the more direct and criminal
agency of fanatics sent among the servile popula
tion of the South expressly for the purpose of ex
citing them to insurrection, have led the ignorant
and easily deluded blacks into the belief that
a nowerful party at the North was ready to back
their efforts for freedom and approve their acts of
murder nnd outrage in securing it. They, the
professed friends of the slave, have brought upon
him the greatest danger to which he can be expos
ed, mnking him the subject of repressive meas
ures dow, with the certainty of utter destruction
if he is thereby precipitated into rebellion.
We extract the following scathing passage from
tho eloquent and manly speech delivered by Mr.
Giddings in tbe Houre on tbe 10th. The way he
lashes the poor President would lead us to pity
him were it not that he is too contemptible for
But I was speaking of those transactions of
which the President complains of what has been
done by the State of Massachusetts. Sir, I ask
you to witness the shameful spectacle that is pre
sented of a President who, from the Executive
chair, undertakes to lecture the sovereign States of
Massachusetts, of Vermont, Michigan, and per
haps others, for the exercise of their State sov
reignty. But the Presideut has some cause to as
sail Massachusetts. That State has blotted out
Locofocoism, doughfaceistn, and now stands ereot
in ber Republicanism. He also appears indignant
at that State whose Republican star never sets. In
faot the President may feel some degree of indig
nation resulting from tbe reoent election in those
States, and is determined to reprove them for their
Republicanism while he yet occupies the choir of
The President goes further, ond ngain under
takes to lecture the people the people who have
given him power and place, and who have now
sent him to a political grave. As he is about re
tiring from, the Presidential chair, instevl of pray
ing for the welfare of those who have honored him
with their coiitldence which lie lias betrayed
while be is lovking forward to that political grave
from which thore will be no resurrection instead
of invoking blessings upon tbe beads of those who
placed him in the high nfBoial position which he
occupies, he assails them with calumnious reproach
es, and uses his constitutional privilege of send
ing a message here to villily nnd slander tho peo
ple and their Legislatures. He lectures them for
not turning out to catch fugitive slaves who pass
through these States. Sir, in what age do wo live?
Under what circumstances nre we placed, that the
Picsident of the United States undertakes tons-
sail and scold the people, whose servant he is; for
not assisting to the utmost of their ability to pro-
vent their fellow-men Iroin escaping iroui nn op
pression which from their inmost souls they de
test T
I Dover saw a panting fugitive fleeing from bon
dage that I did not pray God most earnestly to
spoed h tin in his flight and to enable bun to inane
good his escape, The whole sympathy of my na
ture is at once enlisted in his behalf. I always
reel anxious that he may escape from the crushing
Dower under which ho has been borne down. Anil
yet the President assumes to lecture me because I
choose to obey Uod rather than bun. W hy, sir.
gentlemen may listen while I tell them that 1 have
seen at one time nine fugitives dining in my own
house fathers, mothers, husbands, wives and
children, fleeing for liberty, nnd, in spite of tbe
1'resident s censure, J obeyed the ui vino mandate
to feed the hungry nnd clothe the nnked. I fed
them I clothed thorn I gave them money for
their journey, nnd sent them on their way. Was
that treason ? If so, make tho most of it.
From the N. Y. Tribune.
NEW ALBANY, Indiana, Dec. 2, 1856.
Among some of the slaves about tho city of
Louisville, and indeed throughout the neighboring
counties, the Canada fever seems to be raging. It
often happens that some of these 'chattels' getting
tired ot being whipped nnd beaten, conclude that
God gave them hands to work for themselves. And
seeing that their masters have by nature the same
component parts (hearts excepted) the thought al
so strikes them, that they too were designed lo do
their own labor. If Nature had designed them
for slaveholders why have they not ox gads where
their arms grow ? Perhaps some of these slaves,
more fortunate than their brethren of the cotton
fields, have learned to rend the Bible, and have
been astonished at finding it is not written "Nig
gers shall earn the bread of white men by tbe sweat
of their brows."
