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Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861, February 18, 1860, Image 2

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THE ANTI-SLAVERY BUGLE.
WENDELL PHILLIPS
At ike recent nieoting of the Massacbusette A.
8. Society, delive red a speech, the most of which
will bt fuund below.
I wish to try a word in regard to tome of Uinta
topic of the Anti-Slavery enterprite which have
been touched upon in our nurting to-day. I do
Dot myself augur incb an immense inorease of real
aaAi-alarery feeling, ranch lees aotion, from the
lerg. au'tianeea nl great attcntionjthat wo get, of
lute year. I tliinli there is a sort of ecithatio
Anti-Slavery. Mea euma hero far more truly
and emphatically go to the Plymouth Church in
llrouklfn as they weulil i to anv other ir.tellcc-
tusl eulertainment of a rare or lor. Thsy have
the good taste to knuw where they shall find the
the finest material, and there they resort. Tl.e
attendance of Ward Boccher's congregation does
nut prove that they hnvo any interest in Anti
Slavery, or any ieign to lead an Anti-Slr.very
life. They want I ho most profound pathos, the
most eloquent appeals, the most picturesque pain
ting,, toe most moving- language-, the most natural
maimer, the deepest heart; and, of course, they
take refugo from the icoberg of the New York Ob
server to melt ! Pljniouth Church. (Laughter.)
But they dou't go out from thoso walls with any
design of doing an Anti-Slavery Act, and many
go not out from these meetings with any such pur
pose. I am afraid that a laro share of that atten
tion is like that given to tho Octoroon, or any oth
er striking spectacle; fur it is true, and it is not
conceit in ourselves to recognise it, that tho Anti
Slavery movement has realized that level, recured
the public attention, baa bold of those great na
tional and religious problems which are the best
food for any minds that seek to be fed. It is only
saying that we arc a decent people, in saying that,
at leastmcn know where they will find the most
interesting diecusbions in Anniversary Week.
1 do not, therefore, augur so large an increase
Anti-Slavery feelings from these signs. Anti
Slavery meetings, interesting as they are from
the quick retort, the keen encounter, the personal
oriticism, the living and vital interest ofovery-day
questions, ore cot the points by which wo are
test the growth of the cause, Go with me to tho
boarding-houses of Boston-those of the young men
from twenty to thirty, married aud unmarried,
listen to the oft-rjpeatod offensive term for tho ne
gro, which never ought to pass decent lips; listen
to the perpetual insult, not iuJiQ'-jrenco, but insult,
to the Anti-Slavery movement; go up and down
the walks of commerce, see how real is tho hostili
ty in view of the contingent loss of business;
anywhere in society, and sue how utterly the pre
judices against the black man rules in the heart
AdhIo-Sji ids how roady every una is to find
Sums exeuso for his indifference or his antagonism,
to lose himself ia the cobweb of his excuses that
any man can make up for djiDg nothing excus
es which would be tenable only here, which van
ish in the atmosphere of any other nation than
oars. I remember, for instance, s friend telling
me that in Germany, a year or two ago, a very
distinguished Professor of our country, learned
and widely known, was attacked by a German
Professor of the same standing who waa anxious
to know why ba was not an Abolitionist. The
American thought it was a good oportunity to air
his American excuses. Accordingly, he entered
into an elaborate account ef the inter-weaving
National and State governments bow fur Massa
chusetts was from South Carolina how
couldn't abolish slavery there bow our fathers
mad a Constitution how it was a very delicate
question the seven years war the patriarchal
institution Mr Webster Mr. Chote, and so forth.
And after be had made a very large chapter,
turned to his friend and said: "I suppose you
ee, now, how I stand, and how real our isolation!
and the impossiblity of any action at the ticrih
on the subject of Anti-Slavery. I suppose what
have eaid is sufficient." The German took
pipe cot of bis mouth, and sail ''It ish very
shliml" (Laughter. It was, indeed, very slim.
The sxcues vanished lite thin air. They didn't
get a hoi J: they didn't lodge a moment in the clear
intoltect and moral light of the European.
Now, iu our country, we have got, with our An
ti-Slavery enterprise, eight million of hearts
beads to deal with. Men say we are fanatics.
by fanaticism is mant that we are a class of men,
large or i mall, who lay down rigid rules of
and wrong, who bew to the lino, no matter
many chips fly in our faces, who set up the stand
arl of absolute justice, we do just that we
our feet down on the eternal granite of God's
Right and Wrong. Wei!, of courts, it stirs a
seeking to hide truth from their eyes,
make money, and earn bread, by compromising
with justice, selling their neighbor at auction.
"o6 sure, that stirs up all the bad and eoltish
They say, when you fire a gun over placid
water, if there is a dead body below, it shows
John Brown's rifb brought up all the
bodies making Caleb Cushiug and Everett show
themselves bobbing up to the surface. (Great
merriment.) When you approach this sort
truth, you must expect a great uprising of
may bi considered the dead and monstrous elem
ents of society, arranging themselves in antagon
ism agai at us.
