Newspaper Page Text
BENJAMIN S. JONES, EDITOR.
"NO UNION WITH SLA YEHOLDERS."
ANN FEARSON, PUBLISHING AGENT.
VOL. 15. NO. 47.
SALEM, COLUMBIANA COUNTY, OHIO, SATURDAY, JULY 7, 1SG0.
WHOLE NO; 7G9.
The Anti-Slavery Bugle.
SPEECH OF SENATOR SUMNER.
On Report providing for the Release of Thaddeus
Hyatt, in the U. S. Senate, June 15.
Mr President : I welcome with pleasuro the
proposition for the discharge of Mr. Iljatt from
hie lung incarceration in the filthy jail where he
hai been detained by the order of the Senate.
But I am unwilling that this act of justice should
be done to a muoU injured citizen, without fur
one moment exposing the injustice which he has
reoeived at jour hands.
The case, it seems to mo, can be made as plain
as a diagram.
We must not forget a fundamental difference be
tween the powers of the House of Representa
tives and the powers of the Senate. It is from the
former that the Senator from Virginia has drawn
bis precedents, and here is his mistake.
To the House of Representatives are given in
quisilorial powers expressly by the Constitution,
while no such powers are given to the Senate.
This ie expressed in the words, 'The House of
Representatives shall have the sole power of im
peachment.' Here, then, obviously, is something
delegated to the House, aod not delegated to the
. Senate namely, those inquiries which are in their
nature preliminary to on impeachment which
may or may not end in Impeachment ; and since,
by tho Constitution, every 'civil officer' of the
General Government may be impeached, the inquis
itorial powers of the House may be directed
against every 'civil officer,' from the President
down to the lowest on the list.
Tliia is an extensive power, but it is confined
'solely to the House. Strictly speaking, the Sen
ate has no general inquisitorial powers. It has
judicial powers in threo cases under the Constitu
I. To try impeachments.
, 2. To judge the elections, returns and qualifica
'.' 3. Ts punish its members for disorderly beha
vior, and,. with the concurrence of two-thirds, ex
pel a member.'
In the execution of these powers, the Senate has
(he attributes of a oourt, and, according to 'tho ei
tablished precedents, it may summon witnesses
and ooinpel their testimony although it may well
be doubted if a law be not necessary, even to the
execution of this power.
Besides those three, cases, expressly named in
the Constitution, there are two others, where ii
has already undertaken to exercise judicial poiccrs,
not by virtue of express words-, but in self de
fence, r 1. With regard to the conduct of its servants, ub
of its printer,
. 2. When its privileges have beon viulatcd, as in
the case of Willium Duane, by a libel, or in the
ease of Nugent, by stealing and divulging a trea
ty while still under the seal of secrecy.
It will be observed that those two classes of cas
es are not sustained by the text of the Constitution,
. but if sustained at all, it must bo by that princi
. pie of universal jurisprudence, and also of natuiul
law, which gives to evorybody, whether natural
or artificial, tho right to protect its own existence
in other word, the great right Of aolf defence.
And I submit that no principle lees solid could
sustain this exercise of power. It is not enough
to say that such a powor would be etil'ciiWrf,higb
ly convenient, or important. It must be absolute
ly esiential to the self preservation of the body ; and
even then, in the absence of any law, it may be
, open to the graver doubts.
'Doubtless says Blackstone, all arbitrary moas.
urei, well executed, are the most convenient.' (Com
mentaries: vol. 4, p. 350.) But mere convenience
is not a proper reason, under a fieo government,
for thi assumption of powers not granted; and
this is Especially the Case where tho powers are ar-
bitrary and despotic, and touch the liborty of the
Now, if the present inquiry wore in the House
of Representatives, and were directed against the
1 President or the Secretary of War, on the ground
' of negligence or malfeasance at an important mo
ment, it would be clearly within the jurisdiction
-'Of that body, which has the sole power of impeach
ment but it would not come Within the jurisdic-
' tion df the Senate until it became the duty of the
t latter body to try the impeachment instituted by
But the present inquiry IS neither preliminary
to an impeachment, nor on the trial of an Impeach-
v moot. It bat no such element to sustain it. It is
precisely the same as if ah inquiry should be in
t stituted into the murder of Dr. Burdell in New
York or Into the burning of slaves in Alabama
.or into the banks of New 'fork or into' the
I oonduot of the Supreme Court of Wisconsin In al-
; leged obstructions of the Fugitive Slave Bill with
- regard to all whioh the Senate has no judicial
-. ' powers. Abd yet, It has judicial powers in all
these cases, precisely to the same extent that it
has in the oaie of John Brown and Harper's
; Ferry, .