At any rate, ever and anon some of them con
clude to emigrate. It so happens that this New
Albany and balem Kuilroad torms a connecting
link from the Ohio to the lakes. Like men ot
sense they prefer riding to walking. Tho reader
can easily put these tacts together and see what
they will make.
Just eighty miles from the city of Louisville, in
Monroe County, Indiana, there is a little village
called Smithville. Here a bard of villains have
organized themselves into a company, for the pur
pose ot stopping those who nre Hoeing fur liberty.
They discard even the Fugitive Slave Law, nnd
forcibly seize upon their victims and bear them uff
hastily and stealthily at night. Whether they
confine their labors to the fugitive slavo is more
than I can tell, but it is presumable that those in
the city ot Louisville who pay them would not
care once ia a while to receive a fieeman. He
would be pure enin. These negro-stenlcrs are
animated by the same motives as the pirato or the
highwayman. If the fugitive must be returned,
caunot it be done with at least ns much decency ns
the r ugitive slave law guarantees ? i ill the peo
ple of Indiana submit? Is not the stigma of
having given a larger proportion of her votes to
Buchanan than any other Free State enough, with
out bearing oil' the palm by nestling within her
midst these men who act upon her soil the Bamc
part that blood hounds do in Georgia?
Two of the gang have been arrested for kidnap
ping, and may go to tho State Prison. But the
remainder are still carrying on their labors, load
ed down by the plaudits of tbe Louisvillo press.
Whether they will be permitted to continue is to
be seen.
From the Paris International, November 22.
The United Stntes are, for the next four
committed to the charge of Mr. Buchanan.
power surpassing that of a British Prime Minister
since the American 1'rcsident is irremovable
his present elevated position, naturally leads tho
thinking men of Europe to consider bis antece
dents, nnd from these com iderations to dras'
positive opinions on bis future conduct, nnd it
must be confessed, the study is D 1 a satisfactory
one. There is nothing, so far as we know in Mr.
Buchanan's career, that can lead us to regard him
as u man devoted to the interests of his country.
His speeches, bis demonstrations, all tond to pre
sent to the world the figure of a determined place
hunter. Tbe passbn of the moment is bis pas
sion. Is slavery a question backed by a majority?
Mr. Buchanan is for the Fugitive Slave bill. Are
the Yankees anxious to annex Cuba? well, Mr.
Buchanan grows eloquent in favor of the scheme.
At one time an anti-English feeling appeared to
have won a majority throughout the Union. Was
not Mr. Buchanan the lending figuro in this anti
British demonstration ? To counteract the senti
mentalise of the North the S uth having a ma
jority in the Senate to call aloud for anexation ;
in short, to watch the shitting passions of bis
countrymen, and to profit by them such is the
splendid statesmanship of the man to whom the
Americans have committed the administration of
the United States during the next four years.
The preference, although for the moment it puts
many difficult questions to rest, is discouraging to
aspirants for political advancement of a higher
stamp than President Buchanan. They see reck
less political gambling triumphant. They bail
the representative of tho savage passions of the
multitude, and learn from his suocoss that states
manship in the United Stales dues not lead opin
ion or instruct it, but that it sorvilely follows it,
prepared to do any work committed to its hands.
Mr. Buchanan's election is we repeat, a tempo
rary advantage to the cause of order, but it is also
a sign of that distanoe that lies between European
and American statesmen.
It would be idle to discuss the probable policy
of the new President at home. He takes his office
in the teeth of a formidable opposition. He rep
resents the numerical majority, but not the in
tellectual strength of the United States. He will
find himself narrowly watched at home; while,
abroad, bis foreign polioy will bo met on all sides
with strong suspicion. The open foe of England
on platforms, he will find that violence in opposi
tion priduoes weakness in office. It is obvious
that the controlling elements which hem in the
ruler of every nation will eotnpel him to moderate
the opinions be has given to the world, or at all
events to give effeot to them with prudence. It is
clear also, that tbe strong body of political oppo
nents wkich lis has to face would soverely try bis
powcr.if he endeavored to give effect to the annex
ing mania. He may be a bold man in debate, but
in the cabinet he will find himself in the presence
of elements against which rhetoric is powerless.