What baa been ear bUtoryf We have begun
and carried oo tba Anti-Slavery agitation.
pledged ourselves to use none but peaceable
Constitutional methods. Now, whjo across
distance ot balf a doceo States, we recognize
martyr saint of Harper's Ferry, men charge us
having deserted our principles. Not ia the
What have we been endeavoring to do? We
beea trying to bring every earnest soul into
pledge against slavery. We never supposed
we should eonvert every man lo our method.
We boly aidi Q4 mean to eay, "Ilore is
American people there is the Giharaltar ol
we need everything we can get to take
mean to rouse everything we can get to
assault." Tba publie opinion that we mean
create is this, it sball convince every man so
of the essential sin and the uonentous
evil of the slave system, that we sball say that
it neither human life, uor religious institu
tions, Dor old parohroents, nor paitiet, are of
. nr. - ! i . . V -
value wnaiever. no sum uu vmu iu u
that we would oreate such a publie
against slavery, tbat the Christian would
out aud throw upon the altar his Fresbyteriaoism,
his Congregationalism, bis Methodism yes,
Church at the rUk of being called an infidel.
ll's bad no church to throw. We meant, and
also, tbat the man who bad rifles
bring them to the altar: ani all that I. for
Mean ia my pledge to peaceful and Constitutional
methods was tbat, while I believed in types
oi la bullets, la brains and not in mutkeis,
aivtlitttWa and Dot in eamp, I stood bert to
pare a vablie opinion tbat would bald gp tbe
whose heart led lo what I think a lower level
assWC tot ia some rospsets, fothe-antoenf
in the Slavo States. If I had ml Tuico, I would
not hare one single political Abolitionist in the
more efficient one. (Applause.) I am Contented,
in part, and for the present. If I may prepare ma
terial for John Brown, and indnce millions to cry
out Amen to the first eoho of Ms riBcs, and that it
all that the Anti Slavery movement bai aver inttn
ded or prufesned to do.
But I chargo it upon Republicanism itself that
any nun ht,i found it necessary to hare reoourse
to rifles. What save the candidate for the Speak
ership of the United States House of Representa
tives f Ho says, 'I say this ohargo of interference
with slavery in the States is unfounded. The peo
ple of Ohio, the Stato which I have the bonor to
represent in pari, do not wish or design to inter
fere with the lelations existing between the racos
of
to
of
of
we
he
I
bis
and
If
how
put
na
tion and
Tj
pas
ions. its
elf. of
We
and
the
tba
of
least
have
a
that
the
sla
very; it
the
to
uu
alterably be
fore any
..
uu
darstocd, opin
ion come
bis
ex
pected, would
one,
and
In
pre
man
of
a
Northern States. 1 am opposed to any interfer
ence, by the Northern people, with slavtry in the
Slave States. I act with the Republican party
simply because the Republican party resists the
extension, but dues not seek the abolition, of Liv
ery.' Now, Mr. Chairman, for twenty years
certain parties have mado the heart of the North
ern people actio lo abolish slavery. Certain par
ties have stirred up these States till the heart of
every thoughtful man lungs to see the slave go
free. The Soxon rice, left to itself, finds vent
through tho ballot box ; but ctose up the ballot
box, and it loads tho riflo. (Choers.) The Repub
lican party should write ou its banner, 'AMition
of Slavery.' What if John Sherman and Honry
Wilson should avow that tbe political movement
of the Northern Slates seeks tho freedom of every
slave, through the Constitutbn or over it t For
the Constitution was not written bv Gabriel, nor
nailed to the throno of the Almighty it is
parchment which man made, and man can amend,
and there is no reason in tbe woild why there
should not bo a party with tho purpose avowed
from tho outset, to abolish slavery in the States
aye, and to change tbe Constitution ol the Uuitcd
States, if necessary. There is a party in Eng
land which seeks to put down Bishops ; there is
a party in England that seeks to overthrow the
Aristocracy of the British Government. Why
should not a party here avow the purpose to tear
jut the red etrir.e of blood in the Constitution
tho United States f No reason in tho worlJ, ex
cept the timidity of men that want to have office
in tivo yearn, instead of fifteen. Now, if you will
give tho country a party, religious and political,
that writes on its banner, 'Every tlare ought to
ee, and we pledyt ourselves, life-long, o (lie effort
to make him so' you will uuload every musket,
you will disarm every phyrici.1 rebellionist.
I do not believe slavery will go down in blood.
There is not blood onough in tbe thirty-one states
to steep it in. We aro not a fighting people.
Our brains have got beyond it. North and South.
Wo are beyond it, and I ehould be ashamed if
were not. it, two nuoarca years ago, mis coun
try was planted on a system of education and in
dividual interest ia government, and in two bun
dred years we have not reached that length where
war is impossiblo at a method of reform,! should
daaDond of the scboolhouse and the oburch. I be
lieve that neither ia tbe North nor in the South
is there any such element as will abolish slovery
in KWi Th Yankees will not Cht. It won
You have to convinco the North that 5.'V
pay.
ery is unprofitable before she will get upon her
feet and put it down. Let me show New England
that it touohes their pockets, and they will rise.
