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10, MARIUS ll.ROUIKSOK, EDITOR. 'NO UNION WITH SLAVEHOLDERS." AKN PEARSOX, rVBLISmSO AGENT. VOL. 12. NO. 31. SALEM, COLUMMANA COUNTY, OHIO, SATU11DAY, MARCH 21, 1857. WHOLE NO, 597, The Anti-Slavery Bugle. THE DRED SCOTT CASE. SLAVERY ALONE "NATIONAL." JUDGMENT OF CHIEF JUSTICE TANEY. Chief-Justice Taney, in delivering tlie opinion of the Court said (hut this case, nfler argument at the last Term, was directed to be reurgued at tlio firesant Terra, owing to difference of opinion exist ng among members of the Court, Rtid in order to give the subject more nmture deliberation. There wore two leading questions lirett Had the Circuit Court of the United States for the District of Missouri, jurisdiction in the case? nnd if it bad jurisdiction, was its decision erroneous or not f The defendant denied, t y plea in nlmlcmcnS the jurisdiction of the Circuit Court of the United States on the ground that the plaintiff "is a negro of African descent, his ancestors were of pure African blood, and were brought into this country and sold as slaves" end therefore the plaintiff ''is Dot a citiien of the State of Missouri." To this tlea the plaintiff demurred, and the Court sus tained the demurrer. Thereupon the defendant! pleaded over, and justified the trespass on the ! ground hat the plaintiff and his family were his j negro slaves; and a statement of fact-, ngrccd to i by both parties was rend in evidence. I The Chief Justice having stated the facts in the ease proceeded (in a tono of voice almost iniiiidi- ; ble) to say, in substance, that the question first to i be decided was, whother the plaintiff was entitled I to sue in a court of the United states. J his was A peculiar question, and for tho first time brought before the Court under such circumstances; but it had been brought here, nnd it was the duty of the Court to meet ana to decide it. 1 lie question was -siruply this, enn a negro, whose ancestors were im-1 ported and sold as slaves, beeomo a member of tho political community formed nnd hr night into : existence by the Constitution of the United States. ! and, as such, become entitled to all tho rights nnd 1 immunities of a citizen, ono of which rights is ; tuing in the Courts of the United States in cases i therein specified ? In d it-ending this question we j must not cunlound the right) of a citizen which til State may confer within its own limits, with the! rights of a citizen within the limits of the United States. No one can be a citizen of the United I " States unless under the provisions of the Consti- tution; but it does not follow that a man, being a j Citizen of one State, must :o recognized as such by every State in the Union. Iln may be a citi ien in one State and not recognised ns such in another. Previous to the adoption of tho Consti tution, every Statu might confer the character of a citizen, nnd endow a man with all the l ights per taining to it. This was confined to the boundaries of a State, and gave him no rights beyond its lim its. Nor havo tho several States surrendered t"is power by the adoption of the Constitution. Every .State may confer tho right upon an alien or on any oihor oluss or description of persons, who would, to all iolents and purposes, be a citizen of the State, but not a citizen in tho sense used in the Constitution of tho United States. lie would not thereby become a citizen of the Ui.iteil States, nnd. therefore, couhl not sue in any t-ouit in the United States, nur could be enjoy llm iwiimniticR nl u oit lizen in the other States. His rights would be con fined strictly to his own State. The Constitution givfet Congress the power to establish ''a uniform iruleof naturalization;" consequently, no State, by naturalizing an alien, could confer upon him the rightsnnd immunities of all the States under the Geneiijf Government. It is very clear therefore, that no State can, by any act, introduce a new member into the political Uniun created by the Constitution. The question then arises, whether tho provis ions of the Constitution of tho United Stales in relation to personal rights to which a citizen of u State is entitled, embraced negroes of the African race, at that time in the country, or afterwards im ported, or mado free i'r..m any State, and whether it is in the power of any S'i e to make such a one a oitizen of the State, and endow him with foil cil. izeuship in any other States without their consent? Does the Constitution of tho United Stales act up on him, and clothe him with nil the rights nl n citizen f The Court think the affirmative cannot be maintained; aid, if not, the tilaintiff could not bo a citizen of Missouri within the meaning of the Constitution, nor a citizen of the United States, and, consequently, not entitled to sue in its Courts, It is truo that every person, and every class and description of persona at the time of the adoption of the Constitution, regarded as citizens of the eoveral States, boeatne citizens of this new politi cal body, nnd n .tie other. Ic was formed for them and their posterity, and for nobody else; nnd all the rights and immunities wero intended to cui brace only those of Slate communities, or those mho became members according to the principles on which the constitution was adopted. It was a union of those who were members of the political communities, whose power, for certain specified purposes, extended over the whole Territories of the United States, and gave each citizen rights outside his State (rhiuh ho did not before possess, and placed all rights of person? and property on an equality. It becomes -necessary, therefore, to determine