It is to bo hoped that he will be warned by the
career of his predecessor that he will be strong
enough to choose ministers whom the intelligent
citizens of the stuies can rospect, nnd that be w ill
attempt to allay tho dismal passions which the
contest just cioseii had called lorth ; but, we re
peat, a study of the man is not encouraging. We
are not dealing with a man who serves bis country
because lie loves her, and is jealous of her honor
atid proud ol her rank anion the nations, but
just simply with a man who loves Mr, Buchunan.
From L'Assemblee Nationals.
Mr. Buchnnan was the candidate of tho demoo
racy. We have no wish to dispute this title with
him i but it will be easy to show that the party,
whoso representative he has consented to become,
possesses only the vices and the name of dcinoc
racy, and that the pretended democrats who have
carried him into rower, havo done nothing more
for a quarter of n century at least, than establish
in tbe hsart of the Republic of the United States
an oligarchy in Invor of, and for the greater secu
rity o!', the slaveholders.
Some of Mr. Buchanan's friends are now at
tempting to shift from his shoulders the respon
sibility of the Ostend Manifesto. In that transac
tion, they say, bo erred only in yielding too readily
to the persuasions of Mr. Pierre S mle, the enif
ieiriUlc of American diplomacy. They almost go
so far as to make him say that be tiyncd il, without
reading it. They forget that the transaction is in
accordance with the whole public life of the new
President. A career pledged from the outset to
tho famous Monroe doctrine, construed in its most
liberal sense, ought logically to arrive at a con
clusion like this. Otherwise, what excuse is there
for a man called to the Presidency of n great
rcpuuno, to plead that he attached his name to a
transaction of this nature, to an undoubted "filli
bustering manifesto," without knowing its pur
port? Tho name of the new President can be received
in Europe only with distrust, nnd his truinnh will
afford sntisltietion to no one. Our demuerats.it must
be acknowledged, feel somo shame at seeing their
banner associated with that of slavery, nnd dare
noi rejoice ni victories obtained nt such a price
On tho other band, we are very apt to consider
that we have too little interest in what passes in
America, to concern ourselves much with tho con
sequences which may possibly result from an ap
plication of tho principles of the O.stend Manifesto
but the election of a ninn whoso claims rest upon
this audacious denial of riirht this doctrine which
makes one believe that the government of America
hns reverted to the savuges can nfford to all
honest men, w ho have any self-respect, only a sub
ject for scandal and regret.
From the South Side (Va.) Democrat.
The smoke has nearly cleared away from the
field J and while it is evident that Mr. Buchanan
is elected by a clear majority of the Electoral
Colloge, 4t ought not to be disguised from our
readers that the signs ot the times are inauspicious
for any settlement of tho vexed question which
constituted the great issue of the lute contest.
Conspicuously prominent amongst the phenom
ena connected with the result is the startling and
significant fact that one hundred and twenty-five
of the Northern electoral votes have been recorded
for a dissolution of the Union. We mean what
we say. Every vote polled for Fremont was a vote
registered in favor of severing the preseht Union
of States. Fremont was the image of this idea.
He was tho representative man of disunion, blood
and carnege. Tho nominee of a sectional Con
vention, in which the South was never asked to
participate, and in which she could not have par
ticipated without a total sacrifice of her honor and
self-respect, ho cordially endorsed its platform of
dogmas, which, carried into practice, would have
degraded her people to a condition of the most
abject servitude.
lo tins Government,, under such circumstances,
the Southern people would never have submitted.
A large majority of them, in the event of his
oloction, were ripe and ready for i evolution, and a
free peoplo like ours, with arms in their hands,
could not have easily been conquered. If any tif
those men who voted for Fremont did it under a
belief that the Southern States would have
acquiesced in bis Administration, they labored!
a nave
under a most egregious error. His election would
huve sounded tbe toscin of resistance from tho
shores of the Potomac to the Rio Grande.
