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T II 15 A N T I - 8 L A V K 11 Y 15 U G L E . 1605, Sooth Carolina received Royal Charters im - llnr to those of Connecticut and Rhodo Island. The Utter one contained a very noteworthy addi tion, ai follow: "And to as said ordinances do not ixtoml to the binding, changing, or taking awny of the right or interest ot any person or persons in their lreeliold, good and chattel whatsoever." (p. 35.) To modern ear this might sound liko a negative tjn colonial statutes taking away tho right of hold ing elavo pruye rty. And this would seem to argue a strong colonial tendency in that direction re quiring the interdict. But as slaves appear not to have been introduced into South Carolina until 1071, sit years after the dato of this Charter, the a'peuinl application of this clause to slave property would seem inadmissible. In the nhseiico of Slavery, tho provision would seem rather a pro hibition of its introduction, which is a "binding" and "taking away the rights" of persons. B this as it may, the Charter was relinquished in 1729, and South" Carolina became a royal pro vinos, wholly subject to British law, under a regal government, leaving no room to doubt that the de cision of Lord Mansfield, in tho Court of King's Bench, in the case of James Somerset, in 1772, declared Slavery illegal in that colony. "No man shall be a juryman under 50 acres freehold." A. P. 100'j, p, 61-1 Nothing said abou' race or color, "Xo man shall be permitted to bo a freeman' df Carolina, or to havo any es'.ato or habitation in it, that doth not acknowledge a God, and that Gild is mhlirly and solemnly to be worshipped." p. 53. Nothing said about race or color 1 "No person above 17 Tears of age shall have any benefit or protection of law, or hold any place of honor or profit, who is not a member of some church or profession, having bis name recorded in ome one, ami but one, religious record at once, p. C4.j Nothing said of race or color 1 Will Judge Tnnev rlcase to inform us, in his next extra-judicial opinion, whether tho descend ants of these wicked non-professors of religion in South Carolina at e'Vitirons of the United.Stales," or may sue in the Federal Court? "All inhabitants and freemen of Carolina above 17 years old" to serve 09 soldiers. Nothing said of race or color. Magna CharU.is inserted as a part of tho "Con ttttutional law, ""and also the Habeas Corpus net cf 31 Ch. II., May, 1079. Of courso, thein could be oo constitutional Slavery, or degradation on account of color. A Constitution of South Carolina was formed March 20. 177G. containing no distinctions on ac count of color, aud no restriction of condition of the right of suffrage. In "qualifications of State Electors, 1 hnd no distinction ot color. But there appears a Constitution of 1778, in which it is said, "the qualifications ol elccto'rs shall be that every free whits man," Ac. Here, fur the first time, so far as I have dis covered, the "sovereign" uation of South Carolina has pretended to make any distinction as to the color of horvotors. She started the race of "sov ereignty." in 1770, in company with Georgia, North Carolina, Maryland, Massachusetts, and the other States. Not even little Dulaware, at - that period, seems to have had any constitution or statute against colored voting, whatever tho "practice" might have been South Carolina, alone in her glory, was the first to apostatize from her profession. Two years after the Declaration of Independence and her own corresponding State Constitution, she smuggled in tho word "white"! Nir.i years alter, and just as the federal Conven tion was assembling, Delaware, without constitu tional authority, enacts a similar statute. This is all that remains for Judge Taney's sweeping dec larations to stand upon, Ihe tair presumption is, that the citizens of the other States, with few and rare exceptions, in voting to adopt the Federal ' Constitution, had no knowledge or suspicion of the fact that Delaware and South Carolina had ex eluded oi lured voter. I close by demanding whether the exclusion of colored voters by south Carolina in it IB, ana Dy Delaware in 1787, with no apparent constitutional VUkilifi ivv, uiaunuviiiavc ii. . (moh. mw f j . ofcr in the United States, precludes (tiem from bringing suits in the Federal Courts, ropesls the Ordinance of 1787, debars Uongress trom exoiua ing Slavery from the new Territories, forbids the liberation of slaves taken by their masters into a Free State, and thus opens all the Frea States to the admission of slaves ? I might add the kindred demand, whether the affirmation of all this, by Judge Taney, is not preparing the way for a decis ion of the Federal Courts, denying the constitu tionality of the Acts of Congress forbidding the African Slave Trade? And of the right of the States to exclude imported slaves? If consequences like these are to flow from the tolerance of Slavery and caste in the United States, is it not time for "white"citizens to study the con nection between the liberties of colored people and the liberties of white people? WILLIAM GODELL, Rooms of the American Abolition Society, ) No, 4jj Beekman-et.,N. Y.,March 10, '57, j From the Cleveland Leader. LETTER FROM MR. GIDDINGS TO JUDGE LETTER FROM MR. GIDDINGS TO JUDGE TANEY-THE TRUTH OF HISTORY VINDICATED. We have just reoieved from Mr. Giddings the following able and interesting letter whijh is the first of a series of four upon Judge Taney's opin ion and which is of sufficient importance to justi fy the space it occupies, NUMBER ONE. Sir : The doctrines enunciated by the Supreme Court ia the case of Dred Scott, if sanctioned the people, must work an entire change in the character of our government. That christian de mocracy which has been onr pride and