Show that it is profitable to put slavery down, and
there is not power enough in tbe slave states
maintain it. Every thinking man sees that
Kansas and Uarner's Ferry. Tbe moment
North Resisted in Kansas, the South backed out
The moment Puttawattomie wrote in tbe blood
the oldest ruffian ths purpose of tho North to clean
out bis musket and use it, as be bad done eighty
years before, tho Border Ruffians went back from
the line. They came there to find out if Yankee
pedlers would fight ; they found they would, and
they said, 'Good morning, gentlemon.we are done
with you.' The same thing would be true on
broad surface of the Union. The same was true
at Hirper's Ferry. Virginia was not ready to fight
fur the slave system. She never will fight for
bui it is r.ot lack of courage that makes her unwil
ling to light. She knows that the system is
defensible. She knows that when tbe north
ita purpose that slavery shall cease,
must cease. She knows as well as you do
when she cries Union, she only means robbery,
remember that, when I was a little boy, we
out on a Fourth of July, anolhor boy aud I,
Boston Common, where they sold us things
were good to eat- you remember Mr. Chairman,
My companion said, 'how much have you got
I said, 'Twenty-five cents. How muob have
I've cot nine-cence. 'Well said be, 'suppose
divide.' (Laughtor ) That is exactly the case
the South. Tbe North bas twenty-five cents,
South nine-pence ; and she proposes nn equal
(Renewed laughter and applause.)
knows It to-d.iy she has always known it
when she cries Disunion, she is frightened at
own words. She is not drunk enough, either
pride or the prosperity of the slave system, to
lieve In disunion. There is a story told of a
of sons of Green Eiin, who were at the
tom of a building that was about being finished;
tbe scaffolding, three stories high, was about
be removed; and the tall man bet with tbe
one that be couldn't carry bim, in his hod, to
top of tbe bouse. They beta dollar; and the
man took his comrade in bis bod, labored
the first scaffold, tba second, then the third,
with heavy tread, making his ay from round
round at tbe ladder, reached tbe topmost
and pitched bim on. 'Now, give me your dollar.'
'Oob, and by the powers, t was hoping you
drop me, the last two or three rungs 1'
merriment.)
It is exactly so with tbe South. If she suppos
ed she could be dropped from the Union,
would be like tbe fellow in tbe hod. She
be dropped into endless, invisible and abysmal
depths, beyond tbe recognition of tbe nineteenth
century. She doesn't want it. She never
to have it. It will never come in tbat way.
doubt if it will ever come by tbe offer of dissolu
tion. No ; tbe state of our Northern mind is just
The An:i-Slaverr movement bas stirred it to
very depths. Made up of religious, literary
-made up of tbe fugitive slave travelling lurougn
all our borders made Op of tbe treason of
men, like Webster, going down to hie grave
by one half and lamented by the other balf
the Union. When such a man as Ward ueeeber
goes back to bis pulpit, and falls into the ranks
tbe apologists of corrupt ecclesiastical mactiloery,
there is a natural rebound of the tboutands
trusted htm. He will make many a man a
outer who trusted tbat, baoging to bie ekirls,
might still cry, 'I am a cburcb member ; ' for,
not Beecber an Abolitionist' Suob a man
robbed of .that excuse f be cannot bide
rijmootb Cburcb from lie rebukes Of tbe
sonian and be will be a come-ouler. So. when
a great politician falls, It makes Abolitionists. We
dig men out of the mire Into which Daniel "v ab
ater plunged them, and set them op on the feet
a
of
le
t
the r mothers gave them. This process bss been
going on fur years. John Brown is a part of it,
Kansas le a part of it. If the great Republican
party bad said to Kansas, 'No use for your rifles ;
we will protect you on the floor of the United
States Senate; there shall not a man dare to touch
a hair of the head of a dweller in the loneliest
abauty in Kansas, that the arm of the Union shall
not bo stretched out cfficieMly to proteot mm,
there never would have been war in Kansas; thore
never would have been any bordor forays. Do
you ruppose tbnt the South can rise up aed send
out, by hundred.i.our merchants, our travelers.our
residents. guilty of nothing but a Northern dialect,
and, although that craven United States Senate
dare not call for the execution of this United States
Constitution, which we are called upon lo laud ev-
ery hour of our lives, do you suppose it is forgot-
ten in the records of the Northers peoplo f No.
Every one of these men has a circle, and that cir-
cle are Garrisonians. One of the young and gal-
lent men of our oity, rich, patriotio, brave, ardent
said to me t 'I carried a musket down State street
when Anthony Burns was carried shamefully back
to slavery. Two months after, my own brother,
hotitlesslv ill of consumption, was obliged to
skulk through Georgia and the Caroiinas in a bag-
gage car, fur faar his name, from Boston should
be known, and even tbe last relics of the strength
which disease had left him be t ikcn by tarring and
feathering; and that is tbe last musket that I shall
ever raise for the Union of our thirty slave States.'
(Applause.) That conviction to whioh this young
Boston member of our holiday troops cams, every
circle of these banished men came to throughout
the Union. If you do not give them the ballot-
box, they will take the rifle ; if you do not give
them the Ami-Slavery movement, they will tear
the Church to pieces.
