Anti-slavery bugle. [volume], December 03, 1859, Image 1

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BINJAM1N S. JONES, EDITOR.
"NO UNION WITH SLA YEH0LDER8."
ANN PEARSON, PUBLISHING AOEKt.J
VOL. 15. NO. 10.
SALEM, COLUMBIANA COUNTY, OHIO, SATURDAY, DECEMBER 3, 1859.
WHOLE NO. 73s;:;
The Anti-Slavery Bugle.
From the Independent.
JOHN BROWN'S SPEECH FROM THE
SCAFFOLD.
II seems to be settled that John Brown will be
hang according lo th sentence of the Court at
Cherleetown. It can hardly be hoped that the
iterate lentiment of justice, hoDor, and humanity
in Virginia, aa exhibited during hia trial, will per
mit Governor Wise to respite the old man long
enough fur the Court of Appeals to re-examine bit
ease, and inquire whether the lower Court has
Bot acted upon a faulty indictment, or mistaken
n insane man for a criminal. The Slave Power
demands revenge for the disturbance of its se
curity and peaoe. It cannot feel safe until the
last of the soore of invaders who stormed its oita
4el la destroyed j will it feel any safer then J
. That John Brown will make any concession or
retraction, that he will yield to fear or acknowl
edge guilt, that ho will d ) anything but vindicate
the prinoiple upon which he has acted, and con
demn to the last the system of slavery which he
timed to overthrow, no man who knows his histo
ry and bat marked his deportmont during his trial
and Imprisonment, will for one moment imagine.
The speech which he will utter from the scaffold
-will become historical; taking rank with those
dying words of patriots, heroes, and martyrs.
which have beoome the watchwords of after-gene
rations in the great conflicts and triumphs of free'
dora and truth. We doubt indeed, whether the
shlvalry of Virginians will so far conquer their
vowBtaiee as to suffer Brown to speak at all before
ibe fatal Boose is tied. And therefore, ho would
2o' well to deposit bis last testimony in writing,
with soma trusty friend who will see that it
reaches the publ'io eye. Perhaps tho justice
which lurried a sick and wounded man through
the mockery of a trial, may permit him the mock-
cry of attempting to speak amid the did of drums,
nd tbe bootings of the crowd. Doubtless the
.precautions of the sheriff against an imaginary
eresoae, will so surround the gallows with a milita
ry guard, that no reporter shall bo able to carry
way a word of what Brown may utter. But spo
ken or unspoken, there will go forth from that
scaffold a speech that will stir the land.
'There are scntimonts of human nature which
are universal, spontaneous, and unconquerable
Honor to braeery in whatever cause; honor eepec-
ially to one who shows unflinching pluck for what
be deems the right; honor pre-eminently to one
who perils or sacrifices himself in a generous deed
tor"' other the common sentiment of mankind
wards this as its spontaneous tribute.. . The. age
of herb-worship baa not gone by; the sentiments
tua prompt to this are not eitioo
alone who approve the olgcct of Brown's ill-fated
exploit, but they equally - who disapprove that,
feel In their inmost souls a response of admira
tion for the brave and generous old man. They
know that such purposes as his are not fitly re
quited by the scaffold. And this feeling is str n-gesi-asxxig
those rougher and sturdier men who
knew enough of personal bravery to admire it in
nother, and among the hard-fisted sons of toil,
who know the worth of a generous deed in behall
of tba wronged. John Brown'a speech to the
Court has found its echo in such sentiments, and
the speech from bis scaffold will deepen that re
sponse. That scaffold will say to the North, This
tba bloody, the insatiable tyranny of slavery. The
very existence of that system demands that free
men shall be for ever silent in its presence ; tbat
the voices of our revolutionary sites shall be hush
ed and that whoevor shall speak or plan or aot
for tbe overthrow of slavery, shall pay for his
temerity with his life, if ever he shall come within
tbe" : grasp of its arm. This is the first lesson.
That scaffold demands of all the North, Will ye
IsO be slaves t
Tbat scaffold will say to the South, This must
henceforth be the price of our slaves and of our
security; a system of terror maintained in all our
borders, tbe 'surveillance of despotism over the
stranger and the citizen alike, counting it a crime
io apeak of emancipation, or to lift a finger
relieve the slave, or to relieve society of this bur
den.' -The South may at first obey tbe behests
this new terrorism, but by-and-by will count the
sost. Tbe lesson of that scaffuld opon tbe ethics
nd economics of slavery, will be greater than
tbat bee yet been said against tbe system
Tbat 'scaffold will speak to the opponents
slavery words of lofty inspiration. It will remind
them that theirs is a work of conscience and
right, which no hindrance can check, which
violence can put down. A deeper earnestness,
more heroic self-sacrifice, will henceforth possess
the minds of all good and truo men in opposition
lo slavery. ' John Brown as a leader they might
not have trusted while living; John Brown as
cesepUr in conscientious and uofaltoring dis
charge of duty, they will emulate when be is dead.