In stating these thit.gs, we do it for the benefit
of those men nt the North, if there be any, who
though they voted for Fremont, still desired to
prosorve the Union of these States ; and never did
a eei 01 people run a greater risic than those who
love the Union, and yet thought his eleotion would
not enunnger it.
fcrom the stand point at which we view the
result, we cannot see in it aught else than a simple
iruce ior iuur years, would to liod it were other
wise. Would that tbe tpirit of judicial blindness
now throttling and obscuring the Northern mind
could be lemoved, and it could h brought to look
calmly at the chasm into which its rapidly drifting.
But when we scan tho past, w hen we scrutinize the
actual present, we confess there is little left to
hope for in tho future.
We have no doubt that Mr. Buchanan, in bis ad
ministration of the Government will do all in his
power to allay the fiercely raging flames direction
al strile. Ho has narrowly escaped destruction!
from them himself, and reaches his present exult
ed position with his garments scorched. But un
less history lies, unles the book of the past affords
no text for the philosopher to writo of the future,
this fire is not likoly to bo extinguished.
Alone of all the bonds that once knit the two
sections together, but ouo remains the balance
have been gradually gnawned in twaiD by the
angry tooth of fanaticism. This single ligament
is the Democratic party at tbe North still power
ful, but, we fear, slowly yielding to the same
baleful influence.
It is this great party that has, in this election,
rescued from sectionalism New Jersey, Indiana,
Pennsylvania, nnd California that ha given the
South an armistice for four years that is now
the last ray of hope for a presoivatioa of tbe
Union of these States.
How long it will be able to sustain itself against
the odds thnt assail it, we cannot undertake to pre
dict, but on its shoulders rest all hopes of peace
and good understanding betwoon the sections, and
with its downfall perishes our present form of
At all events, the South has a lease of protection
from invasion for four years, and her people will
be guilty of a fatuity unequalled in the world's
history, if they did not in the meanwhile sedulous
ly employ all their energies in preparing to meet
the impending issue, which, after that period, is
likely, aye, almost certain, to stare them full in
face. The political sodiao indicates that four
years hence we are to hnve presented to us the
solemn question of degradation or revolution. Let
us get ready to make the answer of freemen.
IIioh Prici or Slavis. At Lexington, Go.,
Deo. 2, 57 slaves were sold for $44,020. One ne
gro girl brought $1575, and another with her child
$1840, "a follow" 22 years old, 1500, and four
otaer gm more men ?uw seen
Mr. Moses C. Church, a young man, formerly
of Michigan, but lately in the employ of his uncle,
Harvey Hale of Columbus, Georgia has been
driven nwoy from that place by Hale, for tho
offence of writing a letter to his father in which
the following sentiments appeared I
"Politics just now are all the go here in fact,
novor saw n couimuiii'y so wholly given up to it
in mv lile. We have only two tickets, tiiimore,
Btiu uucnanan, inoogii u mem wHsnimic
courage, and a little more concert of action, it I
would not bo hard to get up a remont in-net, i
unit t witurli tttpra u-milil l,n nn chance ill Ins currv-
ing the State, be would got more votes thun many
snr nose
"Another lour years wi'l see great cnnngesi
All ih s talk Z..t
All this -'0"
throiiith iut the entire South. All this ti
ilir-so vinif the Union, if l ieiio.nt is elected, is
nothing but so inuh gns. Tho winking, lion-
siiivem.m.ng mecnaiii.-s, una others w no n.e -
pendent upon their daily labor lor their support
feel sorely the competition t,f unpaid labor, nnd
thev do not hesitate to sav that thev would vote
for Fremont if they had a chance. As voters, they
ire three to one of the slaveholders, nnd they are
fust lintling nut their strength. Thinking, sober
men hero acknowledge that they already see the
beginning of the end, and one remarked to me
only Inst week that in bis opinion ten years from
that day w mid not see a slave in America. So
strong is bis belief that he has disposed of all
his property of that kind, and does not intend to
own any more. It is a current remark here among
the working classes that fir tho future those who
own slaves, and have the benefit of them, may do
their own watching they will not. I claim to
know what I say, as wo employ a good many
hnnds, nnd 1 know what they say."