Men talk of abolishing that movement. Abol-
ish it 1 You should have heard Ralph Waldo Em-
erson, at Salem, the other night. 'Men talk,' said
ho, 'of destroying Juhu Brown ; I think the Al-
m'ghty created mercy as tbe foe of despots ; and
I somewhat doubt whether Virginia can annibi-
mercy. (Applause.) 'Oh.no,' be continued,
tisirig into still finer voice, 'that oldest Abolition-
iet of you all, who piled the Shonanduah moon-
tains, whose first nnme was Love, and hie other
name Jujt'ce I think He existed before John
Brown, and will probably survive him.' (Renewed
applause.) I think be will. And unless you give
is principle channels, it will tear the Union,
Church and Stato, asunder. Whilo you have
slaveholder in the presidential chair, while you
have cowards in the United States Senate, you
you will have John Browns atllarper's Ferry. And
he is not tho last ol them, You cannot control it.
You must give it channels. Let me borrow again
from Emerson. He told us, on this very platform,
two years since, that, two hundred years ago, men
said there is a devil in every teakettle ; if yoa
not let bim out, be will tear tho house to pieces,
and make an earthquake tbronghout the city. So
men made a bole in the lid, and the devil's steam
came pouring out from every kettle. By-aad-bye
camo a thrifty genius, and be eaid, 'Why waste
this if?"'! f make him a groove let bim move
safe channels'
and the Cunarder came across the
i,Af;... .t,U4 States together
UUCiU bllQ UVUIUVtMV ' - "S3-
adavt So mea eaid, years ago, there is a"" devil
,tnn in (I.A (.part nith nnranl millions
k-,r. him nnlBi-nut a Bank on him. then a Throne,
then a Pope. By-and-bye came a thrifty man,
and soid, 'Give him channels, give him the press
and the ballot-box ;' and he takes up the world,
ar. 1 carries it alone as it has never cone before.
o .li. .,: ...i,:n ka
Sn thin anil alaverv movement is seekmff to una
.linnnnla fr,r tlnA nn ti .uliLver v niirnoRe ta move
fi;. a . it,. Vml?..t.hnT- rri.K n & mliiirnl mn.
... w - - r r
ment iu which the self-respect of men oan allow
to
in
of
t,iera to 0perate; Ri,e us a Church tbat represents
the
it ;
not
an
nounces it
that
I
went
to
that
f 1
you?'
we
with
tho
di
vision. She
that
her
with
be'
cou
nle bot
to
little
tbe
lit
tle up
and,
to
ridge
would
(Great
she
would
means
I
this
its
appeal
great
curs
ed of
of
that
come
be
is
is
behind
Garrri
i. ri. :-,:..... ... . .... ,l,.
not rascals, tut ivlirislians; give us a prest tnat
will afford expression to the ultimate wish and
entire heart of the American people; ami we shall
not be clumsy enough to go back to the rude, vul-
J ore
gar, awkward system of two hundred years ago;
we have got a better. W e shall abolish slavery
tbe swift purpose of eighteen million of thought-
ful ingenious Yankee hearts. And until you
it, the land will shake with constant convulsion.
Virginia will in vain banish Helper. She will
vain fight against the multiplication table-for
Helocr's book is notbine but the multiolication
rhon said that when the Southerner, fouirht
against Heber. thev were fiL-hiin airainst
multiplication table. Two and two make four-
i-n .,t .nn.V .TM.n n.
his associates went down to Harter's Ferrv.
made a aood deal of the multiplication table.
no. tho South understands this Question full v
well as wc do. She does not need enlightenment,
ns the North does. The reason why we criticise,
as Mr. Martin excepts to our doines. the
Kious and political machinery of our country.
we moan to have both. We mean to have
a party outside and above tbe Constitution,
writes Liberty on its banners, and tbe use of
means mat uod and nature rut into
bands to achieve it. We mean to have a Church
that reads tbe Sermon on tho Mount, and endeav
ors to practice it, knoioe no race, no eittes.
conditione, but believing, with the Declaration
Independence, that all men are created equal.
And until wo gain those two channels or natural,
leeitimato. usual Saxon work, the land will ahake
with tbat outside agitation-the beea rusbing
fro. until tbe Queen bee is foundth. natinn.
striking and chsbing against each other like
in a ttorm, until the battle is fixed, and
thunder begins lo rattle from one side to the
of tbe marshalled hosts. (Applause.) We
coming to that period. The South sees her
ipp in iiaroers ferrv. sue knows that
ground-tier is reached; she knows that tbe whole
mass of Northern mind is, at lost, roused to
trial. I reiolce in insurrection for that v,r
.nn-nt Cat it will aver achieve .m.noin..inn
ih.t .k- r..ur .ill .v., h. nmB.i. .
ni-anir.ition of arms that shall defeat thia TaiUrnt
Governmeotjbut tbe moment the Carolinians
thattha anirit of insurracL.on-in other word.,
.k. n,.nK,inf.i..i...i. .....t. .w
must remain in perpetual confiiot in order to
tbe slave quiet, tbat moment tbey part from
system. The thunder clouds are on either side
ths heavens. Tbe manhood of the slave is
black, overhanging heavens of the Carolioaa.
roused religious conscience of the North is
other cloud, such as, ia Milton's picture,
bangs the Caspian. Jihn Brown came near
ing tbe electrio spark tbat was to melt them
gether. Another such may come; and, in tbe
fiiot, the Bastile which we have attacked for
a century will come down in an hour.