bonst more than eighty years, will be transformed into no oligarchy uosuited to the age in which we live. If approved, it will constitute a revolution. These considerations are my apology for address ing you, I do this the more readily from the fact that have both arrived at an advanced age, and cannot expect personally to share long in the blessings ot tree, or me curses oi siavenoiuing institutions You have served many vents in the Judicial de partment of government: I have long been honor ed with a seat in its Legislative branch, iou were appointed by the Executive independently the people : 1 was eloeted by tne popular vote independently of the Executive views : 1 will tpeak what I believe to be the sentiment of my constituents: The right of the people to discuss and publicly scrutinize the actijn of every branch of their gov ernment to dismiss their publio servants if they think proper, elect others, and if necessary the enjoyment of their right to alter, modify, or change government itself, has been so long and eo fully established, that I will not argue it. I am sorry to say that the announcement or your decision, simultaneously with the publication of that epitome of its doctrines which constitute the inaugural address of the present Executive, give reason to suppose that an arrangement was made to send them forth to the country at a time when Congress was not in session, when the atten tion of the people was diverted from the action of dosa who administer the government. This sus pioion is strengthened by the delay of your decis ion from last year, apparently to avoid popular scrutiny during the Presidential canvass, when the odium attached to it would have been wield-1 ed against the democratio candidate. I design the examination of historical iaota ennneeted with two points f your decision. Those point constitute your first and fundatnen HjeataJ proposition. - - 2it That the colored yeople deeended from Af rican slaves, though free, were not embraced nor Intended to tie inoiuaoii m iue ueciarauon Amsriean Independence. - L That they were not embraced ia the Consti tution of the United State. - In doing this, I shall avoid repeating th argu ment of those eminent Jurist, who reached their present position through mean other than the of the party now in power. I have noticed your deoisian from a different stand point, aad your first two proposition appear to involve duties of statesmen, quits a fully they do those w by for we of to I oi fa vor as the of the jurist, I would fain express the view winch statesmen entertain. Before entering upon the discussion. I would congratnlato tho country upon this development ol the rent issue which has so long agitated the na tion, Conscious that this question of lending sup port by the federal government to slavery, involv ed tho fundamental doctrines of our lathers, I havo long sought to direct public attention to thnt fact. Incidental questions nnclj, collateral issuos have been raised, discussed. tnd partisan feelings miMtril. while tho grcnt truths which underlie thnn suliincts have been passed over in silence, At Philadelphia :n June l ist, a convention of high moral and political character, proclaimed to the country as its political platform the principles an nniincpil in tlm lloclnrntion of Independence. That party advanced with strides more rapid than nnv other evtr formed in our nation. Jn the short space of five months they carried eleven States, comprising nearly two tniras oi mo ireoj population of tho Union. But tho party opposed to the doctrines darod take no distinct issue upon them ; and 1 may bo permitted to say, had your recent decision been published in August last, the present Executive would never have reached the Presidency. That election passed, and now thoso Judge of the Supreme Court, who owe their elevation to the Democratic party, nnd speaking for it, havo come un boldly to the work, and meet the issue tender ed them by the patriots of 1770, and repealed by those of 1850. In pronouncing your opinion you say, "The Declaration of independence then proceeds we hold these truths to bo self-evident thnt all men nro created equal : that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, among which arc life liberty, nnd the pursuit of happi ness ; that to secure these rights governments nte instituted among men deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed" &c. You then add, The words quoted would seem to embrace the whole human family, and if used in a similar in strument at this day would be eo understood. But it is too clear for dispute.thnt the African race was not intended to be mauded. For"i ighty years the American people have be lieved that the illustrious patriots nnd statesmen, who on that occasion laid down self evident truths, spoke what they believed, and believed what they spoko. And never from the day those truths were uttered, to the delivery of your opinion, lins anv statesman or lurist. historian r.r linguist, charged them with using language which they did not hold, Southern men liavo ciinrgeu mem wun entertaining 'cxtrtmo opinions' said that the Declaration itself was n 'rhetorical flourish,' a 'fan laronade of noiiBense,' Others have denied its doctrines : but none I beliove, ever chnrged the signers with expressing doctrines which they did not intend to declare. But here rests tho issue. It involves the essen tial elements of our government. If the doc trines of our fathers bo sustained in the letter nnd spirit in which they wero put forth, our govern ment would be tree, li your cnarge, mat mej uttered language which they did not understand," be sustained, it will a slave-holding, slave-ex tending oligarchy. If it be a question, it is one of vast importance. The intorests of the present