I know it is said lha't (hie power is necessary
in aid of legislation. I deny the necessity. Con
, venienti at times, it may be, but necessary, never.
. We do not drag the members of the Cabinet or
jthe President to testify before a committee, in aid
fV. kgwatwrt f but I eayj without hesitation, they
can claim no immunity . whioh does not belong
a equally to the humblest citisen. Mr. Hyatt and
tiMr.SttoborQ have rights as ample as if they were
v office holders!. Such a power as this, which, with
out the eaootioO or law, and merely at the will of
r a partisan majority; may be employed to ransaok
the most dittantStatea, and to drag oitisens before
the Senate all the way from1 Wisconsin or from
South Caroline, may be convenient, and to cer
f taiq persons may tfeem to be neo'essary. An alleg
,.ed necessity bas, throughout all time, been the
y apology for wrong,
J(;'Su tpakttha fiend, and with necessity,
j ,,,, 1'a tyrant's plea, exoused bis devilish deeds.'
, Fuch, aeoording to Milton, was the praotice
.1 Among the fallen angels.
. - .Let me be understood at admitting (be power of
the Sinate, whart it ie eeuential to its own prolec
tion ot the protection of its privileges, but not
whore it is required merely in aid of legislation.
The difference is world-wide between what is re
quired for jnotection, and what is required moroly
for aid ; and hero I part company with Senators
with whom I am proud on other matters to act.
They bold that this great power may be exercised,
rot merely for the protection of tho Senate, but al
so for its aid in framing a bill or in maturing any
pioce of legislation. To aid a committee of this
body merely in a legislative purpose, a citizen,
guilty of no crime, ohnrged with no offence, pre
sumed to be innocent, honoied and loved in bis
neighborhood, may be seized, handcuffed, kidnap
ped, and dragged away from his borne, hurried
across State lines, brought here as a criminal, and
and then thrust into jail. The more etatomont of
the case shows the dangerous absurdity of suoh a
claim. 'Nephew,' said Algernon Sidney in pris
on the night before his execution, 'I value not my
Own life a chip ; but what concerns nr.e is, that the
laics which takes away my life may hang every
one of you, whenever ii is thought convenient.'
It was a dangerouB law that aroused the indigna
tion of the English Patriot. But in the proseut
case, there is not even a law nothing but an or
dor made by a fractional part of Congress.
Tbcro tare Senators here who pretend to Cud in
the Constitution the right to carry slaves into the
nationul Territories. That such Senators should
also find in the same Constitution the right to
uiako a slave of Mr. Hyatt, or Mr, Sanborn, or
any body else, merely to aid legislation, is not as
tooiahing ; but I am at a loss how any Senator
who loves freedom can Cud any such right in the
I say nothing now of the precedents of the Brit
ish Parliament, for they are all more or loss inap
plicable. We live undor a written Constitution,
with certain specified powers, and all theso are
restrained by the 10th amendment, declaring that
'The powers not delegated to the United Statos.nor
prohibited to the States, aro reserved to the States
respectively, or to the people.' But even the Brit
ish precedents have found a critio at homo in the
late Cti'of Justice of lingland, Lord Denham,
pronouncing judgment in the great case of Stock
dalo v. Hansard, 1 Adulph, and ilia 1, and also
ir he words of an elogatit and authoritative his
torian, whose life baa been passed in one or the
other of the two Houses of Parliament ; I refer
to Lord Mahon, now the Earl Stanhope, whn. !d
his History of England, vol. 4, page 30, thus
marka : '
'I may observe, in passing,-that. tb'rangWa th
reign of Georgo If., the privileges of the House
of Commons flourished in thu rankest luxuriance.