But the most deep and eraphatio utterance
tbat scaffpld will be to the slave. Tbe publio ex
ecution of John Brown and his associates will
talked of io every cabin of the South. Men who
cannot read will catch the whispers of the wind,
and all who are in bonds will know by (hat tele
graphic sympathy which makes the oppressed
qulqk to bear and feel that free white men were
brave enough to die in the attempt to give free
dom ts Ihq slave. Tbat scaffold will proclaim
insurrection it is designed to subdue. That scaf
fold wilf arouse in the hearts of tbe oppressed,
determination to brave death itself for libertv
And Bare andetb, its last lesson, in lines of
and blood.
f,ot td'A-i
Ignicrtn- 'OR Semtiom. The grand jury
Norfolk, Vs., have found a true bill of indiotment
agaiast S. Daoenburg, woo Keeps a clothing
hM store in that oity, lor seditious language,
culaUd to jneite insurrection.
The first count charged him with having used
that words. "John Brown was a good man,
was fighting in a good cause, and did nothing
w ha nay otbsr honest man would ao. Ana
seeoud oount charged that be had uttered tbs
eipMselon:. "Jvbn Btown was fighting
a good cause," (meaning that he was fighting In
the causa of the slave against the master,) "and
that owners have no right of proporty in their
slaves;" and said that "Brown did nothing but
what any other honest man would do." His case
will come on early in the present term of the Si
perior Court, now in session.
I
A RACY CORRESPONDENCE.
WILL REV. A PRYNE ANSWER?
KNOXVILLE, Oct. 25th, 1859.
KottbsyfcusaJConieniionjaieed iusds ta..quin,,tfieui
is
to
of
all
of
of
no
a
an
of
be
so
tbe
the
fire
at
and
and
but
toe
fol
lowinft is
Rev. A. Prv.ns Sir: In my debate with yon
in Philadelphia, I threw up to you, your agency
in stealing negroes, and the fact that you were a
stockholder in an Underground Railroad, having
its dopot at Syracuse. Nuy, I chaiged you with
assisting in raising lunda to send out certain mur
derous ruffians to Kansas. When you cams to re
ply, you used this Inngunge, which will bo found,
on page 299 of our Debate, in your fifth and last
speech.
'And let mo tell you, freedom in Kansas was se
cured by a firm resistance to this spirit of slavery
Do you think it wae Congressional speeches that
secured Ireedom in Kansas ? You are greatly
mistaken; it was GLORIOUS OLD JOHN SHOWN
WITH HIS ARMED MEN. Tbe Demon of Sla
very was Lenten back, because he and hia brave
band were on the ground to let her minions know
that they had caught the spirit of '70, and were
ready to fight fur freedom. Whilo oti the eubjeot,
excuse a Utile egotism. I am proud lo say thai be-
JoreJyjllH IIUUHa wenlto Kama; 1 had tue
privilege, in an Anti-Slavery Contention al Syra
cusc, if moving a resolution lo buy rifles for him
and his boys. I made a speech in favor of the res
olution, and though it did not escape opposition.