But it will come down not by war
the North, pot by resistance on tbe part of
slave; do, It will go down by Virginia, at the door
of the United States treasury; aaying, 'Harper's
Forry is too real a danger; bow much will you
pay me tj b bonett t (Langhler.) I hava faced
John Brown three times; save me from the fourth,
and give me compensation.'
That might have been saved to the honor of our
nation, if a bea.it bad been seated in tbe Unitod
States Senate. If those llaok brows, buried at
MarshBeld, bad bad within one tithe of that Purl-
tanism which went with the taint of Harper's Fer-
ry, be might have hurled a thunderbolt from bis
high place in the State, which would have eaved
the inroad upon Virginia. The hour has passed
away, Our government has not held together; the
ship, which we fondly thought was so well built
that it would ride on the tempest, has parted
Mere discussion has not been sufficient to put
down an enormous wickedness, as it was in Great
Biitain. A corrupt and burdened monarchy did
more than a Republie, fresh from its cradle; for
the aristocracy of Great Britain, with its debt and
its Church, its nobles and its ignorant masses,
boro op tho discussion of a quarter of a century,
and on the hearte of CLristian men, as the result
of moral agitation, wrought out the decree of im
mediate and unconditional emancipation. Our
government, that we thought so muob better in
the strength of its youth, in the flush of its theo-
retio progress, with universal suffrage, With
Protestant Church, with an equal people, has pro-
ved unequal to the discussion, and we have sunk
down to the level of insurreotion and rifles, blood
on the plains of Kansas, and the ballot-box super-
seded by tbe camp. But there is s conservative
power sufficient, still, I believe, in tbe eighteen
millions, to drag back ths maddened people to the
place that beoomes them in tbe history of nations;
and we shall yet see slavery come down by the
submission of thirteen States, to the avowed and
firm purpose of the Christian, aroused North
do not believe, therefore, that our enterprise is
changing ia tbe least. It is merely passing
through a new phase of its existenoe. We thought
the evil loss rooted; we supposed that it lay upon
the surface, whereas it has struck its roots through
the strata of a million customs; to loosen it puts
hazard Church and State alike. But we have
almost brought the American people to tbat deoi
late sion which says, 'Government or no government.
law or no law, let slavery come down I (Cheers.)
Whether he broke law or violated government.God
bless John Browu 1' (Renewed cheers.) So says
the American heart in the Northern States. The
Amorican bead will soon follow; the American
hand will soon begin its work, in obedience to
heart and head; and we shall see slavery the vio-
a tim of its agitation, the viotim of pure politico and
a Christian Church. Tbe system may be stran
gled, and this government, for aught I know, sur
vive; if not in its present form, at least the frag
ments will come together and crystallise round
purer and better centre than our fathers evercould
have commanded, had they tried
WOMAN'S RIGHTS.
A correspondent of the JV. T. Evening Pott
thus notioes tbe proceedings of the recent State
Woman's Rights Convention at Albany.
ALBANY, February 4, 1860.
Tbe National Woman'a Rights Convention
now in session in this oity, at the Hall of tbe
in Young Men'e Association. A large number
I
mem oers were present yesieraoy; among mem
tjoenaiors iero, ivarner, oesvious, lapnam, i.ioiii-
komery, and Assemblymen McVean, Mather, Bar-
nett, Savoge, Powell, Slingerland, Hough, Regan,
Pelton, Jeffords, P. Clark, Payne, Van Home,
ratmer, ana omer goou-ioyaio yuin'6 uiou
attendance was large.
Tho speakers were Wendell Phillips, Jane Eliz-
r r '
Frances L. Gage.
I . i. i it . l i . - i j
,nu" '' v-"
ducliuDS nctlj presented, and she insisted tbat
abeth Jones, Antoinette L. Brown Blackwell and
Mrs. Jones' remarks were
I 1.1 - . . I. - 1, A . A - . .1-
wuuicu cuum uui ug uuukuu or iuacu cuubibiuumv
. . . ? ,
w,lu ,ue "'u". UUK '""J
toioe' or e" B,9eDt 10 " to ,h8 law-
If Til 1 . 1 1 i.J
PFrouc was greeieu win.