So long fts men in authority are enabled
to go beyond tho law.on tho plea of their own dig.
nityand power, the only limit to their encroach
ments will bo that of the public endurance.'
Nothing can be more true than this remark.
But L'rd Brougham baa expressed himself in
words yet stronger, and, if possible, still moreap
plicuble to the present case ;
'All rights,' says this consummate orator, 'are
uow entirely disregarded by the advocates of
privileges, oxocpt that of exposing their own
shortsighted impolicy end thoughtless inconsis
tency. Nor would there be any safoty for the
people under their guidauoe, if, unhappily, their
powers of doing mischief bote any proportion to
their disregard of w hat is politic and just Lord
Brougham1 i Speeches, vol. 4, p. 344.
With these remarks I quit this question, anx
ious only that the recent usurpation of tho Son
ate may not be drawn into a precedent hereafter.
SPEECH OF MR. GOULDEN.
Goulden of Georgia.a delbgntb to tbb Baltimore
Convention, always defines his position so that ho
cannot readily bo misunderstood. It is refresh
ing in those days of political twaddle and Janus-
faced morality to find a man who is either hot or
cold, who consistently opposes slavery with a will,
or ae consistently defends it, and justifies all its
fruits. Our readers will see that Mr. Goulden
does the latter.
SPEECH OF MR. GOULDEN.
'Mr. President and uontlcmen Of tho Coiuen
tion : I come bore from tho State of Georgia, in
dorsed by that State Convention and by the Con
vention at Charleston. This ought surely lo give
me a right to be hoard before you; and though I
have not joined my fortunes in the State of Geor
gia either to the House of York or the House ot
Lancaster, I feel that I have a right here to speak
to the great Democratic party of the United States
In seeing the elements of disruption and disorgan
ization which seem to prevail in the midst of this
most intelligent assefnbly.I have lelt that the ex
periment of the capability of tnan for self-govern
ment was about to prove a failure here, and that
the genius of liberty was about Bhrieking to leave
the world; but I trust this may be the darkest hour
just before the day, and that from these elements
of discord, the representatives of the intelligent
American people hero assembled may be able to
devise a plan upon which the Great Democratic
party of the United States may be united; and
that we will yet add another victory to the many
we have already achieved. I am an advocate for
maintaining the integrity of tho national Demo
cratic party. I belong to the extreme South; I
am a Pro-Slavery man iu every sense of the word
aye, and an African slave trade man, Ap
plause and laughter.
WHAT SLAVERY HAS DONE.
bas done more to advance the prosperity
and intelligence of the white race and of the hu
man race than all else together. I believe it to
be founded upon the law of Nature and upon the
law of God; I believe it would be a bleating to all
races; I believe (hat liberty would not truly exist
rn this Western World except by maintaining the
integrity of the great national Democratio party.
Applause. As for this irrepresaible conflict
party, with their serried ranks now ready lo march
down upon us, I have no faith in it, because it is
founded in anaroby, in everything anti-republican.
in everything that is opposed to human progress;
while I understand the idea of the great National
Domocratio party to be non-intervention in
broadest senso. Applause.
CANNOT DO MUCH IN GEORGIA.
Now, ray Northern friends, I do not know that
can do much in Georgia to reconcilo these mat
ters, but whatever I can do I will. Applause.
I say that our friends in Georgia who are crying
out for protection to Slavery in the Territories are
advooating a more theory, a mere abstraction,
thing that is not and cannot be; they would do
much belter if thoy would demand protection from
the General Government, and have a line of police
established along the borders of the Slave States
to catch and hang the thieving Abolitionists who
are stealing our niggers. Laughter and ap
plause. That is a means of protection, and why? Be
causo it is practical. Renewed laughter and ap
Here is my old native State of Virginia, the
slave trading and slave breeding State of Virginia.