vrho were citizens of the several States when tlie Constitution was adopted. In ordor to do this we must recur to the Colonies when they separated from Grett Britain, formed new communities, and took their place among tho family of nations. They who wore recognized as citizens of the States declared their independence of GreatBritain, and defended it by force of arms. Another class of persons, who had been imported as slaves, or their descendants, wore not recognized or intend ed to be included in that memorable instrument the Declaration of Independence. It is difficult at this day lo reulize the state of public opinion re epecting that unfortunate class, with the civilized and enlightened portion of the world, at the time of the Declaration of Independenoo and the adop tion of the Constitution; but history chows ihey have for more than a century been regarded as be ing of an inferior order, and unfit associates for the white race, cither socially or politically, and bad no rights which white men were bound to re spect; and the black man might be reduced to Sla very, bought and sold, and treated ns an ordinary article of merchandise. This opinion, at that time -was fixed aud universal with the civilized portion of the white race. It was regarded as an axiom in morals, which no one thought of disputing, nnd every one habitually aoted upon it, without doubt ing fur a moment the correctness of the opinion. Aud in no nation was this opinion mure fixed and generally acted upon than in Euglacd; the sub jects of which Government not only seized them oc the Coast of Africa, but took them ns ordinary merchandise, to where they could make a profit on tbem. The opinion thus enteitained was univer sally impressed on the Colonists this sido of the .Atlantio; accordingly, negroes of the African race were regarded by them as property, and held, nod bought, and sold, as such in every one of the thir teen Colonies which united in the Declaration of Independence, nnd afterward formed tlie Constitu . tion. The doctrine of which we have spoken was strikingly enforced by tho Declaration of Inde pendence. It begins thus: "When, in tho course of human events, it becomes nooessary for one people to dissolve the political bonds which have oonnected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth the separate and equal etation to which the laws of nature and of nature's Oodortitles them, a decent rospect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which iuipel them to the separation;" and men procoods t "We hold those truths to be self evident that till men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalien able rightB; that among those are life, liberty, and the pursuit of hapoincss. That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted aiming men, deriving their just powers from the Consent of the governed, etc. 1 ho words before Quoted would seem to embrace the whole human family; nnd if uocu in u similar instrument at tins day would be so understood, out it is too clear for disputo that tho onslavcd African race was not intended to be included, for, in thai case, tho distinguished man who framed tho Declaration of Independence would bo flagrantly ngainst the principles which they asserted. They who framed tho Declaration of Independence were men cf too much honor, ed ucation and intelligence, to say what they did not believe; and they knew that in no part of the civ ilized world were tho nogro raco, by common con sent, admitted to the rights of Ireemen. They spoke and acted according to tho practiees, doc trines aid usages of the day. That unfortunate raco was supposed to be separate from tho whites. and las never thought or spoken of except ns property. 1 hese opinions underw ent no change when the Constitution was adopted. The pream ble sots forth fur what purpose and for whose ben efit it was formed. It was formed by the people such as bad ben members of the oiginal Slates and tho great object was to "secure the bles ings ot liberty to ourselves and our posterity." It speaks in general terms of citizens and people of tho United St ttcs when providing for tho powers granted, w ithout defining what description of per sons mourn oe included, or who should be regard ed as citizens. But two clnusos of tho Constitu tion point to the negro rnco ns separate, nnd not regarded as citizens, for whom tho Constitution was adopted. Ono clause reserves fho right lo import slaves until 1808, and in the second the States pledge themselves, ono to another, to pre serve tho rights of the master, nnd to deliver up slaves escaping to their respective Tcrritoiies. 15 y the first clause the right to purchase nnd hold this pruperty is directly sanctioned and authorized by tho persons who framed the Constitution, for twen ty years; and the States pledged themselves to up hold the right of the inustor as long as tho Govern ment then formed should endure. And this show s conclusively that another description of persons were embraced in the other provisions of tho Con stitution. These two claues were not intended to confer upon them or their posterity the bless ings of liberty so carulully conferred upon the whites. None of this class ever emigrated to the United States voluntarily. They were alt articles of merchandise. The number emancipated was few a compared with thoso w ho were held in sla very, and not sufficiently numerous to attract pub lic attention as separate class, and were regard as a part ot tlie i-iave population, rather thnu free. It cannot bo supposed that the States conferred c'tizenshin upon them; for nil those States at that time cstablijhed police regulation