I i ot. l i i. i ;
PP'U- "
lhst ,f mta "houId be u1J8("1 & '"digin
nitie ttod disabilities as women are they would
do "guani; anu mat wae jus, iuo way ens
TbeJ oulJ not rest nlntd
iu toiDed rePeal of tha odioD' ,awl'' - and nei,her
would 'be- If women wero the eua,a of meD'
,ne7 wero "itiea to toe same civil rignts
were aisunci anoiner oiass
peings-certainiy tnsy snouid nave a voice in
the Ulalijn- It might be right to hang men, because
lney D" no- aentea to we law, out to nang
women, wno naano voice, wno naa receivea
end ,rl" BJ JurJ 01 'D8ir Pee"- WBS manitestiy mur
Oh. der- Sl e also commented upon the fact that
as persons, a brother and sister, equally well educa-
ted' ond n"'''D8 lheir "ay throogh the woild,
wou,d ",,ibU a ""king disparity. The
r.i. would have made a remarkable advance in energy
Is and lotelleetual power, while the women, not
'-DK had oocaa'on employ her talents, will
receded and made less attainment
Mr. Phillips, in bis remarks, pursued
ideas of Mrs. Blackwell. A man would marry
woman bis equal, and would beoome great, strong
and gifted, so that people would praise and
mire him, and depreciate the wife at his side;
that
all
our
no
0f ,ometim" 8uch man wou,li hinl8olf doPt
same wea ana' weaning bis affections from
who bad helped make bis greatness, would
'or some "affinity." There were two vioee which
to were threatening to engulf our poople, Intttnpar
and aoM nd prostitution; the former tbe vice of
fri
gates the
other
are
dan-
thu " -j - v
own bread rePec,fttlJ. hy 'D ln bl
the " u Beeora" lu" ue""J ' Juuu
customs mads tbera suob. Legislation and preacb
"g could not avert the dire oalamity-lt
. only be done by giving women the right to
l4nd 1 '0
know Tna CMe of Mr'. Norton' ho' B,an.' J
perpetrated a malignant sianuer against nis
ti... and bad repeatedly since that taken from
v
thern barbarism, now furthered by soientifio
and the latter an importation from
harem. Our people needed intellectual
to drive tbe sensual principle from their minds,
and nons more so than women. Unloes this
keep
tbe
of
the
Tbe
tbe
over-
be
to
con
balf
(Ap
plause.) front
tbe
booksellers regularly tbe proceeds of ber literary
labors, waa cited as in point to show tbe necessity
of the passage of a law allowing married women
the control over their own earnings.
There bave been such bills introduced late
branch of tbe legislature, and one of them
probably become a law.
John Brown will tramp tbe shaking eartb,
From tbe Blue Ridge to tbe sea,
Till Liberty sball come at last,
And ope each duagsen doer,
And God's 'Great Charter holds and moves
O'er all aie bumble poor,
ALBANY, February 4, 1860. THE BILL TO PREVENT SLAVE-HOLDING
&c., IN OHIO.
It is fortunate tbat tho bill now before tbe Leg
islature, to prevent slave holding and kidnapping
in Ohio, did not meet the eyes of any of our recent
State guests the members of our Kentucky and
Tennessee Legislatures when on their late tisit
to Columbus. When tbe guests of the Slate were
ita the Hall of the House, this bill was, and it is
now, on the tables of members, and the first seo
tion of it, had the same been enacted into a law,
would have operated ssverely on several of the
gentlemen who were then bete upon the invitation
of our Legislature to partake of the hospitality of
the State. Tbat section contains this provision
' that if any person sball bring into the State any
other person, with intent lo bold or control, or
sball aid and assist in holding or Controlling, di
rectly or indirectly, within Ibis State, any other
person as a slave, such porson so offending shall
be deemed guilty of false Imprisonment, and upon
conviction thereof, sball be punished by imprison
ment, in the county jail, not less than
three nor more than nine months, and by
fine not less than two hundred nor more than five
hundred dollars ; and every person ooming into
this Stats otherwise than as a porson held to ser
vice in another State under the laws thereof, and
escaping into this State, shall be deemed and beld
Id all courts as absolutely free." Had this Re
publican measure been enacted into a law, euoh
of the guests (and there was a number of them) as
brought their servants with theminstead of drink
ing sparkling Catawba and makingUnion speeches,
might have been assigned quarters in the jail of
the county and nndergone the punishment this
bill inflicts, and lost their negroes into tbe bargalnl
It is surprising that a legislature harboring the
idea of passing such a law, should invite slave
holders to a banquet ; and tbe members thereof
drink bumper about with their guests, until be
tween them, numbering not more than three hun
dred men, some thousand bottles of champaign
were in a ooupte f hours imbibed to the Union
and the equality and fraternity of tbe States 1 If
this law be now passed, after all that has happen
ed, the Republican Legislature of Ohio will stand
before the country as the most perieel sample of
gross inconsistency and dishonesty on record,
What shall be done with tbe bill f Will the Sen
ator from Lorain answer. Statesman.
From the Galveston (Texas) News.