it was carried through enthusiastically ; the collec
tion was taken up, and JOHN BROWN AND
HIS BOYS were assisted to buy rifles 1'
Now, Sir, your 'glorious old John Brown and
his Boys,' were the originators of the late revolt
at Harper's Ferry, according to their own confes
sion. Tbe boys are dead, killed in the engsge
ment, and 'old John' was wounded, and will short
ly be hung, as you deserve to be, upon your own
testimony. Had you, as a 'Preacher of Righteous
ness,' exhorte-l the old scoundrel, and his villaiu-
ou9 boys, to repentance and fuith, thoy might have
become religious, instead of dying in this di
graceiui act ot rebellion ana going to Hell, as
they doubtless have done. Shame , on you, vile
hypocrite 1
This old Kansas free-soil ruffian, Brown, might
never have committed tbe disorder, plunder,' and
inurder, At Osavatomie, bad you not in the Syva-
Brown and his boys, and the whole set of ma
raudors, mischif makers, bad men, publio plun
derers and murderers, who have been arrested at
Harper's Perry, might have escaped tbe gallows
How do you feel, you hypocriticul philanthropist
when you reflect tbat you have urged this old mur
derous villain on to death and Hell f
When I told you, in my second speech, of being
tbe dirty tool of Gerrit Smith, a rich abolitionist
and an Ex-Member of Congress, but then the Lib
erty candidate for Governor of New Yurk, you re
plied as will be seen on page 130, of cur Debate
And the best thing to be said yat of Gerri
Smith's good deeds in that direction, is, that he
is to-day on the stump in my own glorious Empire
State, as a candidate for Governor, under tbe
pledge that if he should be elected, and an effort
sboulci be made to take a fugitive slave from tbe
State of New York, he Kill call out the whole mili
tary force of the State to resist ill And, gntle
men, let me say, tbat whtn this debate shall have
been concluded, I shall, with pleasure, hasteu
home to my native State, to take tbe stump for
Mr. Smith.'
Now, your would-be Governor of New York, is
found to bo connected with 'glorious old John
Brown,' in this infinitely infernal insurrection, and
a letter has been found in Brown's possession from
Smith, inolosinz him a check to aid him in his
work, endorsed by a New YorkBank. Gov. Wise,
of Virginia, has fliis lettor, and will, as a matte
of course, make a requisition upon Gov. Morgan
of New York, for tbe vile incendiary and mur
derer, and if he shall refuse to give up Smith
Wise will call out tbe whole military force of the
State of Virginia, and send after him. Thus
will be seen, tbat troubles await your patriotic
friends engaged in this Harper's Ferry expedition
and tbey are said to be numerous 1
But, Mr. Pryne, I believe you to be engaged in
this samo insurrection. Not only will your
letters be found in the possession of 'glorious old
John Brown and bis boys,' but I believe you will
turn out to have been there in person, under tb
assumed name of Stevens. Suob a man is describ
ed in one of my exchange papers, as having mad
his escape. This is the description given, and
is yours, Mr. Pryne, to tbe life. M
'Said Stevens is about 5 feet 7 incbea bigh
sallow oomplesion, dark hair, inclining to
sandy, beard on his face and ohin long, tut not
boavy. He is quick spoken, fierce and exoitabie,
with quite a store of information on all subjects
This description suits vou. Tbe cowardice
absconding, and leaving 'glorious old John Brown'
lo belp himself, also suits you. Add to this, your
challenge to me of last month, dated at William
son, N. Y to renew the debate on Slavery, wbic
waa intended to throw us off our guard, as lo you
whereabouts, and it is clear to my mind that yo
were in this movement. And until you prove
where you was on tbe 16th, 17th, and 18th, days
of October, 1859, I shall regard you as one of the
murderous and cowardly hypocrites, m the Har
per's Ferry insurrection, under a false and assum
ed name 1
You are mistaken, Mr. Pryne, in the character
of the Virginians. You counted on the Letcher
party aoting with your 'glorious old' leader, but
it seems tbey did not coma to your rescue. Tbe
Southern Democrats will vote with you in elec
tions, sad thank you to support their nominees,
in all Presidential son-tests, but when you come
into the South heading an insarreotlon, tbey will
take you up and bang ysu, and appropriate yoor
pikes, revolvers, Sharp's rifles, and camp equip-
gl
But, air, you are all mistaken in your estimates,
and the result of this outbreak shows that you are
a deluded pack. So far as your Insurrectionary
movements are ooncerned, we are not alarmed in
the South. Not a single slave joined you in this
miserable Harper's Ferry enterprise, and for the
good and sufficient reason tbat tbey are not dissat
isfied with their condition. I am astonished Ibat
man of your reading bss not long sioce been
convinced tbat negroes can never combine, so as
to bavt ao extended and simultaneous movement.
No ten plantations can ever form a combination
without being discovered. Tbe Chartists, in their
movements in Eogland, some years ago, were una
ble to oombine, and were routed and dispersed
thout nnv trouble. Tbe Canadians, in their
revolt, some years ago, failed to combine, and
were dispersed in confusion and dissracj. Neith
er tbe Irish Patriots of 'OS, nor the reckless pack
associated with the tiolrious John Milchel, in
mote rec nt movement, could combite, and they
were forced to abscond.