for the security of themselves and families, as well as of property. In some minor cases there were different nn.des of trial, und it could not be supposed that those States would havo formed or consontcd to a Gov crnmc.t which abolished this light and took from them the safeguards essential to their own protec tion. They have not the right to bear anna and appear at public meetings to discuss political ques tions or urge measures of reform which they nii,jht deem advisable. They cannot vote at elections, nor servo as jurors, nor appear ns witnesses where w hites are concerned. These rights are secured in every State to white men. It is impossible to believe that tho men of the slaveholding States, who took so large a share in tho formation of the Constitution, could be so regardless of themselves and tho sufety of thoso who trusted and confided in them. Every law of naturalization confims citizenship to white persons. This is a marked separation! from the hlncks. Under the Confederation eitry State had n right to decide for itsolf. and tlie term "free inhabitant," the generality of form, certain ly excluded the African race. Laws were for the latter especially. Under the Constitution tho word "citizen" is substituted for "freo inhabitant." Alter further elaboration on this point, the Ch el Justice said, from tho best consideration, we have come to the conclusion that the African race who came to this country, whether free or slave, were not intended to bo included in the Constitution fur tho enjoyment of any personal rights or benefits; aid the two provisions which point to fhem treat them as property and make it the duty cf the Government to protect them ns such, ilenre, the Court is of opinion, from the facts stated in the plea in abatement, that Drod Sj.itt is not a citizen of Missouri, and is not, therefore, entitled to sue in the United States Cour'.s. The following facts appear en the record : "In the year 1S34, the plaintiff was a negro slave belong. ng to Dr. Emerson, who was a sur geon in the army cf the United States. In that year ( 1834) said Dr. Emerson took the plaintiff Iroin tho State of Missouri to tho military post at Kock Island, in the State of Illinois, and held him there ns a s'nve until tlie month April, loot). At the time last mentioned, said Dr. Emer son removed the plaintiff from said military post at Kock Island to the military post at Fort Snell ing, situated on the west bank of the Mississippi River, in the territory known ns Upper Louisiana, acquired by the United Stnlcs from France, and situated north of the latitude of 36 30' north, and north of the Stato of Missouri. Said Dr. Etver sun held the plaintiff in slavery at said Fort Snoll ing uutil the year 1?38. "In tho year 1835, Harriet (who is named in the second count of the plaintiff's declaration) wus the slave of Major Taliaferro, who belonged to the army of the United States. In that year (183j) said Major Taliaferro took said Harriet to said Fort Snelling, a military post situated as hereinbefore stated, and kept her there us a slave until the year 1830, and then sold and delivered her as a slave nt Fort Snelling unto said Dr. Emerson, hereinbefore named ; and said Dr. Emer son held said Harriet in Slavery at said Fort Snell ing until the year 1838. "In the year 183fi,ihe plaintiff nnd said Harriet, at said Fort Snelling, with the consent of said Dr. Emerson, who then claimed tu be their master and owner, intermarried and took each other for husband and wife. Eliza nnd Lizzie, named in the third count of the plaintiff's declaration, are he fruit of that niarriago. Eliza is about 14 years old, and was born on board the steamboat Gipsoy, north of the north line of the Slate of Missouri, and upon the Mississippi river; Lizzie is about seven years old, and was born in the State of Missouri, at tlie military post called Jefferson Bar racks. '.'In the vear 1838, said Dr. Emerson removed the plaintiff and said Harriet, and their said daughter Eliza, from said Fort Snelling to the S'ate of Missouri whero they havo ever since re sided. ' "Before the commencement of this suit, said Dr. Emerson sold and conveyed tho plaintiff, said Harriet, Eliza and Lizzie, to the dclendant as sieves, and the defendant claimed to hold each of them us slaves. "At the times mentioned in the plaintiff's dec laration, the defendant, claiming lo be owner as aforesaid, laid his hands upon said plaintiff, Har riet, Eliza and Lizzie, and imprisoned tbem; doing ing in this respect, however, no more than what he might lawfully do if they were of right hie slaves at such times." Tlie Chief-Justice procccdod to Jinniino the statement, assuming that this part of the contro versy prjscnted two,questionf. Firmly Was he (Scott) and nil his family free in Missouri ; nnd Secondly If not, were they frco by reason of their removal to ltock Island, Illinois. Tho net of Congress on w hich the plaintiff relics rtnnln'in. t a .1...... .1... CI I 1 I ...... .wi,iuni wiu vmunu nun oiiivcrj' nnu luvoiuiiini y servitude, except for crime, hibitod in that part of the Territory acquired by treaty from Louisiana, and not included within the limits of the State of Louisiana. Tho dimcul - ty which meets us nt tlio threshold is, whether Congress is authorized to pass such a law under the powers granted to it by the Constitution T The plaintiff dwells much on tho clause which gives Congress pnwcr"to make nil necdlul lilies and reg ulations restccting the Territory or other property of the United States I" Hut this provision has no bearing on tho present cotitrovery. 