This extract was published in a Michigan papor,
and some scoundrel sent a copy of it to Hale,
Church acknowledged himself the author. Hale
threatened to bring down the mob on him, and be
left, nt a loss of four or five hundred dollars. Hale
is a "mean Yankee," having been born in Ver
mont. Boston lelegrapi.
From the New York Journal of Commerce.
A gentleman who has reoently arrived in this
city from the coast of Africa, states thnt he learned
from good authority that there were thirty vessels,
principally Portuguese, or sailing under that
character lying in the creeks nt the mouth of the
Congo river, waiting for cargoes of slaves and
on the lookout for opportunities to get to sea
unpercoived by the cruisers. Sheltered by the
thick growth of forest which abounds there, these
slavers are satu lrom observation, rersons are
stationed near the mouth of the river to give warn
ing of tho vicinity of national vessels, and when
tho const is clear, the traders select a dark night
nnd n fair wind, and effect their escape in safety.
The English government has a steamer on the
const, but it is too slow to be of much service
With a propitious breeze the smart clipper-built
slavers nnd little difficulty in evading tho pur
suit of their clumsy antagonist.
Not long ago, a brig, supposed to be an Amer
ican craft was making her way out of the mouth
of the Congo river, with four hundred negroes on
ooard, when she was espied by the steamer, which
promptly gave chase. J he brig slipped away from
her pursuer with the greatest caso. The steamer
fired several shots nt ber, but without success.
When the brig hed got out of tho reach of the
steamer's guns, the captain by way of tantalizing
the baflled cruiser, ordered a negro to be pulled
up to the yard arm where he was allowed to hang
for somo time as an insulting token of the acknowl
edged character of the vessel. Tho captain also
signified his exultation by standing at the stern
and fiddling as his brig scudded away.
ll is said that the trade in the vicinity of the
Congo might be stopped, or at least materially
diminished by a small well armed steamer.capable
of sailing fourteen miles an hour, which should
cruise at intervals for a short distance up and
down tbe river.
From the Kentucky News.
The scare-crow slave insurrection in Kentucky
und Tennessee places the slaveholder in a ridicu
lous position. The slavery presses are, on nil oca
sions, announcing tho return of runaway slaves to
. . . .' . ... -
mcir masters, nnu prating uuuui me iovh uitj
lme V,'r,t"elu' t-a now tne master love sn s slaves,
ani! all that Hnrr. nf thincr. Somo slaveholders, too
are hoastinir thnt their slaves would fk-ht for them.
and that thev bate nn abolitionist, and would
rather be in bondage than to be free ic, &c. But
so fur from this being true, the moment they bear
that two or three negroes have beeu talking to
gether about the cruelty of their masters and their
desire to be free men, their masters become fran
tic with fear, and proclaim through tho press
that the whole stntes are organized to lull upon
them; and wherever thev hnd a poor black fellow
that bus been tulkiniz about freedom, they jerk
Ii i nt up and either shoot or bung him to lerrily
others; thinking to rest more secure by such niliu
man brutality towards Hume that have fed and
clothed tlicio for years without fee or rewutd.
Now were it true thut jovial friendship really exis
ted between muster and slave, there would ol
course bu sume social enquiry of the colored race
as t the cause of the insurrection; and if there
was a cause, as of course there must be, their
masters would ferret out the wrong and lei the
slaves hco that their rights should not be invaded
nor their persons trampled upon. But this is far
from the thoughts ot the master. A negro is not
supposed to have nny rights, and the muster, con
scious of his nefarious sj stein of iniquity, know ing
that the negro ha a sense of right, and is stung
with repeated outrages upon lus person, becomes
pale w ith fear and cries for help from every quar
ter at the slightest movement. They well know.
that if an insurrection should take place, there
would be no mercy shown to their oppressors.
The master well knuws thnt ho has shown no mer
cy in banging and shooting without judge or jury,
and ot course does not expect any; and hence they
squall like a Dock ut geese when the toxes are
about, to see a negro shake himself.