Dclegato from V a. I call the gentleman
order. He casts ao imputation upon Virginia
by calling her the sluve breeding State of Vir
ginia. Mr. Goulden. Well, I will say the blave broed
ing State of Georgia then. I glory in being a slave
breeder myself. Loud laughter. I will face the
music myself, and I have as many negroes aa any
man from Virginia. As I invited the gentlemen
of this Convention at Charleston to visit my plan
tation, I will say again, that if they will cotno
see uie, I will show them as fine a lot of negroes,
and the pure African too, as they can Cud any
where; and I will show them as handsome a set
of littlo children there aa can be seen, lauglitor,
and any quantity of them too; renewed laughter,
and I wish that Virginia niay be aa good a slave
trading and Blave breeding State aa Georgia.and in
saying that, I do not mean to be disrespectful to
Virginia, but I do not mean to dodge tho question
Now, I want no office; I never asked any; I did
not ask tbe State Convention to send me here; but
I am here to tell tho truth to you all, end this is
my idea of non-intervention : I want the State of
Virginia, if she has negroes, to have as many as
she pleases; if you want Slavery in Massachusetts,
I want you to have it; if you want it in Indiana,
Ohio, Wisconsin, and Minnesota in God's name
have ie. Tt i jrmr right, tfl have slaves, and Jul
as many or as fow as you please. I will never
join a party which desires to force slavery any where
or keep it from any place. Applause.
believe that it id regulated by the law of God, of
nature's Ged, and all history prbvos that to to so.
All that I ask is, hands off leave it to the pcop'.o
of the States and Territories to settle that matter
for themselves, under tbe Constitution of the Uni
ted States. Applause And now while I a:a
up I want to put my veto upon one thing.
know that I am not going to bo applauded in what
say, but seed sown iu good time will bring forth
fruit, und though you may say now that I aui
wrong, yet I think that I shall live to see the day
when the doctrines I advocate to night will be the
doctrines of Massachusetts and if the North, for
Truth crushed to earth will rise again,
The eternal years of God are hors
Whilo error, wounded, writhes in paiu,
And dies amid her worshippors I
WANTS THE SLAVE TRADE.
I ray I go for non-intervention in the broad
est sense of the term. I say that this whole thing
should be taken out of the hand of the General
Government. I say it is all wrong to be spending
two or three millions of dollars annually from our
pockots, and sacrificing thousands of lives upon
the coast of Africa, in that terrible clime, to pre
vent our going there to get a few negroes. If it
is riffht for us to go to Virginia and buy a negro
and pay $2,000 for Mm, it is equally right for us
to go to Africa, where we can get them for fifty.
Applauso and laughter. Hore is tbe condition
wo aro placed ir, and you may as well come to
your senses and lace the music.
There are two thousand of our negrooa now down
at Key West, begging and pleading not to be sent
back. If they should be eont ba.k, what would
be the result f Oae half of them wonld die before
they got there, and tbe other half would be turned
upon tbe coast of Africa upon the coast of Libe
ria, among strangers, to bb eaten up by cannibals,
or be caught and sold again, or die of starvation
and this you on 11 humanity 1 t say it is piracy;
say that our Government is acting ogaiust right
and reason in this matter; and if the Southern
men had the spunk and spiiit to come right up
and face the North, I believe the Northern De
mocracy at least would come to the true doctrine
of popular sovereignty and noti-iutervoution. Ap
plause and laughter
Think of it : two thousand" of theae poor barba
rians from Africa caught within tbe last four
woeks, and kepi upon the miserable island of Key
West, dying there from disease and starvation;
and what do not aio are to be sent back by our
Government at an expense of one or two millions,
though they are begging not lo be sent back, and
landed upon the coast of Africa. It is cruol, in
human, wrong, and I appeal to the good senne of
the American nation against it. Look at John
Bull; he has bound us to catch all we can, and wo
send them back at an expense of twenty-five dol
lars per bead. We send them back, but what
does John Bull do when be gets' them ? He ap
prentices them out again, and makes slaves of
them. That is ibe hypocritical treaty that
you are bound by, and yet I bear no ttoutbern
voice, or Northern voioe, raised against this ag
gression upon the law of nature and of nature's
God, but I intend to raise my voice against it,
humble as it is.