1 ho power there given is confined to the Territory which then belonged to the United-States, nnd cun have no influence on Territory which was nenu ired from foreign Governments. Tlie Justice then referred to tho cessions of land by Virginia nnd other States, saying the only object was to put an end to existing controversies, nnd to ctiablo Congress to dispose of the lands for the common benefit. Undoubtedly the power of sovereignty and eminent uomain were eeucu in tne net. Una was proper to mako it essential. Thero was then no Govern ment in existence with enumerated powers. What were called the States Hero thirteen independent Colonies, which entered into confederation for mutual protection. It was litttlo more than a Congress of Embassadors, in which nil had a com mon concern. It was this Congross which accept ed the cession from Virginia. They had no right to du so under tho articles of the Confederation, but they lind a right, ns independent powers to accept the land for the common benefit ; nnd it is clear, having no superior to control them, they had a right to exercise absolute dominion, subject only to the restrictions which Virginia imposed. The ordinance of 178" was adopted, by which tho Territory should be governed, and among other provisions was one that Slavery or involuntary servitute fhould be prohibited, except for crime. This was tho state of things w hen the Constitu tion wus formed. The territory ceded by Virginia belonged lo the several confederate states ns com i. on property. The States wero about to dissolve the Confederation, nnd surrender a portion of their power for the formation of a new government, and the languago used limited und specified the objects to be accomplished. It was obvious that some pro vision was now necessary to give tho now govern ment the power to carry into effect every oljcct lor which the territory was ceded. It was neces sary that the lands should bo sold to pay tho war debt, and that powor should be given to protect tho citizens w ho might emigrate, with their rights of property, nrms, military stores, (as well as ships if war,) were tho "common property of the States existing in their independent character. and they bad u right to take their property to the ter ritory, without the authority of "the States." Tlie ol ject was to place tbeso things under the guardianship of it new Government, which gives Congress the power "to maUu alt needful rules and regulations respecting the territory or other prop erty of the United States." It applied only to property held in common at the time, and not with reference to any property which tho sovereignly might subsequently acquire. It applied tu tlie territory then in existence and known as the terri tory of tlio United States then in the minds of the framers of the Constitution. It refers to the sale or raising of money. This is different from the puwer to legislate nvor tho territories. With the words "to make all i.eedful rules and regula tions respecting the territory," nre coupled the words "andolher projicrli of the United States." And the concluding worils render this construction irresistible: "And nothing in this Constitution shall be so construed as tu prejudice any claims of tlie United otates or oj any jmrtieular Mate. It is obvious that the Congress, under the new- Government, regarded the above clause as neces sary to carry inio etlectthe principles and yrovis ions of the Ordinance in 17&7. which they regarded as an act of the States in tlio exercise of their political power at the time; nnd these representa tives cf the same States under the new Govern ment did not think proper to depart from any es sential principle, and did out attempt to undo any thing that was done. As to territory acquired without the limits of tho United states, it remains territory until ad mitted into tlie Union. No power is gi veu in the Constitution to acquire territory to bo held and governed in that character; and, consequently, there cunnot be found in the Constitution any defi nition ot power which Congress may lawfully exer cise before it becomes a State. Tho power to ac quire territory until it is in a condition to become a State on an equal footing with those other States must necessarily rest on sound discretion, and it becomes the duty of thj Government to adminis ter the law-sot' the United Stutes for tiie protection of personal right and property thoroin. vt liatever territory is acquired is lor the com mon benefit of tho people of the United States, which is but a trustee. At the tiuio that territory was obtained from Franco it contained no popula tion tu be admitted as a State, and it therefore be came necessary to hold possession of it until set tled and inhabited by a civilized community, capable ot self-government and for admission into the Union. But, as wo before eaid.it was acquired by tho Federal Government as the representative aud trustee of the people of the United States, and must be held for their common nt.d equal benefit; for it was the acquisition of the psuplo of the United States, acting through their ngents, nnd Government held it lor the common benefit until it should become associated as a member of the Union. Until that time arrived it was undoubted ly necessary that some government be established tu protect the inhabitants in their persons nnd pruperty. The power to acquire carries with it the power to preserve. The form of government rests on the discretion of Congress. It is their duty to establish that best suited for the United States, and that must depend on the number of its inhabitant?, and the character and situation of the Territory. What Government is the best must depend on the condition of the Territory nt