generation, the honor of the nation, the memory of our fathers, the destiny of unborn million, are concentrated upon it; and I tremblo when I reflect upon tho responsibility ol our publio men, From vour decision I uovieai to that tribunal which holds cognizance over the action of the judicial, and executive branches of government. The peo pie must ratify, or repudiate, the judgment you have rendered." Their decision will be final con clusive upon us nil. Tho enquiry into tho views ot those wno lramea the Declaration of independence, is more proper- Iv a matter of histurv than of law : and it is the duty not only of statesmen, but of every elector, to be familiar with it. Every intelligent citizen of the freo States has been intimately ncquaintcd with it from his childhood. From the day on which those important doctrines were proclaimed. they have been taught in our schools repeateu in stories at the fireside by our revolutionary sires. We have. read them and repeated that reading during our winter evenings and and on Sabbath days. To argue to onr people tbati Jefferson, and Ilaneook, andFranklin, the Adamses, and trier co patriots, believed that all men, including the whole tamilv ot man. are enuowea ny tneir creator wiiii the inalienable right to life, liberty and happiness would be as superfluous as to argue the existence of a sun in the heavens. Yet I proceed to exam ine the proofs on which you charge those great and good men with the useol language convey ing ideas which they did not intend to expross. In approaching tho subject you promise as ioi- lows : "It becomes necessary, thereforo, to determine who were citizens of the several States, when the Constitution was adopted. In order to do this must recur to the Colonies when they separated from Great Britian, formed new communities, and took their places among the family of mtiion ; they who were recognized as citizens of States declar ed their independence of Great Britian, nnd de fended it by force of arms." With this proposition I ngrce. It is important that we should start from a correct point. Who were they that separated from Great Britian ? who declared their independence ? who defended it force of arms? I nnswer that undor the laws every colony, the free colored man held the same rights, enjoyod the same legal privileges which the free whites enjoyed ; nnd euch is to this day, nn I ever has been the character of English laws. Thoso laws never have had relation to complexion or color, either in tho kingdom or the colonies Great Britain. From the day on which the Magna Charter, was extorted trom King John to tho pres ent time, the laws of England has drawn distinc tion between classes, but never has regarded color or complexion. Kings, Dukes, Earls, Lords, liar ons. Free People, nnd Serfs, held positions, each enjoying their own peculiar rights ; but never the question of color or of race, enter into the leg islation of England. At the time of promulgating the Declaration Independance, the tree oolored nica owed the same allegiance to the British crown which the white men owned. The same act committed by a free colored man constituted treason, as much though committed by a white man j lie was held amenable, oriminally, for the same acts and pun ished in the same way. He contracted and contracted with : sued white men and was by them, and enjoyed precisely the same promotion of government and suffered the same burthen with the white men. In every sense and every purpose, they were free subjects of the Brit ish crown, and citizen bf the colonies, precisely ns the whites were. In each of tho colonies they bad from tho com mencement of the agitation which preceedod hos tilities, deeply sympathized and participated the discussion of the rights of the colonies, and one of the marlyra sacrificed in the cause of liber ty oo the memorable iifth'of March, 1770, was black man. Black men entered the continental army at its first formation. Thoy fought as brave ly, they died ns freely a the white men, and the time the Declaration of Independence was proclaimed, colored men who had "decoiided from African slaves" were serviog in tho troops of eve ry colony. On the 4tb or July, 1777, the signers ot the Declaration."npnealina to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude" of their "intentions, in the name and by the authority or the good peo-1 pie ot these colonies. " solemnly proclaimed them free and Independent Slates. " Tbey declared tho colonies, including every citizen and inhabitant thereof, absolved from all allegiance to the Uritish crown, and trom all political connection with Great Britian. In doing this they did not except the colored peoplo, nor the people of dark com plexion, nor those who had deeended from African Lives. Will you or any other van pretend that free 'I colored men, though deeended fromAfrican slaves, were not included in toe term .people repeatedly used to tne Declaration ot jnaepeoaenoe r It i too clear to admit of argument that every person who had been a citizen of either of colonies, became instantly, by virtue of the Deo laration, a citizen of the State. The change con sisted merely in substituting the name of inde pendent State for that of dependent Colonies. And every man in the State owed to that State the came duties the day after the Declaration pronounced, which he owed fa the Colony on day previous. If held the earn right and entitled to tho saino privilege under tho State, which he had previously held undor tho Colonial government. Jiy the iec nrntion there was no change in me reunion which pcrsonn in v.oioimfi i held to each other or to tho government ; nnd years elapsed before oither of tho Stato govern nicnts passed any law disqualilj nig colored men from voting or from holding office. As authority for theso assertions, I refer you to the Colonial laws, tho rocords of tho Colonial courts, the decision of those courts, to the statute; of your native Maryland, end to those of '.he oili er Colonies and Slates. Tho issue between the Colonies nnd tho mother country, wns based upon the right of man to self government. I use the word man t its generic sense, including all races, complexions, nnd classes of the human family. 