But if negroes could combine, they have no fire
arms, and no experience in their use. Uunmore
ffered all ihe slaves fieedom, who would join him
n the Revolution, and they refused to enlist. Tbe
Tories took to him enough to o .institute a regiment,
and in tbe hour of trial they refused to fight
against the w hites. In South Carolina, during (be
war of tbe Revolution, tho negroes aotod with
their masters, and it is a matter of record, that
tho Whig negroes rendered Quo. Green great ser
vice. In 1812, Gen. Ruts, by proclamation, offer
ed froedom to till slaves wbo wouU join bim, and
he got nonel When be landed at a large planta
tion to take a number on board, they all took to
flight, and carried with them to a place of safety,
their mistress and her children! They were ol
opinion that Ross and his men wanted to put them
in their pockets. Our negroes in tbe South have
lost all confidence in Northern Abolitionists, and
believe that tbey are only stealing tbem for pur
poses of speculation.
Once mora: the Creeks, who held vast numbers
of slaves, never suffered from insurrections. Spar
ta, Athens, aud Troy, had eight slaves to one fteo
icau.aLd in motto aiei tbey were as intelligent as
their owners, but there were no insurrections
among tbem. The Jews, who bad to strengthen
themselves by enslaveing the Edomities, before
they could lake Canaan, never suffered from an
insurrection, though thur slaves were their euperi
urs in point of intelligence. Tbe Slaves in Rome
were two lo one, wheu compared with their owners
and nothing like an insurrection occurred. The
greatest deleat Hannibal met with in Italy,
M the bands yf legions of slaves under Semphro-
uius., ,uuif , H 4 well known, grew In power, a
alio increased the number of ber slaves, and never
suffered from an insurrectionary movement. On
one or two occasions only, was any trouble given
by slaves, and this was occasioned by the conduct
of desarting Roman soldiers when tbe slaves were
in the right. i
History reooids bat one successful insurrection
in our hemisphere, and that was in St. Domingo
iu 1791. The Island then contained 800,000 in
habitants, of whom only 50,000, or tbe sixteenth
part of the population wero whiles. That move
ment was stimulated by low down, enervated and
vicious white persons, like 'glorious old Jubn
Brown and his boys.' who envied the Spanish and
French planters. These faotB are briefly sketched
and drawn from as reliable an author as our coun
try affords now lying before me. I have submit
ted them with a view to show you bow foolUb
t-euenie you aro engaged in. I say you because
honebtly believe you have been a: Harper's Ferry
in person, and iugloriously fled, when danger star,
ed you in tbe face. If you were not there in rer
soo, your letters to 'glorious old John Brovtn' are
in the possession of Guv. Wise, showing that you
were aiding aud abetting in this murderous work,
I hope tho letters will be published, and tbat
requisition will be made upon the New Yurk Gov
ernor for you. Shuuld you be brought to Virginia
and bung, it will be a curious fact, if I am there,
and present on tho scaffold, tu administer to yuu
io your dying agonies, the consolations of the
Gospel 1
You reco'.leot, that in our discussion at Phila
delphia, only thirteen mouths ago, you notified
me tbat Slaveholders io the South would be made
o sleep with Revolvers under their pillows
night. This Harper's Ferry insurrection is the
opening of the campaign, resulting disastrously
to tbe scoundrels associated with you. We have
put some of your party to sleep with cold planks
under their beads, and others of you we intend
shall sleep with ropes around your necks. Hop
ing to bear from you soon, I have Ihe honor to
&c. G. W. BROWNLOW,
Editor of the Knoxville Whig.
CERTAINLY!-WILL YOU PUBLISH MY
ANSWER?
ROCHESTER, N. Y., Nov. 9, 1859.
in
Rev. W. G. Brown low Sir: On my return
from a brief visit lo Canada, I find your printed
letter under date of Out. 25th, Under ordinary
circumstances I should not reply to such a letter.
If it bad been written by a mac who could be fair
ly held morally responsible for preserving tbe de
oenoies ol civilized life in his correspondence,
would be treated with silent omtempt. But each
man must be judged somewhat in the light,
darkness, of bis surrouodings. One in a state
society much worse than thai which obtained
tbe dark ages, trained up under a system which
regards cradle-robbing as a Christian virtuo, and
man-stealing as a mark of exalted piety, cannot
expected to write a letter up to the standard
modern civilisation. I should not refuse to an
swer a letter from a Cannibal, because it was uo
courteous, or from Thug, because it was inde
cent. Regarding you, therefore, as an off-shoot
Tennessee heathenism, a sort of fungus growth
Tennessee barbarism, I have concluded to fortify
myself with suob disiofeoting agents as are
band, and go through with the task of answering
voer letter. I do not reply to W. O. Brownlow,
simply, bat to tbi tpiril tf Southern slavery,
a
1
a
at
it
or
of
in
be
of
of
of
at
speaking through him as its passive medium.