the time, is be continued until it shall becomo a Mate. Hut there can never be a mere discretionary power over persune and property. These are plainly defined by the Constitution, The Constitution provides tliiif'Congress shall mako no law respect ing an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the free dom of speech, or of the press; or tho right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Governmont for a redress of grievances," Ac. Thus the rights of property are united with the personal rights, and this extends to the Territo ries as well to the States. Congress cannot author ize the Territories to do what it cannot confer on the Territories power to do to violate the provis ions of the Constitution. It seems, however, that there is supposed to be a difference between slaves and other property. The pcoplo, in the formation o1' the Constitution, delegated to '.lie General Government certain enumerated powers, and forbade the exercise ol others. It has no power over persons nnd jiropor ty of citizens except those enumerated in the Con stitution. If the Constitution recognizes the right of master and slave, and makes no difference be twoen slaves and other property, no tribunal act ing under the authority of the United States ean i i ' i j draw such a distinction and deny the provisions nnd guarantees secured ngninst the encroachment of the Government. As we havo already said, the right of property in a slave is expressly conforrcd in the Constitution, nnd guaranteed to every State. This is in language too pluin to be misunderstood ; and no words can be lound in the Constitution giving Congress urcatcr power over slaves than over nny description of property. jt is, tnnretore, tlio opinion of tins Court that tho Act of Congiess which prohibits citizens from holding Property of this character nirth of a certain line is not warranted by tho Constitution, nld is therefore void ; nnd neither Dred Seott nor any one of his family were made frte by their residence in Illinois. The plaintiff was not a, citizen of Missouri, but was still a slave, and there- r,i,a itarl ti, ;i. : ,.i ii.- r..:...i i ... v i j a.fjiit ig PUQ ill U VVU1I VI illV L UllUU States. The National Intelligencer says s "Mr. Justice Nelson read en opinion, in which he did not enter into the Constitutionality of the Missouri Comnroniise.but held. nnd on that cround affirmed the judgement of the Court below, that a p'l,ve cnrr'ed into n Free State, whatever might be the laws of that State, remained a slave when ever returning to the State in which his owner resided. "Mr. Justice Catron also delivered no opinion, in which the freedom of tho North-West Territory w as mndo to be the net of tho Stnto of Virainia. w Inch was the oi iginal proprietor of the Territory, and which alone, and not Congriss, had the rieiit to prohibit Slavery there. He expressed himself in very decided term" against the Constitutional - ity of the Missouri Compromise." I ' i From the Baltimore Patriot. COLONIZATION OF VIRGINIA BY EMIGRANTS FROM NEW ENGLAND. A schcnio has been under consideration for some time past, looking to the colonization of Virginia, I ny cougiiiom iroin me Aiorioern ouites. ji. great Not-then- Emigrant Aid Society bo been project ed, witti a capital ot from tlirce to tour millions of dull nrs, to bo expended in the purchase of lands in Eastern V irginia; the design of the Association being to partition these lands among actual settlers from Europe nnd the North, on accommodating terms, who will turn their attention to a regener ation of the soil, and to various other industrial pursuits udapted to tho locality and the demands of an accessible market. In the promotion of this scheme nt tlie head of which is Mr. Thayer, a gentleman at one time actively engaged in organizing the Kansas Aid Society two ol jects are proposed to be attained ; the one being tho peopling of a considerable por tion of the Old Domiiiiou with white labor, and the ether a lucrative investment through the ju dicious application of that labor to the worn-out lands of the State. There is no doubt whatever that, pecuniarily, the Commonwealth would bo largely benefited by an influx of sturdy laborers who would devote themselves to renovating the soil, to establish manufactories, to founding towns and villages, and to developing tho mineral wealth so profusely scattered over a large portion of the Old Dominion ; but whether our neighbors would regard with ns favorable an cyo the introduction w ithin her borders of a population pcofoundly iin-presed-vith fica-so I sentiments, nnd therefore ilcvute-1 the extinction ol slavery, is a question we should like to see answered by their ablest political economist. The prejudice again6t New Englandors of all classes and degrees is very strong in Southern Virginia, and even now the Richmond Enquirer is bitterly denouncing as knaves and rogues the pedlars who have been accustomed to travel through the rural districts, disposing of their wares and notions to the great injury, ns the Enquirer contends, of the local trade. Perhaps, also, their presence among a slave population may bo regarded as promoting that spirit of insubor dination which has latterly displayod itself so om inously in certain quarters. Nor is this at all to be wondered at, when we consider the increasing efforts mcdo at the North to incite tho slaves to escape from Xheir masters, and the numerous em issaries employed by the abolitionists to encour age the the attempt, and to assist in and cover up the traces of their flight. Still, we cannot see how it is possible to prevent capitalists from making investments in the cheap