'lio 1 1, n iilnniiF snnerinlitv of lluturnl ritrht to life nnd liberty hold by Kings, Dukes, Earls, Lords, Itnrons, gentry and muster, over mo oorn, tne Slaves who trembled in their presence and bowed ot their foct. The benefit of the revolution were not coDfined to a particular rote, complexion, or class. Its battles were fought, the blood of our fathers was shed in maintaining the lights of hu man nature, in delonce of principles enduring as the throne of God. universal as the family of man. Having thus stated somo preliminary considera tion 1 shall enter upon a turtuer examination c your decision in my next. very respeciiuny, J. R. GIDDINGS. MR. LUDVIGH AND A DEMOCRATIC MOB we by of of did of ns Mr. Ludvigh, editor of a German newspaper published at Baltimore, Maryland, mndo several snneches in the West last fall, in favor of Fremont. nnd advocated his election at home. He is well known ns n talented and patriotic German. The following letter rrom him explains itself t New Oiiliaks, Fobruary 22, 1857. Dear II.: On Washington's birthday I have to inform you of an event which happened me in the South, nnd which doubtless will interest you. On the 13th of February. I celebrated inCha'les ton, S. C, my fifty-sixth birthday.and on the 1-llh, hnd hone over my old deuiocr.-ttic neck, in Savan nah. Gcoruia. not the sword of Dnmuclcs, but the rope of "Mobocles." I had stopped there nt the Pulaski House, where I registered, as usual, tny name, which I never yet had any ocension to con ceal or to be ashanicil of. During dinner I sat op posite two German merchnnts.oiie from New York, the other from Savannah, with whom I became speedily acquainted, and who kindly gave me a glass ot their champagne. After dinner, one of these gentlemen told me confidentially, that a plot had been concocted against mo, aud thnt I had better be cautious. When I intended to continuo my calls on the subscribers of my paper during tho afternoon, and left the hotel, nn American accosted mo, and told me without exhibiting a warrant, "You are my prisoner; I hnvo to arrest you." "Well." re plied I, "I'll follow you." Ho brought tne to the Court House, where about twenty Ameri cans hnd lollowed us. " is ti.is your paper r ashen one of them, pointing tn my "loreh. ns 0017111 delicti. "Yes. it is." Have you written this? Torch," as corput asked he lurlher pointing to a passage marked with a pencil : "A President w ho is for the exten sion of slaverv can be no blessine for freedom." 1 answered in tho nlhrinative. "is this your senti ment?" "Then you are an abolitionist!" exclaim ed several voice. "I nm nonc.I nm an old Demo crat of the Jcffrsoninn school." "You are no Democrat vou went for Fremont." "so I did. Ho is nn abolitionist I wish we had lum here. said another. Among the Americans wus a Oer man Jew, from llussiarr Poland, a clerk at tha Post-office, I was told. Ho was asked it lie wour. make an affidavit that the passogo was correctly translated. After ho said he would, the statute of Georgia was shown me, ard my atten tion was called to the penaPy fixed iur treason. I have never committed any treason, and 1 am not afraid of this law," was my ansjrer. Then they read the law fixing i.ne year in the State's Prison, with hard labor, for disseminating abolition documents. I replied. I did not fear it. either; and further, that I would gladly submit to a juT)P1tfld to the law. - After several questions and answers, they gavo me in charge of a policeman, who conducted me to jail, where my name was entered with the re mark "that I hod been delivered to the police for protection, until further notice." After about nn hour, two ot my aequintances appeared, wno greatly sympathized with mo, and one of whom dare not mention their names) said to tho captain of police, "I wish I was as good a Democrat as Mr. Ludviuh always lias been, I would be proud to take his place here " In order to interrnpt our conversation, 1 was taken tn another room, and special watchman placed to prevent us talking any further about political matters. Three hours elapsed, and no fiirthor notice came. After six o'clock, five Americans ca-ce,and a process of mod ern inquisition comiuet.erd again. And when repeated once more thnt I was opposed to slavery extension in the North-West Territories, they said, "that's enough," left tho room hastily, and one them said: "To-day is Valentine' day j we shall have a nice frolic 1" I understood what these words meant, and I bolievod I had the agreeable choice between a ride on a fence rail, adorned with tar and feathers, and swinging on one of the neighboring trees. My heart wns painlully moved when I thought of my poor wife and my five help 1 1 : 1 1 1.... . a ....... n.; I less Clllturcii; uui mjr iiiiuu vmn ij.jmii, hum, vtiui pride nnd indignation. 