That spirit I am disposed to meet, whether it
comes through tbe medium of
' -'The mildest mannered man
Tbat ever souttled ship or cut a throat,'
or speaks through tbe pen of the most boorish ran
ter that ever robbed a cradle. I make this expla
nation, that tbe public may understand why your
barbarous epithets cannot be regarded by me as a
gronnd of personal offense.
You begin yoor letter by a reference to our old
debate, and quote what you declare to have been
my reply lo your charge of aiding slaves to escape.
You will find my definite reply to that taunt on
page 287 of oor debate, as follows:
'My opponent asks me tauntingly whether I
have not stock in Ihe "underground railrood?"
whether I would assist a fugitive slave in making
his escape? I answer, without hesitation, that if
ft poor negro, fleeing 'from Southern oppression
should come to my door at night, asking for shel
ter and a bed, I would give him tho best bed in
my huo.ljle house; and should any kidnapper come
in pursuit of him, I happen (though not n man of
war) to have in my possession an old rifle, vibich
would do good service in defending him,'
I have nothing to add on this head, except that
my armament has been somewhat increased since
that time, and I trust that discipline and experi-
rience ha added to my precision io the use of rei-
pons; and I am not only disposed to defen ) tla- e,
while they miy be my guests, but to seek by all
meads tu facilitate their encase, whether singly or
by thousands. This, instead of being slave-stealing,
ts unly restoring thj slave to self-possession
and plucking him out of tbe hands of the pirati
cal masters irhn nl liim fmm M. mmlm.' K. mnn..
ana since 1 commenced tins letter, 1 have taken a
fine lcoking young mulntto man. agd 20, from my
bouse to tbe next station on the Underground Rail
road. You charge me with having aided Jubn Brown
and bis sons to arm themselves against the ruffian
hordes of barbarians who invaded Kansas. Truth
compels me to say, with regret, that I did so little
in tbat good work, that you dj me too much honor
in calling public attention to the matter. Among
the privileges which have been denied me because
of being poor, none havo been foregone with mure
keeu regret, than that of putting the 'sinews
war' tn the hands of juot such men as the Browns
to aid in their 'Kansas work.' Had the means
been at my command, I would have given arms
not only to Brown and his sons, but tu hundreds
others during the Kansas war.
You intimate that if I hod, 'as a Preacher
Righteousness exhorted Brown, 'he might have
tmcoma religious,' and been saved from Hell.
by fastening 'religious,' you mean accepting tbe
beaiieQiso which you preach, I thank- Gud ibat
never Conspired against the old Chris: ian hero's
soulj by seeking lo damn him with such a religion.
It is because he was tuo humane, tot honest and
too just to be corrupted by your oradle-robbing
roligiun, that his martyr soul will ascend from the
bands of his fiendish executioners to tho bosom
a God who bates oppression and tbe oppressor's
cant. You do not seem to know that Johu Brown
is a man of prayer, and that, like Gideon, he wiel
ded the 'sword of the Lord,' as well as the sword
of George Washington, which he plucked from the
hands of his .unworthy descendants, who have
speculated in Ihe very bones of the father
American liberty. Glurious old man! He not
only revives in his own person, tbe heroic religion
of Samuel, Elieha, and Elijah, showing Ihs same
hatred of tyrants and oj-prehsois, the same bigh
trust in Gud, and" the same sublime contempt for
danger and death which made their lives sublime;
but Pi-ovidcnce puts into his hand tbe type of our
own country's heroic age, in tbe sword of George
Washington. - I can but regard it as a wonderful
coincidence . tbat this sword shuuld full into the
only band which America has yet produced worthy
to grasp its consecrated hilt. Bcfure you talk flip
pantly of teaching John Brown religion, go lo bim
and learn buw to live a life of obedience to God
and love for man, and bow tu die in a faith whiuh
no tyrants can shake, no dangers appal. Louk
upon that serene, undaunted soul, as it transfig
ures that shattered bedy, covered with wounds,
racked with pain, and surrounded by mocking
fiends tlir9ting for his blood, and stand awe struck
and abashed, in tho presence of a beroio and sub
lime type of Christian faith, which you can never
appreciate.