lauds of Virginia, if the proprietors of those lands arc w illing to dispose of them, nor can any legts lative action depriva the new settlers of the rights ot citizenship, or the privilege ot voting as they think proper. That a large influx of emigrants Irom Jew J-.ngland would creato a profound sen sation among the ow ners of slave property through out the State, wo havo not tho least doubt, and it is very possiblu that some effort would bo made to avert the consequences ; but, ns under the iedcral - - - - - - - - 7 1 , -- Constitution, every citizens of the United has a perfect right to migrate wherever he thinks proper, and at the expiration of a fixod period of time, is oiiltled to enjoy and exercise tho 6ame political privileges accorded to those who are natives of tho commonwealth, we do not well sec how it would be possible for Virginia to put a stop to this scheme if the association should de termine to carry it into effect. "TIRED OF THE SLAVERY QUESTION." "We have heard enough of the nigger question. Do give us something new, instead ot everlastingly harping about Slavery as though there were no other evil in the world." No, gentlemen, you haven't heard enough about that disagreeuhlo matter yet. The world will never have heard enough about Chrstianity till the eni'th is full of the glorv of the Lord. Tho reign of Wrong will never cease to be troubled with the opposition of good men, until it is entirely over thrown. Quite likely the legion of devils that lord it uver our wretched raco will always cry out "Let us alone 1" whenever anybody makes a move to drive them from their usurped dominion. But the move will be mado, for all that. And the dev ils will be routed by and by, for the mouth of the Lord hath spoken it. "Remember them that are tin bunds as bound with thein-.and them which suf- fer adversity, as being yourselves also in the body. Upen tny moutn tor tne ouinu. 1 nere s tne doc trine. Just so long as any human being is claim ed as a slavo, the whole fabric of the earth is to be convulsed. Such is Heaven's process of redemp tion. If you are afraid of agitation, you are afraid of the work of God. "Tired of hearing about slavery," are you? If it be unpleasant to hear of it, what must it be to ifcclltt Suppose your neighbors, or the Missou- rians, or too Indians, or tlie Algerines, or any body else, wero to fix the chain on your heel, and thrust tho iron into your soul, and bend your free spirit down under the burden of unpaid toil; and then supposo your professed friends should get "tired of hearing" about your rescue what then? Minesota Republican. FREE AND SLAVE LABOR. If any one wants to know what is tho difference, tnke the following statistics furnished by the New York Fost from the State of Virginia: It is now plain for what reason land is worth mors on the right bank of .the Ohio Uiver than on the left ; in Indiana than in Kentucky; in the young State of Iowa than in the elder State of Missouri ; in Pennsylvania than in Virginia. Rut emo of the most remarkable illustrations of the truth we are endeavoring to illustrate are to bo found without going out of Virginia for com parisons. Take tho counties of Greonville and South ampton, which lie in the Southern part of Vir ginia, the portion most favored by nature fer tile, healthy, nnd comparatively level and nnmnnra ilium U llm utiititlOft flf Oil 111 liriii Hancock, in the narrow track ot tho nort!) west- ern part of the Stole, which lies along the river between Ohio nnd Pennsylvania. Greenville nnd Southampton are slave counties; Ohio and Hancock nre, on account of their border posi- tion, practically free, and cultivated by white labnr. We give here certain statistics furnished by tl-.e last census, showing what is the number of whites and of slaves in each, the number of acres, nnd the value nt which tho land in each is estimated : Whites. Greenville 1,731 Southampton 5.U40 Ohio 17.C12 Hancock 4,040 Slaves. 3,785 5,755 104 3 Acres. Valuation. 150.972 $427,1 335.000 1,008,103 59.784 2,023,951 49,739 1,181,512 Hancock nnd Ohio counties nre not a fourth part as large as Greenville and Southampton, and yot their lands are set dowii in tho census at uime than twice the value of the lands in those two slave counties. An ncro is worth ten times ns much in Hancock ns in Southampton. The Southampton nnd Greenville lands nro valued nt less tlnin thrco dollars nn aero; the Hancock nnd Ohio lands at neaily thirty dollars. Yet the two slave counties nro crossed by railroads, are convenient to tide-water, have been longer settled than the Ires counties, and in almost every other rcpect have tho ndvantago over them. What a commentary on the advantages of free labor ! COOLIE LABOR. Tiie Charleston Mercury, which a few weeks since ardently advocated ihe opening of the sluve trade, is now advocating the importation of Coo lies. It compares the relative expense of slave and Uoolie labor ns toilows : The labor of a Coolie is to bo obtained at the cost of $48 annually. We feed, clo'tho, house and take care of one Coolie. 