1 looked tor what would be fall mo next It became seven o'clock a police man entered and said: "You are free j you may go where you please, but we advise you to leave with the five o'clock train to-morrow morning, avoid danger." At the same moment two young Germans arrived, who advised me not to return the hotel, but to pass the night at the house of friendly German. After taking leave of the police man, who had behaved to me with the utmost kind ness, I went, protected 11s a criminal, to the house in which I wns to find ehelter fur the night. Here some twenty libera! young Germans soon gathered to whom I mado at their request a speech, and two of whom accompanied me to the depot in the mor ning. They were freemen indeed, not in words only, hut in thoir actions. Banished from Austria, almost lynched in Amer ica .where am I to Cud freedom ? Your friend, LUDVIGH. UNSUCCESSFUL ATTEMPT TO CAPTURE FUGITIVE SLAVES. in a at j I the the was On Tuesday morning last our town was thrown into much commotion in consequence of an al most successful attempt to capture einht runaway slaves, for which rewards are offered of upward $3000. It seems that some time during Monday man come to Sheriff Green with the information that be had discovered eight runnway negroes, and had made arrangements to hnvr them in Dover that night, the negroes supposing they were to be concealed in town until tho next night and then wend their way upward. Accordingly about o'clock on Tuesday morning, the mun and the no grces appeared at the jnil. While the Sheriff was dressing, thoy all entered the jail, went up stairs (in the dark), found nil open room and went into it, but there being no lire tnoy came out 11110 tho entry. By this time the Sheriff had dressed and follow ed them up stairs, supposing that ho would find them in one of the room tud that all be would have to do would be to close and bolt the door. On discovering that they were all in the entry, the Sheriff returned to bis room tor In revolver, the negroes, anxious to get to a fire, followed him down aud wein all in the Sheriffs room, whero his wife and childien were a-lcep, before he could seize hi revolver. By this time the suspicion of one of the negroes was arouted, and with the exclamatiun "he didn't like de looks nb de plaoe; I'se ewine out t' dis," he bolted for the window. The Sheriff seized him, and while engaged in the struggle, tne rest or the negroes burst through ou other window and eaciped, first scattering the fire over the floor, the man standing trembling in the door like the veriest craven. hearted coward. The Sheriff alarmed by his family and the fire, let go the negro for a moment, when iu an instant he bounded through the window and was gone. Thus they all escaped. Six of them were tracked to house in Camden, but the officer could not enter for the want of iiiBUieiit warrant which th mag ietrate (aid they had no power to give. Co Tue- day night it is currently teported, conveyed to the house ol a man resii the six were residing near Wil low Urove whence they were forwarded up the country i y ino torcst roads, or rather on the un- derground rnilroad. Tho other two were ecn. shortly aftor tho es?nps from the t nil, going out of Dover in a northerly direction. The fault of the escape is attributable entirely to the hoggish toss or the mnn who tolled the negroes into D"vcr. Grocdyto get the whole roward, he would not per mit a small Tore to share It with him and he got none. The negroes were all armed with cudgels and pistols. The rewards offered for their appre hension vary from $300 to $100 each. Dover Re dorter, March 13. Correspondence. For the Bugle. For the Bugle. LAW IS FOUNDED IN JUSTICE. 1 a I of to to a or a 4 a "His case is submitted to a court of justice." "He has applied to a justice or the peace to ob tain his legal right, &a. Ac, have been iterated and reiterated, until our idea are in utter coufu sioD. Ordinarily, and very unthinkingly, we use the terms justice and law synonymously, and yot if we ask ourselrej, soberly, il all law are just, or if justico is always obtained bylaw, we are compelled to give a negative to both. The present is a time when men especially need to separate the two ideas in their minds; for now the decision of the United States Supreme Court in the S cott case is under discussion. From law yers to clodhoppers it is praised or donounced with all the freedom and confidence that pertain to a common-place subject. It may bo doubted whether the nssailers, or de fenders have thoroughly considered the grounds for approbation, or reprehension; better ascertain what arc the duties of a judge, whether of a su perior, or inferior court? The question dues not relato to his duties as a man but ns a judje. For what purpose is ho appointed to the station? Is it to expound and enforce wioruMnw ? Or to con form to, and comply with, constitutional require mint nnd legislative enactmenttf If both, what is ho to do w hen they conflict ? Thcro may be cases, and such there have been, where the judge could not fail to j r ceive on which side the right was, but the law was on th other, and unless be could find some quirk, some legal loop-holo through which to mako an escape, he is compelled to do violence to his highest convictions. The man must be merged in the Judge; every thing of true, genuino selfhood must be sacrificed to official position. Roger Taney well knows, ns he ha always known sinco his appointment to the seat he occu- pies, that he was not selected on account of his ethics, or his Catholicism, but partly from partizan favoritism, and partly from his judicial reputa tion; nnd knowing this he had no duty, but to serve the party to which he owes his election, by his interpretation of u constitution made to order, for their especial benefit. It will scarcely be deuied that he haB fulfilled the duties he assumed with great fidelity. Bear'in miud.thut Taney was not placed on the Supreme bench on account of his religion, or his morality but his legal acumen, his ability to show what enactments were, and what were not, iu accotdunce with the constitution, and as a great constitutional lawyer, how could ho have decided otherwise than he did. in the Scott case ? He did not intimate that the voluntary removal and de tention or Dred out of the 6phcre of slavery's ju risdiclion ouglit to