Yoor next point is a threat that Gov. Wise shall
oall out tbe whole military furce of Virginia, and
march into New York after Gerrit Smith. Io this
paragraph you are true to your long established
reputation, xou are a joker ot bad jukes, a gen
erator of vile attempts at wit. which you general
ly mistake for sense and argument, Yuu are novi
an old man, and it is a fitting climax to a life spent
in burrowing among ihe refuse of the ourront
newspaper literaturo of your times, after o do rife
rous morsels of bastard bumor, that your
production in that line should be a proposition
send '.ho Bumbastes Furiuso, wbo now governs
Virginia, at tbe head of bis hysterical militia,
capture a citizen of New Yurk. Nutbing could
be more broadly humorous than a propositien
send tbe military power of a State, just frightened
into spasams of cowardice by John Brown and
his tweuty followers, who surrounded and took
Virginia town of 2000 peoplo, holding them pris
oners for two days, in defiance of alt the fighting
material that Virginia oould muster, compelling
her to shriek frantioally for United States marines,
to capture an Engine House, bald by six white
men and three negroes. You have out-done your
self in perpretrating tbia cream of jukes. Only
add the threat to come yonrself as chaplain, and
the champion fool's cap of the world shall be yours.
Come along, and we will do our best to have you,
and the Virginia 'military foroe, acoompamed
balf a dosen junior members of tbe New York
police, to prevent the little boys and girls from
frightening you back from loo eager ourioaity
see the show.
Your next paragraph ia an effort to prove Ibat
was at 'Harper'a Ferry' in person. Your argu
ment on this point is quite ingenious and impres
sive. The grouping together of sandy bair
allow eompleiion, ratber staggered me at first,
of
ot
If
I
of
of
I might have been convinced. Still I might have
worn a wig, and my face might have been a little
powder-smok id; and if your argument should fail
to convince Gov. Wise, you have my full consent
to amend your pleadings in these particulars.
The height must be nearly correct, and as to the
fund of general information,' I own up with plea
sure. Bssides, I have no principles which would
have prevented my presence ou tbat occasion, for
I have lung maintained the right of tbe slave to
secure his freedom, though he should march to it
over the graves of thousands of bis oppressors.
I feel a little delicate about answsring questions
out of Cuurt, as to my whereabouts on the ICtb,
17 ill and 18th days of October, 1259, but when a
Virginia court shall put me to tbe proof, I hope
to be ablo to show that I was at my post, and do
ing good service in the cause of freedom.
No person engaged in this hemic strike fur free
dom was at all mistaken in tbe character of the
Virginians. Had it nut been well understood that
slavery made them cowards, twenty men would
not have dreamed of defy ing the whole power of
the State. Tho event proves that Brown and his
men had a perfectly just estimate of Virginia
character.
Your argument to pro v. that sla.ves cannot be
combined tu fight fur freedom, is belied by the
fright whiuh obtains throughout the entire South
at this moment. The Virginians now rush to tbe
towns to Bleep over night, fir fear of such combi
nations; and as 1 bclivc, a few years will demon
strate to you practically, Ihe truth that the slaves
can and x'.l combine and achieve their freedom,
I leave this part of your letter to be answered by
'coming evints,' which have already 'cast their
shadows before
Yuu return e&aio to the proof that I was pres
ent with Brown, and smack your lips exultantly
over the thought that I am to be hung, and you to
act as chaplain. It would be rather a good ar
rangement fur disposing of your opponent in the
Philadelphia debate, and quite consistent with the
general history of tyrants and man-steulers, who,
when foiled iu argument, always resort to the
au-to-da-fo and tbe gallows. But in tbe argument
of the dramalis-ptrsona, which you portray as ac
ting on that occasion of so much personal inter
est to me, you assume the wrong place. You have
quito mistaken your 'call.' While you have not
une characteristic to fit you for a chaplain, you
hav unduubted genius for a hangman, and by
putting on the clerical coat, you have rubbed Jack
Ketch of an able assistant, and wandered widely
from your natural vocation.
Aa for myself, I think that I could bear Veing
hung in so good a cause as that of human freedum,
with a fair share of Christian courage and resigna
tion. But though Virginians are very oruel when
JrigbtenedV J trust tbat no court wbo knows you,
would be so fieodish as lo add to tbe comparative
mild sentence of being hung, that most .terrible
stretch of barbarism, of compelling me to listen
to the Vonsolatiuns' of your style of gospel. No,
out hang me if you can fairly make out a case
against me; bnt in tbe name of heavenly compas
sion, save me from Wise's lectures and your
prayers.