11 he dies or becomes use less, we losn nothing. . We risk neither our prin cipal or interest; we make no investment beyond tho weekly remuneration for his labor, and if, from any casuality, the labor ceases, so docs- tho renin nerntion. A Negro's labor would cost about S93 annually the interest upon about $1,335 which would be near the cost per hand. e Iced, clothe, house and take care of, within a fraction, two negroes for the use of one; if he dies, we lose principal and interest; if he becomes useless, he is nn actual burden. Of the desirableness of making an effort to ob tain the Coolies, it says : There is no present prospect of cheap labor from African importation. The slave trade is closed negro labor is expensive and scarce; white labnr will not answer lor tho cultivation of the soil in Southern latitudes. Where can cheap labor be obtained ? It appears to me there is a way out ol tho woods; there is an exit from our dilemma in importing Coolies. There are no laws forbidding the importation of Chinese laborers. Coolie labor has a threefold merit: it is cheap, effective, and suited to warm climates. They can labor Ike the negro on Southern plantations,- with as little risk to their bealtb. Tho negro now rules the United States; and if the Coolie is brought here, will there not be a "con flict of jurisdiction" between him and tho negro! The Chinese physiognomy will be a certificate of freedom unimpeachable; no small matter when there is no shade of complexion in this country that is. Cin. Gazette. From Frederick Douglass' Paper. FATHER SOLD BY MEMBER OF A SOUTHERN CHURCH. ROUNDSTONE, Ky., Feb. 16, 1857. iiiiuicutitic auu uiiviiiiuititiitiii buiuuviiiiiviii xt so StatcsTpincivement, too. which proposes to stop not short Freperick Doucla6s : Dear Kir: Some of our Kentucky anti-slavery men nre anxious to see a sample of your pnper, and have requested me to write for two or three specimen numbers. I have had the pleasute of roading your "Bondage and Freedom" to several of them, aud they are curi ous for a further acquaintance. I do not know how familiar you may bo with the fact, but it is doubtless a matter of interest to you that there is a Christian anti-slavery movement here, which plants itself broadly and fully upon tho grouird of the equal brotherhood of tho black man, nnd, in the name of God, of the Bible, of Christinuity, and of all that con legitimately he called law, sternly and unflinchingly demands his of tho totul annihilation of tlie mean and wicked prejudices against his color. It tolerates no negro galleries or pews in its churches, and where it gets tho power, invites tho black mans children, on equnl terms, to the same school with their lighter skinned neighbors. We have, in this country, a house built tor a school and meoting house, with the express condition that "no person shall be de barred from school or church privileges on account ot color; and in this bouse a school is in progress which both proposes to receive, nnd actually does receive colored persona, this movement is un questionably working .though, of course, gradu ally, a marked change in the minds of tho lion slaveholding class in many sections of Kentucky. The slaveholders, ns un almost universal rule, are, of course, too deeply interested pocket-wise to be influenced until "it will pay, or until the stern grasp of law shall be laid upon them. A tow days since, two slaves living in this vi cinity were sold to the slave-trader, to be taken down the river. Une nt tnsm had a wile and children on a neighboring plantation, and the oth er was torn from Ins parents, brothers and sisters The first brought eleven hundred dollars. His master, who had beon brought up with him from a boy, is a member "in good and regular standing" in a Southern Church. JJut the clink ot that mon ey was more to him than Ulirist, or conscience more than the intellect, affections, hopes and im mortal destiny of "nothing but a nigger;" and at tho "Southern brother" let him go. He sent the poor man to town for a sack of fk.ur. When he reached tho place, the "pirate" who had bought him, stepped up, and slapping him on the should or, said, "Roy, you belong to me." The poor soul reeled backwards, and, lifting up his hands in an agony of consternation, groaned out, "Oh, Lord ! whatfWi I do?" "What con yon dn ?" taunted the hoartloss monster, with a horrid imprecation. Handcuffed, he drove him off. On the way, he passed tlie plantation where lived his wifi and children, all that lay between his soul nnd the desolation of utter despair. For a few minutes he was allowed to stop, and bid thorn a final faro well. It is said that their shrieks and lamenta tions were perfectly heart-rending. Such is one of the scenes of this infernal den of horrots. where human hopes and hearts are crushed every hour as coolly as a man can pocket money. Yours, truly, O. B. W. Soctoern Baptists. Prof. W. T. Brantley, nn eminent Southern Baptist, publishes an article to show that his denomination is gaining much more rapidly in the slave States than in the frco, and he infers from this that slavery is consistent with the pursst form of Christianity, and cannot therefore be sinful 1 SALE OF A WOMAN AT WASHINGTON. The public has been assured, over and over again, that the slave trade in tbf District of Col umbia was abolished by the compromises of 18&0. That the statement is a lie we have Ions known. nnd here we have the evidence of the fact from the Wl. L... r ri na tu Inneton Star of Feb. 23. Th vnu.A k.. Marshal, it will be seen, was to sell unman the Friday of Inst week, alone with "cnnl-hod. ventilators and saucepans." MARSHAL'S SALE In .irtn f . -.f fieri facias, issued from the Clerk's Office of the Circuit Court for the County of Washington, in I..- i'iooiui, ui vuiumuta, ana to ma directed, I shnll expose to public sale, for Mb. nn r,:.(. the 27th day of Febuary. 