A NEGRO MINSTREL SOLD INTO
SLAVERY.
a
is
of
-
tbe
fiL
An affidavit was yestorday made before Justice
W. P. Griffiths, by Deputy Sheriff Uudgins, that
a free nogro had come into this State, oontrary to
our laws, calling himself Joseph Vincent Suarex,
and passing himself for a white man. There
upon said Suarex was brought before Justice
Truehart, and upon examination by dootors Fried
mont and Banks, they stated on oath as medical
men, tbat said Suarex was a porson of color, and
had over one-eighth Afrioan blood. It being
proven to the satisfaction of the Court that he
was such a person of color as is prohibited by our
lawa from coming within the limits of tbe State,
it was therefore ordered that the Sheriff take the
said Suarex in charge, and biro bim for tbe term
of six months to tbe highest bidder, at the Court
House of the eouoty, giving notice of tbe hiring
by advertisement, posted up at two or more pub-
lio plaoes in the county. Tbe law says that the
proceeds of the bire of a free person of color tbus
coming into our state, as proven, in tbis ease,
shall be collected by the Sheriff, and after deduc
ting expenses, the remainder shall be paid over
said porson of oolor to enable bim to leave tbe
state, and that tbe Sheriff shall notify him to leave
within thirty days. Shot Id be fail to leave the
state as required, the Sheriff is direoted to arrest
him again, to be hired again at publio outcry
cash, for a term of five years, Ac It is proper
remark that tbis Suarex came to this oity as a ne
gro minstrel, and be bas. therefore, the merit
passing himself off in bis professional character
fur precisely what he is.
PERSONAL LIBERTY BILL IN NEW YORK.
be
YORE.
icit.
l-
aau
oi
no
two
man
hav
because have
these
ad
and
,h
ber
seek
nor-
in
vention, We find the following notice of the character
of a bill introduced into the Legislature at
bany.
It is intended to meet the constitutional objec
tions of the usual bills of tbat obaraoter.
first section disavows all laws of Congress exercis
ing powers not conferred by tbe federal constitu
tion upon tbat body, nor prohibited by it to
states or the people. The second seotion forbids
all exercise of judicial powers, by other
Judges of the Supreme Court, and of suob other
inferior oourts as Congres shall from time to
by law establish. Tbe third requires in case
olaim of service due from persons alleged to
held to service or labor by the lawe of another
state, coming to this state under ciroumstances
which do not exonorate them from such servics
or labor, tbat tbe olaimant sball prove that the
fugitive owes bim servioe or labor by
express statute laws of suob other state. No
reoord, or othor judicial proceeding ln tbe court
any other state shall be taken in evidenoe, except
tbe defendant sball have been by due process
law a party lo such act, reoord, or proceeding.
The right to habeai corpus and trial by jury
affirmed ; and all persons violating this law
deelared guilty of kidnapping, and made liable
all its pains and penalties. All sheriffs, eonsta.
bles, policemen, Ac. taking part in these
eesdiogs forfeit office.
ACT IN OUT.
......
ie
uur
could
labor
!.
wite,
ber
was
each
will
ine louowing aeoiaration oi sentiment
adopted by a Christian Anti-Slavery Society
centiy formed at Pittsburgh. How many ohurohts
are willing to prove tbey believe it f
I. The rights of man, as man, sacred and
without dietinction of blood or races.
II. Propsrty in man impossible, as being
out grant from tba Creator, and equally oontrary
to natural justioe and to revealed religion.
III. Tbe eyatem of American slavery and
practice of elave-bolding essentially sinful
anti-Christian, and lo be dealt with, therefore,
such, by Christian oburobes and ministers.
IV, The utter inadequacy and utter impossibil
ity of any remedy for or relief from slavery,
one that insists upon its inherent wrongfuloees,
total intrinsio badness, and denies absolutely
wild and guilty fantasy tbat man can bave proper
ty in man.
V. Tbe duty of one family or section of
Christian Cburcb to rsbuke and refuse fellowship
to another seotion of the visible cburcb, thai
ties tbe rights of man and the common brother
hood of humanity, by defending slavery and
tg to its boson slavs-esllsrs, elave-buyers
slavs-bolders, -
VI. No eompromiie with slavery allowable, bnt
its total extinction to le demanded at ones, ia
tbe name of God, who bas commanded 'to loose
tbe bande of wickedocss, lo undo tbe btavy bar
deot, and to let the oppressed go fr ,0i Dtl
you break every yoke.'
VII. Tbe total abolition of tbe vast tystfcm or
American slavery to be aceepted as a special
providential mission and duty of tbe American1
clergy and tba American churches of this geoer
ation.
VIII. The Church and the Ministry to form the
eonscienoe of the nation in respeol to slavsry, and
to make it loyal to the law of God, against all un
just judgments of Courts, and unrighteous legis
lation of Congress.
IX. The Word of God our eharter for freedom
and our armory against slavery; and any assertion
that tbe Lord God sanctions slavery practical in
fidelity.
X. Ultimate success surs, in the warfare with
oppression, to a faithful Ministry and witnessing
Church.
"PROVIOINCI HAS MADI MS AH ACTOR,
Slavxbt am OUTLAW." John rown oOsoawfe
mie.
SALEM, OHIO, FEBRUARY 18,1860.