have exempted bim from coer cion back to bondage. One idea preponderated and stifles all other ideas in bis mind, namely that slavery and its protection wns the prime element the leading motive and object in framing the con stitution, and sophistry will be puzzled to confront him. Taney takes the broad ground boldly, and with out any hypocritical whining or cant about it, that the Constitution is nn unmitigable, inveterate pro. slavery document and sustains his position unas- sailably by reference to the importation articlo and the rendition clauso, which latter was rcenacted verbatim in all that is odious and henious, iu the famous fugitive law. His arguments go to prove that persons, in whose veins African blood flows, nre not, never weie, nnd never can bo, citizens under the constitution, Thy a; unflnswernble;and are corroborated by action of all legislative bodies and judicial tribu nals eve; sinco that instrument was issued. Every body knows thnt it is the interpretation a document which is authoritative; in the sne be fore us, tho provisions and the phraseology amply sustain tho interpretation which has beeu given, and acted upon op to this hour. True, some leal friends of liberty seeing with clearness what the instrument ought to have dono for humanity, have pleased themselves with the hope thnt advantage might be taken or some or its positions so as make it serve a righteous end at last, after tho lapse or a hair century. They are worthy men, but not lawyers, or statesmen. In their zeal the advancement of the right, they deny the pro slavery character of tho constitution because the word slavo cannot be found in it. If they are pressed to tell whom the States were permitted import, and on whom they were to pay $10 duty, if required, they reply "if it means African slaves, the provision expired by i'.s own limitations. They mistake; nothing or the kind is to be round in instrument. It doe say that Congress shall suppress the trade tiU 1808, but not a word about it discontinuance after that date. Not, then, the constitution, but by an act of Congress, that which on one Jay it would have been treason, to in terrupt, on the next, it would have been piracy, practice. Again, "those who owe service or labor shall delivered up," cannot mean slave tor tbey can not owe, never having contracted with their claim ant in person, or by attorney. True, but then is not the enlightened moralists perceptions ot right, that we are considering, but the meaning the charter deed or a nation professing to furnish an assylum for the oppressed: and how have their constituted agents in every department understood this clause? When have they tailed to curry out as tbey would have done if the word person, had been substituted with that of slave? And when have their constituent censured them for their construction or uctiun ? Again it is averred, that "Wo the peorje ordain" 0., SiO., set the question at rest, aud so it does soon a we ascertain who "We, the people" are. Were the half million slave an integrant part that JT Did they establish liberty for them selves and their posterity ? Were any of the un- chattelized colored population delegate to the con vention which framed that world renowned docu ment? Did they send their representatives? Direct aud truthful answer to these questions, will remove all ambiguity and uncertainty in the matter. It I evidently premature to suppose the constitution made before the IK were convened make it; and rare juvenility to suppose it appli cation wa retrospective no less than prospective. Again, "No portion ab all be deprived of liborty except by due process of law." Had the half mil lion slave of that day, been subjected to such process? How of the importation during the twenty years constitutional protection? How of those now, in the District of Columbia and the ter ritories? Are they persons or things? Never persons, for their own benefit; always, when it suits the interest or the caprice of their keepers. From their intellectuality or mrality they realize nn positional advantages; for their alterations from moral rectitude they are imprisoned and hung as veritable, accountable person. But the arti clo is liecoming unduly extended. The intelligent philanthropist, though he must be made sad by the necessity, will not fail to rec ognize the legality the constitutionality of Taney's decision. There may be several reasons why a part of the court dissented. They may have anticipated a change in populat opinion; they may have wished to conciliate their home peoplo, or the good lb it is in man, may have preponder ated with them, and they decided to give it nil the piny their circumstances would allow. May wo not hope the last? The decision should he hailed, for there will come a day, and that not distant, when it strict constitutionality will be conceded, and ruth, how ever revolting, cannot be promulgated too soon. R. B. Taney is high law authority; Buchanan is well up in the profession. They are the heads in the two great departments in the government; they are believed to harmonize on the constitutional questiop, and their influence will not fail to have effect, though it should be to Increase agitation on a subject which those celebrities deem settled. Those who hold that libertyjs independent of Inw, and paramount to it, will not wisoly to keep this decision before the publio mind. AMOS GILBERT. The Anti-Slavery Bugle. SALEM, OHIO, MARCH 28, 1857. A. T. FOSS IN ILLINOIS. of to for to the by to be it or it so in to The Liberator of last week contains a letter from A. T. Fuss, which contains a most encouraging ac count or his auti-slnvery labors in northern Illi nois. Mrs. Lucy D. Coleman also nn agent of the American Anti-Slavery Society is Inhering iu the same region in connection