Teaching Slaves to Read. A writer in the
Memphis Eagle and Enquirer of the 14th inst. is
out against some clergyman in that neighborhood
who had proposed to teach some slaves to read. He
Tho idea now advanced is, that "slaves have
souls to be saved," and that the best way to do
that is to "teach them to read the tsible." J h
teaching our slaves "to read" is a new, and, I
think, a dangerous doctrine. At least, it is one
which I do nut wish to have publHy discussed, as
it is biuted at. It does not suit tbe olime or tbe
The following'is from the Neu-Orleans Delta of
the 10th inst one of the most rabid of the Buchan
an Disunion papers in the country:
"Mr. Buchanan's election would be little more
than a negation, bntfor the pledge he has given in
the Ostend letter, and in his endorsement of the
Cincinnati platform. Tbe South under bis Ad
ministration would have four yenrs longer for
preparation. She would havo time to strengthen
her outnosts placing Kansas, if possible, on one
flank, and Cuba on the other, with a valuable ral
lying pout w IMoarsgan."
From the N. Y. Tribune.
While we desire to confine our strictures on Hu
man Slavery mainly to its aggressive aspects, and'
to those phases of its existence and infiueuce
which bring it into colliMon with the rights and'
interests ol Free Labor, tVe are Continual! met
with the assumption that our opposition to Slavery
and iis Exietii-ioii is founded in lioxtliiy or ill will
toward the Southern Slates. "War upon the
South," "hostility to the rights of the South," "de
tei initiation to ruin the South," are nitiortg the
., , ... . ,u,.r,11.rt,
,,,' ml .ierwi8. ,'n,rli1,ent
, . ...... ,,
... ... ..
inimical to the prosperity and welfare of the
Is it in vain that we pile fact upon fact, proof
0M'r..of. shewing that Slaver, is a blight and a
uur;e,,, iie States which cherish it? These facts
are multitudinous ns the leaves of the Surest; con
cluxive ns tho ricuioiiflratioiis of geometry. Nu
... 1. ...t. mnts to refute them, but the champions
Kztousion seem determined to peisist
. . ' , - , ud(.rt)Kld. ,flCn-
in ignoring
once for all. ttuit we do not hate the South, war on
the South, nor -cek to ruin the South, in resisting,
the Extension of Slavery. We most enrnesllt be
lieve Human Bondage a curse to the fttiutit, and to
all whom it ullects; but we do not labor for its
overthrow otherwise than through the conviction1
of the South of its injustice and mischief. Its
Extension into new Territories wo determinedly
resist, not by any means lrom ill will to the South,
but under the impulse of good will to nil mankind.
We believe the establishment of slavery in Ran- -sas
or any ether Western Territory would prolong
its existence in Virgiuia and Mnryland, by widen
ing the market nnd increasing the price of Slaves,
and thereby increas:n tbo profits of slnvebreeding
and the consequent incitement thereto. These
who urge that Slavery would not go into Kansa
if permitted, willfully shut their eyes to the fact
that it has pone into Missouri, lying in es nctly the
same latitui'e, nnd is now strongest in that, north
western angle of said State, which was covertly
filched from what is now Kan s, within the last
twenty years. Even il the gr wth of Hemp, Corn
nnd Tobacco were not so profitable in Eastern
Kansas ns it evidently must be, the growth of
slaves for more Southern consumption would iv
itably prove ns lucrative there ns in Virginia and
Maryland, which lio in corresponding latitude's,
and whuse chief stvple export to-day consists of
negro bondmen destined lor the plantations of
Louisiana and Mississippi, which could be sup
plied more conveniently nnd cheaply from Kansas
than from their present breeding-places this side of
tbe Alleghcnies.