1857, commencing at iQ v, in., ui me storeroom ol t rancis Y. Nit lor, on Iennsylvania avenue, between 3d and 4h streets south side, the following goods sad chattels in part, to wit t One servant woman, a 'slave for lire, 2 bedsteads, bed and bedding, 1 wardrobe, 4 tables, I washstand, 1 clock, bureau and looking glass, C pitchers, 2 maps, 1 oil carpet, 12 chairs, 1 settle, lot of books, 1 lot of crockery ware, kitchen utensils, a lot of registers, ventilators, coprff tea kettles, saucepans, furnace, new and old stoves, iron po.'s. boilers, sifters, coal-hods, shovels, casU ings, coffee-roasters, dripping pans, chafioj disbee ice cream moulds, Japan boxes, patent balance, iron chest water-jloscts, washstand basins, shew baths, cocks for bath tubs, and a lot of counter, rci.eu nnu icviea upon as the goods and chattels of Francis Y. Naylor, will be sold to satisfy Judicial No. 1, to October term, 1850. S. D. HOOVER. Marshal for the district of Columbia. "J. S. P." writing to the Tribune, says : I "at tended the auction sale of the negro woman on I ennsylvama avenue yesterday. She was duly sold according to the terms of the advertisement in the Tribune, along with the rubbish of the kitcbeu to which she belonged old pots, tin pans, crockery ware, etc. I have no story to tell. Icars rolled down the woman's cheeks and she turned away her faee and wept. And this is the nineteenth century, and this the cnpital of the great Republic of modern days 1"-. 8. Standard. REVENGE OF THE CHIVALRY. The following communication to the editor of the Liberator we copy from the last number of ttut paper: RENSSELAER POLYTECHNIC INSTITUTE. TROY, Feb. 20, 1857. rH Lt.OYD G.RRISOV .or Ho!t, .: - the South, and Mire of tho several hundred thou sand freemen whom, at the sate distance of five hundred miles, you wore pleased to designate, in your speech at Rand's Hall, on the 18th inst., as vassals and cowarJs.ani believing our knowledge ot Southern character and Si iuthrfi nji-in,in will justify us in so doing, we make you the following oruouHiuun : If you wi'l permit yourself to be confined In alarg sized, well-venrilated.and in every way comfortable iron cage, and allow us to make a tour of exhibi-. tion of your distinguished person throughout the Southern section of our Union, we pledge our selves to award you one-half the profits arising ' therefrom. In case a fear of mal-treatment or personal violence from a people against whom jo so charitably hurl forth your venomous invectives should deter you from embracing this offer, wo further propose to insure your lite against any such accidental calamity as a straggling shot from Colt's repeaters, an untidy coat of tar and feathers, or a night's lodging (in mid summer) in the bed and arms of a corpulent and odoriferous negro wencb. Inasmuch a: wok deem it an emmioent compli ment to be considered a oac; negro man by an English noble man, for your ratification, tct deem it expedent to state that you are regarded a white negro man by the subscribers. In the sincere hope thnt you will forward ns a reply at your earliest convenience, we enclose you a three cent stamp, and subscribe ourselves. lours, very truly, W. G. MYERD, of Mississippi. N. W. MILLER, of Virginia. E. HARLESTON, of South Carolina. SPIRIT OF SLAVERY. The following inhuman article appears nuhlird in a North Carolina pnper, as a matter of business. uead it ana then apologise lor slavery if you can "Stale nf Korth Carolina, Jones County. W here as, complaint upon oath hath this day been mado to us, Adonijah McDaniel end John N. Hvman, two of the Justices of the Peace of said county, by Franklin B. Harrison of said county, planter, that a certain male slave belonging to hiin, narasd Sam, hath absented himself from his master's ser vices, and is lurking about said county, commit nting acts of felony and other misdeeds. Those", aro, therefore, in the name of the State, to command the said slave forthwith to surrender himself and return home to his master; and we do hereby require the Sheriff of said County of Jones to make diligent search and pursuit after the said slave, aud him having found, to appre hend and secure, so that be may be conveyed to his said-muster, or otherwise discharged as the lair directs; and the said Sheriff is hereby authorized aud empowered to rise and take with him each power ot bis county as he shall think fit for ap prehending the said slave; and we do hoieby, by virtue of the Act of Assembly in such case pro vided, intimate nnd declare that if the said slave, named Sum, dolli not surrender himself and re turn home immediately after the publication of these presenco, that nny person may kill and de stroy the Bnid slave, by such means as be or they may think fit, without accusation or impeachment of nny crime or offense fur so doing, and without incurring any penalty and forfeiture thereby. "Given under our hands and seals the 19th day of September, A. D., 1856. "A. McDANIEL, J. P. "A. McDANIEL, J. P. "J. N. HYMAN, J. P. $100.00 REWARD. "I" will givo Fifty Dollars for the apprehension and delivery of the said boy to ma, or lodge him in any jail in the State so that I get him, or Ono Hundred Dollars for his bead. F. B. HARRISON. F. B. HARRISON. Oct. 1st, 1856.-56-tf." And that is the spirit of the institution, accord ing to ssme of the D. D's, which is in union With scripture, revelation, and Christianity. Doet it read that way? like the sayings of Christ and his ap istles? Then again slavery is claimed to bo constitutional. Is it in accordance with the Decla ration of Independanoe t Rather is it not in fa vor of robbery, murder and all sorts of outlawry f iiere iuu 111 erty is givcu to any scamp wbo can borrow or steal a gun and shoot down fellow man, nnd for what T What had Sam done to sub ject him to the penalty of such inhuman treatment? lie bad merely 'absented himself,' and 'chose rath er' to enjoy liberty the liberty talked of in the Declaration of Independence to laboring for one who justice would oall thief and robber.