wuh Mr. toss. At Sterling, Whitesido county, Mr. F. says: "Our meetings were large, filling the Cuurt House night after night with earnest and attentive listeners. And many a hearty 'God bless you' we received from Anti Slavery nion' who have become quite sick of the weak and wavering course of the Re publican leaders in Congress." We copy the closing part or Mr. Fobs' letter. It is encouraging to hear so good a report or the anti-slavery eoiitiinent or the Wost. "Next.we came to Uoionrille, a little village or some five hundred inhabitants, nnd lying about friend eight miles from Lvndon. We found no Powell to take us to this village free of charge, nnd there was no publio conveyance; so wo had to pay a mnn twoMollar- end fifty! cents to take us on. Here we were strangeis, nnd hnd to go to a poor, dingy, comfortless hotel, whose landlord had the marvellous impudence to charge one dollar and a quarter a day for the privilege of staying wbero to stay was hardly endurable. We saw upon the sign of this hotel the ominous words, 'Preserve the Union 1' and we felt thnt this did not argue well, and so it turned out. "We immediately put ourselves in motion tn get up a mooting Tor the evening. We wero success ful in getting the Wcsleyao church, nnd nt two o'clock had our bills out. We did not expect much cf a meeting, hut through the dark and the mud they came, and gave us a largo audience. Tho fact is, those bills, with their glaring capitals, 'NO UNION WITH SLAVEHOLDERS.' awaken much uttenliun, and all the people aro burning with desiro to see two live specimens, male and female. 01 the Uarrisomans. Uur audience wns made ap of ministers and laymen, lawyers and doctors, Democrats and Republicans, w hite, and mixed, a large nieoting and n goodly. We spoke to them of tho faith that was in us, and presented the evidence of its truth. We were heard with tlm liveliest interest, but it was evident before we closed that the interest was not entirely in our fa vor. When we had finished, a Democratic lawyci arose, and expended the usual amount of gas up on the terms, 'Our glorious Union 'stripes and tats,' 'treasonable designs,' 'fanatics,' 'incendia ries,' 1S.0. do. He spoke forty-five minutes, nnd we rejoined in a much briefer space of time. He replied, nnd we spoke a few words of benediction, and the meeting closed, and., as we supposed, our work in Uuionville. We had been informed that the Wesleyan church was engaged for a rehearsal the next evening, preparatory to a concert which was to cime off the evening following tho rehearsal We were, however, followed to the hotel by young man, whose heart was all nglow with nnti Blavery life. lie desired ub to speak the next evening. This we were willing to do, if any place could be obtained. Our young friend, James Gar- lick, said he would see it some arrangement could not be maid, and report in the morning. He suc ceeded in getting the Congregational house for the rehearse!, so that we could have the Wetdeyan church, as on the preceding evening. We imme diately put out our bills for the evening. Henry Buyer came in, and kindly took us to his own cheerful home. 0 1 what a sense or delight thrills ono's whole being, when lifted from one of these boles, and placed in the midst of beauty, comfort and friends! "Although the night was dark, and the roads al most impassable, so doop was the rich, adhesive mud, yet the meeting-house was filled to it ut most capacity. There must have been near five hundred people in attendance. Soon after wo commenced .'peaking, it became evideut thnt there were some dozen or more persons in the house w had come for the purpose or disturbing and break ing up the meeting. These men were not inhab itants or Unionville. In this town, not a drup intoxicating liquor is sold. But these low men were brought from a neighboring town to disturb und break up the meeting. Poor creatures 1 they were intjxicated with the vilest whiskey, and mad dened with the spirit of their party. But the good peoplo of Uuionville succeeded in restoring order. and we proceeded. On of the Democrat proposed that we should divide the time with them. This we refused, but told, them we would be generous, aud we were so. The lawyer again took the floor, and proceoded to deliver himself of nearly the same sounding phrase a the evening before. We answered his harangue as we deemed it de served. The feeling or the meeting wa (Uongly in our favor. Friend Buyer gave us a standiug invitation to make his bouse our home whenever uur cause should lead us again to visit th town. From Uniouville, we canio, after muoh delay, for the railroad are in a horrid condition, iu con- sequenoe of the flood, to Fulton, where we found it Impossible to get up a meeting, in consequence of protracted meotinff which waa in nroirrese. - We crossed the Mississippi to Lyons, where, aftef much trouble, we obtained the large aohool-ronrn whore the Baptists preach one part of the day, and the Universalists in the evening. The Baptist, minister Informed m he should on Sunday preach un Baptism, and refusod to appoint our meeting The Universalis clergyman kindly" gate up the houso to us, and wo had a very large and spirited meeting. The Baptist minister denied somecf Mrs. Coleman' charges, so far a hi denomina tion was concerned. I, of course, knew? all abenl it, and was able to present him to the people ia anything but a favorable light. This room wa engaged for a lyceum lcc.turo on Monday evening, or we should havo hold one ether meeting. A it was, wo were obliged to leave. This whole West is ripe fur the reaper' sickle. A ever, A. T. FOSS. THE OHIO LEGISLATURE. The Legislature of Ohio ha not been unmind ful of tho question of Slavery for the last two or three weeks. The report of their action that ha come