Whenever we draw a tiarallol botween Northern.-
and Southern production, industry, thrift, wealth,
the few who seek to parry the tacts at nil complain
that the instances ate unfairly selected that the
commercial ascendancy of the North, with the
profits and facilities thence accruing, accounts for
tbe striking preponderance of the North. In vain
we insist that Slavery is tho cause if this very
commercial ascendancy thnt Norfolk and Rich"
moud and Charleston might have been to this
country what Boston, New-York and Philadelphia
now nre, hnd not Slavery spread its pall over and
paralyzed the energies of the South. We propose,
therefore, to draw a parallel or, rather, to cite one
which we find already drawn in a Thanksgiving
sermon by the Ker. Samuel Day of Bellows Falls,
Vermunt between Virginia and Vermont tbe
oldest and largest of the Slave States and one ot
the youngest nnd smallest of the Eastern Free
States. Surely, no oneenn candidly urge that tbe
basis of this comparison is not as favorable as can.
be to Slavery.
ircinia was tn nrst English Colony on this
Continent, on a loeaiion enrelally selected as the
most favorable on tbe Continent, which it probably
was. In mildness of climate, fertility of soil.
abundance and variety of timber, profusion and
value of minerals, harbors, navigable rivers anot
water-power, she has no superior on the globe.
She has been two hundred nnd fifty years settled;
with the Atlantic nnd the glorious Chesapeake
Bay washing her eastern borders, and the beauti
ful Ohio on the West; her spacious territory prof
fering the largest variety of natural resources.
She was ever the foremost Colony, and for years
the most populous nnd wealthy State of our
Union, Besido her own chief citios, remarkably
favored by nature, the Federal Metropolis is
located within her original limits, nnd fonr
of the first five Presidents were chosen from
among her sons. She has rarely been
without at least one voice in the Cabinet, and the
Federal Treasury has bee i fairly emptied upon
her sons. But lor the inUuence ot slavery, V Ir
c'mia would inevitably have been nt this moment
the most populous and powerful of the States, with.
the most varied industry nnd the amplest com
merce, her sails whitening every sea and her min
erals nnd manufactures finding markets in every
quarter of the globe:
Vermont, on the other hand, has no sea-coast, n
port save on Lake Cbnmplain, nnd no navigable
river; she first began to I e settled in 1723, one
hundred nnd sixteen years after the founding of
Virginia, nnd w hen the latter was already a pow
erliil and prosperous colony; she is tardy one
ixth su large as Viritinin, (the hitler having Ok
352 square utiles to Vermont's 10.212); she has of
course no external uomuiorce and no considerable
cities, her industry nnd trade building up uinrtsv
uutxido of her borders exclusively; she was claim
ed in ber infancy us the possession of two rival
States, and her people subjected to bnrrasfliog 1
prosecutions and forays which sadly retarded her
growth; her climate is harsh nnd her soil rugged;
she is nearly in one corner of the Union, out of
the track ot unuiigrntion; she has oftener been euS
of than in favor ut the Capitol, which is located
hundreds ot miles from her borders; she never had
me of her citizens even nominated for President
or Vice President; never but once, nnd then ior a
brief period, had a seat in the Cabiuet; and- has
not received a tiltieth part the nmustt ot Federal
patronage thut has been lavished on Vitginis. -Strike
Slavery out of the calculation, and Virginia
should ibis day have nt least thrive the population
to the square mile of Vermont. And yet Virginia
had in 1800 but a fraction over twenty-tbree in
habitants to the square mile, while Vermont had
considerably more than thirty; though a very large
proportion of Virginia's native-born people are to
day on her soil only because they are so well watch
ed and guarded that they caa find no opportunity
t run away.
The Census further shows that only about one frj
four hundred of Vermont's male ihhabitante
over fifteen years is idle or ont of employment;
while the proportion of Virginia is about one ia
three. Vermont, though relatively so young, with
far less than a fourth the population of Virginia,
hqi invested more than half as much as the latter .
in places of religious worship. Vermont annually
raises and disburses more than half as much as
Virginia for the support ot public schools; and
while Virginia has 87,383 free inhabitants over
twenty years of age who can neither read nor
writo, Vermont has CIS native inhabitants in tbe 1
like state of pitiable ignorance. Virginia has less
than one newspaper to every 20.000 inhabitants; '
Vermont more than one to every 10,000. And tbe
difference botween the intelligenne, refinement and
enterprise of the mass of Free White inhabitant
of the two States is but faintly indicated by thee
' Can any one thoughtfully scan the mountains of 1
evidence like this of superior information, morality
industry and thrift of Free or Slave States, and '
then ek why we resist tbe Extension tod desire

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