A CONVERSION.
to
for
to
of
The
tbe
than
time
of
be
al
leged tbe
aet,
of
of
are
are
to
pro-
was
re
inal
ienable, with'
the
and
as
but
its
tbe
tbe
de-
fold-
and
In a rsport of the proceedings of tbe late meet
ing of the Massachusetts A. S. S. Sooiety, is the
fellow log passage t
''Stephen S. Foster of Woreesler said he had
recently beeb studying tbe Constitution of the
United States; he had never before given Its)
thorough examination ond hie views of it had
undergone a great change. He waa now eonvln
ced that the Constitution is an Anti-Slavery In
strumenl, and the viewe to whioh he bad arrived
had met the entire conourrenoe, in regard to tnoif
legal correctness, of soms of tbe ablest lawyers ill
tbe city of Worcester. Hence be desired to or
eunlze an Anti-Slaverv Political Party, to carry
out and enforce this interpretation of the Constitu
tion."
Yfe should have noticed the above last wssk,
only for the faot that not onfrequently within lb
last two or three years, our friend Foster has
Complained of being misunderstood and conse
qusntly misrepresented In some of bie publie spee-
bhes. We felt tbat such was probably tbe ease ia
the above, for it placed the speaker in such an ab
surd position, tbat it was not until we bad the
most positive assurance from a reliable source
that it was no misrepresentation, that wt wart
willing to receive it as correot. And even with
this assurance we are utterly unable to understand
how suoh a man as Stephen S. Fostst could bave
lectured for almost a score of years, assuming thai
the Constitution, and the Union, whioh legitimate
ly springs from it, to be pro-slavery in theory and
in praotioe, when be had not even "given the Coo
atitutioo a thorough examination." As there baa
never been before, so we trust there will never ba
again a Disunion anti-slavery leoturer wbo will
press upon bis auditors ths guilt of their compro
mises nnder tbe Constitution; urging a dissolution
of the Union as tbe only means by which tbey
eould individually wash their bande in innooaney,
and release themselves from the politioal support
of slavory, and after having tangbt tbia doctrine
for twenty years, turn around and coolly say, "I
never gave tbe Constitution a thorough examina
tion." A change of opinion is not to be reprehended,
let it come when and bow it may; but it sssms
hardly right for a speaker to publicly advocate
measures year after year, without having first sat
isfied himself by a thorough examination of tba
character of the foundation upon which be built.
It seems very strange to us, and vary unlike tut
Stephen S. Foster we used to know, to bave bim .
fortify bimsolf in his ohange of viewe. by tbe dee
laration tbat the legal correctnese of his opiniona
was "endorsed by some of tbe ablest lawyere in
the city of Worcester." If tbe question of tba
eharaoter of the Constitution is to be determined.
by tbe counting of lawyere' noses, and the weigh- .
ing of their ability.it is most unquestionably a pro
slavery document, "some of tbe ablest lawyere ia
the city of Worcester" to tbe contrary nolwitb
standing.
We should like lo recommend to oar friend the .
investigation of a portion of the Constitution so .
which it is possible bis recent examination beM
not yet extended, and concerning whioh we bar
never known any other than the one interpreta
tion. We refer to tbat clause whioh constitetee
the Supreme Court of tbe U. S. tbe final arbitra
tor and adjudicator of afl questions arising as to
the constitutionality of State and National lawe
whioh makes it the expounder of tbe intent and
meaning of the instrument. While Stephen 8.
Foster and Charles O'Connor are agreed in rela- .
tion to this clause, and while tbe records of tba
U. S. Court prove tbat it bae decided the Consti
tution to be pro-slavery, all arguments as to its .
anti-slavery oharacter are practically as worthies!
as waste paper; and we have not yet met with any ,
argument by which tbe clause referred to waa
eought to be evaded, that reached in dignity lo tba -.
eharaoter of a respectable quibble.
We have never believed that the theory of lha .
ant! slavery obaraoter of the Constitution grew ant '.
of an honorable and candid desire lo correotiy ,
aeoertain the relation of ite supporters to slavery, ,
but wae referable to a determination upon the part ,
of certain abolitionists to continue tba sterols of
tbe eleotive franchise, and then, by torture of son- .
tencee and quibbling upon words, to justify them- ,
selvee lo their consciences and th world as beet .,
they could. , ' ,
Our friend bae been laboring for years and -with
tbe most entire unsuoccss to form a . Disu
nion politioal party under a pro-slavery Coastituj
tion. No one questioned bie sincerity; and hie -..
earnestness of purpose was manifest lo all. , Ha, ,
believed tbat suoh a movement would ba a eons-
bination of political with moral power; and thai If .
a oandidate of suoh party was elected to office, bit
refusal to swear to support a pro-slavery Consli-.
tuiion, would be a politioal, as wsll as a moral , .
testimony of great weight. But In Ibis measure, ,
ae we bave already intimated, be ntterly failed.
Whether be will euooeed any better in drawing to
him in bis present position enough to eay tee, ,,,
is questionable. From hie remarks as reported, ...
we infer that be ignores the existenoe of the Ger ,
rit Smith party, as hie desire is not to go to It, and
take others there, but to organise a party himself
to carry out bis views.
As to the rationality and feasibility of hie prearal
tiewe as compared with those be developed ia M n
project of a Disunion political parly, w ar una
bie to perceive but little if any difference). - Btko
are unsound, and both Im practicable. As of felvo
years tbe one ba absorbed ath of bi aa tibiae'
ery strength and effort, t) ia all probability wilj u

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