to hand is very limited, but we give our roadert'all the information wo have been able to glean, DISUNION. Sonator Brown, from Portage county, wa some time aince appointed a Comniif.es of one, to report on sundry petitions asking for a dissolution of the Union in consequence of its support of Slavery. Mr. Brown was appointed to the tame service last year and very promptly reported, without leaving tho hall, against the prayers or th petition er. This year the Committee of one seems lev have acted with much mure deliberation, but, to have come to the same conclusion. Not having seen the report, we cannot speak of its character All we know of it .is contained in the following paragraph from tho Columbus Correspondent of" tho Cleveland Leader: "It the report is spoken of ns a must scathing document, walking into tho rank of the pro slavery, sham Democratic disunioiiisls without, ceremony, dealing vigorous blow without meroy, mid fastening tho charge of disunion, by reference to documents, speeohos and addresses, where it. belongs.- Thereupon a discu'siun sprang up, in which Holmes nnd Phelps came to the rescue of' their Southern friends, and Griswold, Kelly and Brand excoriated them with a will." Since the above wae'prepared, we find the fol lowing in the Cincinnati Gaietlt of the 23 inst 1 ' COLUMBUS, March 21, M. a Mr. Brown, the Select Committee to whom have beeu referred several petitions fur tne dissolution of the Union, coining from certain mistaken en thusiukta, near and itbout Salem, in Columbiana, county, yesterday laid bofaro the Siuate tii j report upon the subject. It is an admirable document. Wlulu it deprcuatus any attempt to dissolve the Union, it shows convincingly that there is far less t'' cu"'uJer'lcJ ta 1,18 ln''d madness of" mi iiuu utii cmuin, niiu numier UKDI uur inn, than iu tho violence, luffiamsm, and avuwtl dts unionisni of tho Democratio party at th South,, and the unrcbuking silonce uf that organization at the North. The report grouped together many startling facts in relation to the factious, disunion sentiment or the supporter or James Buchanan and exhibited th base hypocricy or their pretend ed loyalty to the Union of these State. Ia conclusion, Mr. Bruwn offered tb following res olution : Resolved by the Senate of Ohio, That w look. with pain and regret upon any attempt to destroy the Union, whether mado by Garrisuuiaus, Dome- crats, or others. Col. Holmes said he would vote for this resolu tion if it wero amended so a to read, "whether made by Garrisoninns, Democrats. Republican, or others." Mr. Griswold did not see the propriety of the amendment. Nothing but affection and fidelity t the Union hnd ever been breathed by the Republ ican party, nnd it waa idle to class it with those from whom danger was apprehended. Mr, 1'liolps denied that the U -mocratic party was lalse to the Union. Mr. Mrown had collected tho ravings of fire-eaters, and he had no sympa thy with fire eaters. North or South. Doubtless, if he would take the time. ho could find sentiments equally seditious in Republican newspapers and speeches, it was nn insult to class Democrats with GarrisouiiuiH. (I think, it was; and a reso lution of respectful apology ought to be tendered to the Giirrisoninus.) Mr. Brown defied Mr. Phelps to piint tn a sin glo expression in favor of disunion in all the Re publican papers and speeches of the last cam paign. Mr. Phelps replied that this wa not the time nor place to discuss these matters. Col. llomes.on tho assurance of Mr. Brown that he would himself nmend the resolution as follows, withdrew his amendment, and it was passed it) this shape : Resolved by the Senate of OAi'o.Tbnt we look with, pain and regret upon ny attempt to destroy the Union, by whomsoever made. Tho vote in favor of this resolution was nnani mous, and the whole trouble ended with ordering the report to be printed in the appendix to tho Senate Journal, nnd tho usual number of copis to be printed for tho Sonatnrs beside. But it wat laughable to witness the surprise, not to say con sternation, or the Democratio Senators on hear ing their virtuous and loyal Looofooo party prnve a more band of organized disunionists ; and find ing thomselvesallcd upon to depreoate the edi tious design of "Garriaonians, Democrats, and others." FUGITIVE SLAVES NOT TO BE IMPRISONED IN OUR JAILS. ho or The House recently passed a bill forbidding tiro use of the Jail of th State for the confinement -of persona not charged with orime. Subsequent ly the bill came before the Senate and after dis cussion was refei red to the Judiciary Committ with instructions to say in unmistakable language) that "no Jail in Ohio shall be used for the confine ment of Fugitive Slaves, or any person charged' with any constructive offeooe, arising out of the relation or Master and Slave." Afterward tbi Committee reportcdjback the bill with th frit section amended 1 "Thnt it shall be unlawful to confine in the Pen itentiary of this State, or in the Jails of any county of this State, any person or person charged with limply being a fugitive from slavery." The report of the committee wa agreed to ; tb bill ordered to it engrossment and third reading at the Clerk' desk, and passed. Yeae 22, nays 8, Yea Baird, Brand, Braxee, Brown, Buckland. Burnell, Cunfield, C'attell, Gardner. Griswold, Hamilton, Hardy, Ilea ton. Ilyer, Kelley, Kirk, Musgrave Marsh, Rush, Taylor of GeaugaTaylor of Muboning, Warfel. Nay Converse, Holmes, Hawley, Lawrence, Matthew, Phelps, Speneer, Wilford. Messrs. Hawley and Spencer are Republican. On mution of Mr. Kelloy, the title wa then ameuded o a to read, "on act to prohibit th conjincment of fugitives from slavery in the jails f Ohio." It i aid the House will unquestionably oonear in the uineudwcnt nd that U will become a raw