Thus have I answered your letter. If the an
swers are not quite satisfactory; if tbe informa
tion you sought is not definitely obtained, yon can
try again. Experience is necessary to success in
all trades. The parasites, pimps and informers,
who always revolve around tyrants,are not an ex
ception lo this law. Titus Ostes did not attain to
his great celebrity as a hunter of heresy and trea
son all at once. He was compelled to roll up bis
eyes toward beaven and cry 'Auh, Laird" many
times before he could make a brutal court believe
bis protestations. You can tako courage from his
illustrious exau.plc. Should Gov, Wise fail to be
convinced by your argument to prove that I was at
Harper's Ferry, he will probably pay you the
guerdon of a sry aid ii f. rmei for litre is
field just being opened by tho current ovents on
American history, where ucb men as you will be
needed. Harper's Ferry may provo as great
Gud send' to you, as did the Star Chamber
that swarm of treason hunters, and government
informers, who crawled out cf the cellars of Lon
don to sun themselves aroend tbe court of Charles
So, sharpen your wits and cultivate your power
scent, fur the market is opening for creatures
your instincts.
You speak of my sending ynu a challenge
renew our debate on Slavery. You are mistaken.
I sent you a note enquiring whether you was ready
to fulfill your original challenge tq debate tbe
question in a tour through the North. You say
you are yet unable to speak. Very well. I now
propose a written discussion, to be published
your paper, nnd also in some northern paper
equal circulation. Tliis plan will free you from
the necessity of any vocal exertion. Should
meet your views, write me as to details. Direct
your reply to me at Rochester, New York.
A. PRYNE.
A TOUCHING PRAYER.
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On tbe Sunday next following Ihe Harper's
Ferry blow for freedom, the following prayer was
offered at the Shilob Presbyterian Cburob, (oolor
ed), in New York.
'Oh! Father, we long to put before thee this af
ternoon the melancholy condition of the millions
of our brethren now in chains. Ohl give tbem
tby belp and assistance, so Ibat tbey may come
forth and worship aocording to tbelr consciences!
May the day soon come when slavery shall be
longer on the earth when Ibe principals of hu
manity shall be established when justice shall
reign supreme, and slavery bivlng passed away,
we may meet together a happy people improved
knowledge and goodness. Father, we pray for
mercy npon tbe thousands and tens of thousaods
of broken-hearted mothers, who mourn because
their darling little ones have been snatchsd from
their bosoms. Wt should remember, as we look
arouLd opon our own happiness and domestic
comforts, and pray earnestly that it will not
long before all the people of this land shall enjoy
similar blessings, i'atber.remember them as Ibeir
tsars bare fallen upon tbia toil as blood drops upon
the sartb, sod enable tlom without tbe shedding
ol blood, oh Lord, la walk ia lbs fvh of dutyi
break the heart of the opr-ieseot, aad palsy bis f
arm, that he may be compelled lo let tke tmprls
oned go free. May our friends stand firm ia tbi
hour of trial, and may they prove heroio and ba
multiplied in numbers a thousand-fold, until this,
foul system, and curse of the land, and the shame.
of its people, shall be no longer among nsl- j
Father, we would also romemrier- our uretnren m s
a certain portion of the laud now suffering ia
prison, and who are destined loan ignominious
death because they have been tbe friends of buV (
inanity and liberty. Uur contusion into tow
counsels of their oppressors, and, if tbey must, .
perish, grant that fur every drop of blood wblou
shall flow, thousands and Lundrsds ut thousands
may rise up to the cause of bleeding and dawe-v
trodden humanity, and the great jubilee be has-.
tened when not a slave shall burthen out land or
any other land under the sun. Grant, Our Father
that all now in suffering circumstances may ba
prepared to meet them, and when vce Come to die, ,
take us home to heaven, where we aha.ll praUe the(
Father, Son, and Holy Spirit! Amenf t ;
LYDIA MARIA CHILD'S REPLY TO GOV.
WISE.
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In your civil but very diplomatic reply to tttf
letter, you inform me that I bave a constitutional
right to visit Virginia, for peaceful purposes, la'
common with every ciliieq of tbe United States.
I was perfectly well aware tbat such was the thco-
ry of constitutional obligation in the Slave States '
but I was also aware of what yon omit to mention,'
via: that the Constitution has in reality, been1
completely and systematically nullified whenever
it suited the convenience or tbe policy of the
Slave Power. Your constitutional obligation, ior
which you profess so much resp'eot. has never k
proved any protection to eitisens of ibe Free States'
who happen to bave a black, brown, or yellow com 1
plexion ; nor to any wbice citizen whom yon even
suspect of entertaining opinions opposite to your''
own, on question of vast importance to tbe tern 11
poral welfare and moral example of out oommuu'
country. This total disregard of constitutional
obligation has been manifested not Merely by the '
Lynch law of mobs in the Slave States, but by Ihe '
deliberate action of magistrates and legislators, '
What regard was paid lo constitutional obligatroa '
in South Carolina, when Massachusetts sent tba'
lion, Mr. Hoar there as an envoy, on a purely Ik
gal errand! Mr. Hedrick, Professor of Politic!
Economy in the Uuiversiiy of North Carolina, kad
a constitutional right to reside in that State. What I
regard was paid to that right, when be waa driven t
from his h )oie, merely because he considered Sla- I
very an imooiiiio system, injurious to the prosperi-i
ty of tbe States t .What respect tor oanatitutienaa't
rights-was ranpifiwstfld.by-AJabaae.-sapen book
seller in Mobile was oompelled to-fleefyr his lifsx
because he had, at the special request of soom of
tbe citizens,- imported a few copies 'of a novel that!
everybody was curious to read f , Your own citij
sen, Mr. Underwood, had a constitutional right to.
live io Virginia, and vote for whomsoever he pleas. .
ed. What regard was paid te bia rights, when he) :
was driven from your State for declaring himself i
in favor of the election of Fremont? With these, 1
and a multitude of other examples before you I
eyes, it would seem as if tbe less was said about .
reelect for constitutional obligation at ths South. ,i
the better. Slavery ia, in faot, an infringement of j
all law, and adheres to no law, save for its. 0 ;
purposes of oppression. ''
You aocuso Capt. John Biowa of "whetting
knives of butchery for the mothers, sisters, daugh.
ters, and babies" of Virginia ; and yon inform -'
me of tbe well-known fact that be ia, ''arraign '
ed for the crimes of murder, robbery and treason.' 1
I will not here stop to explain why I believe that;
old hero to be no criminal, but a mnrtyr to prioci
pie which be sought to advance by methods, sane i
tioned by hie own religious views, though not by -mine.
Allowing tbat Capt. Brown did attempt a
scheme in which murder, robbery, and treason
were, to bis own consvioasnees, involved, I do aok
see bow Gov. Wise can consistently arraign hia I
for crimes he has himself commended. You haven
threatened to trample on tbe Constitution, aad
break the Union, if majority of tbe legal voters-
n these Confederated Sta es darsd to elect a Free
dent anfavorabletolhe extension of Slavery. Is.
not such a declaration proof of premeditated trees-1
on 7 In Ibe Spring of 1842, you made a epesjob
in Congress, from which I copy the following: '
"Once set before tbe people of the Oreat Valley :
the conquest of the riob Mexican Province.aod yea '
might as well try to stop tbe wind. This Govern-'
ment might send its troops, but tbey would ram 1
over them tike a herd of Buffalo. Let Ihe work '
once begin, and I do not koow tbat tbis House
would hold me very long. Give me five million!
of dul'.ars, and I would undertake it myself. Al- '
though I do not understand how to set a single '
snuadron in ths field, I could find men to do it, f
Slavery should poor Itself abroad ' without res
train, and find no limit but the Southern Ocean. '
The Camanches should no longer bold tbe richest '
mines of Mexico. Every golden image which-1
bad received tho profanation of a false worship,''
should soon be melted down Into good American
eagles. I would cause as much gold to oross Ibe'
Rio del Norte as the mules of Mexico could carry; 1
aye, and t would make better use of it, too, than, '
any lazy bigoted priesthood tinder heaven." - '
When you thus boasted that you and yoa-r "boot '
ed loafers" would overrun the troops of the Unit '
ed States "like a herd of buffalo," if ibe Gov 1
eroment sent them to etrest your invasion of a
neighboring nation, nt peace with the United
States, did yon not pledge yourself to oommit '
treason T Was it not by tne murder ot unoffend
ing Mexicans that you expected ti advance those"
schemes of avariee and ambition T Wbat human '
ity bad yon fur Mexican "mothers and babes,"''
whom you proposed to make childless and father
less T And for what purpose wsa tbis wholesale"
massacre to take place t Not to right the wrongs
of any oppressed class; nut to sustain any great
principles of justioe, or of freedom; but merely
lo enable "Slavery to pour itself forth without
restraint." ; . : . . ... Li,
Even if Captain Brown were at bad at jog faint-