Now, this may be a secondary question bo-
fore ui to-night. The great point is harmony
and union in the greut Domooratio party.
Let ui whip tbe Black Republicans, lot us
win the fight, and when we have settled these
things, let us act together and all will be
AN OCTOROON IN CLEVELAND.
Tho residents upon Prospect, Erio and Hudson
streets and that vicinity may have frequently mot
in their walks, or seen pass their doors, a bright,
intelligent active littlo girl, with long black curia
a complexion not yellow or brown, but a combi-j
nation of pure black and white, she boing always
accompanied by a grave and dignified sorvant of
perhnpa 45 yeara of age. There is a family history
eonnected with that little girl whioh will not be
The girl is nn Octoroon, and the daughter of a
very wealthy Mississippi planter.who has a planta
tion about ten miles from Natchez, where his fam
ily of slaves number about two hundred. This
gentleman is now about eighty years old, and the
girl about eleven. She was the daughter of a fa
vorite slave oi hie, and he desired to have per well
educated and brought up away from the influences
of alavery, for, while he is a large slaveholder
himself, be is not blind to tho disadvantages under
which she would necessarily remain in a slave
state. For several years she has lived in a sepa
rata establishment in Natchez devoted exclusively
to her use.
This year her fother concluded to send her to
the North to be educated. Accordingly in April
his agont camo to Cincinnati in search of a favor
able location. Ho w.ib referred, by Cincinnati
parties, to Rov. J. C. White of this city, and
came to see him accordingly. Arriving here upon
a Saturday, ho niado inquiries tho next day for
Mr. Whito's church, and attended church there in
the evening. It so happened that the Reverend
gentleman that evening preachsd upon slavery,
and those acquainted with his style, need not bo
told that his bold and scathing denunciation of tho
system was not calculated to prejudice a Southern
er in his favor. Tho agent listened for a time and
left the church in a high dudgeon.
Not caring to go back, however, with., his mis
sion unfulfilled, ho called upon Mr. Whito the
next day and explained the olject of his visit. It
was recommended to him that tho best plan would
be for tho girl to go to Oberlin, into some pleas
ant family, and pursuo a course of study at the
collego. This, however, the agent would not hear
to. He bad boon entrusted to provide for bis
charge a house for hersolf. After one or two con
sultations, and examinations of several houses, ono
was purchased of Mr. Clark, the former owner,
tu' $7,000. It ix situated unon Prosnoct utreet
oaf t of Erie, the grounds extending through to
IJjtron street. A young lady in the interior of the
auue was aent for, nod" offered $GO0 if eho would
reside in the house and take general charge of the
girl's education and training. Being unwilling
to do so, unless hor pareuts could resida here and
board the gill and herself, she was not engaged,
and finally a daughter of Mr. Whito was engaged
to attend to the educational department. Special
instructions were given that thorough instructions
should be given in tho common branches and in
ui u sio.
Tli'o agent returned to this city with tho girl and
hor attendants about tho lit of June. The fami
ly consists of herself and fivo servants, (rum the
homestead of ber father : the eminently respecta
ble man servant above spoken of, who attends to
the commissions of his young mistress, to the
garden, &o., and accompanies her in her walks ; ii
foster mother or housekeeper, a cook and two
maids, girls of about ten and fourteen years. The
name of tho man servant appears upon tho door.
Tbe girl is quick to learn, and of a tractable,
simple dispoiitioD, not at all spoiled by having
been made the pet and doiigbt of ner father. An
ample amount of money was deposited in the
bank for ber use, and apparently the whole house-
bold have an abundance of funds. Tbe agent also
invested $30,000 in her name in Cincinnati prop
erty. Mr. White was requested to exercise a gen
eral guardianship over the family, aud thus, mat-
tors movo on, smoothly and ploasantly. Cleveland
From the Ashtabula Sentinel.
PIRACY IN CINCINNATI.
A colored Man named Waggonor, born in Cin
cinnati; of free parents,' was forcibly seized, taken
before a United States Commissioner, pronounced
a fugitive slave, and hurried across tbe rivor to
Newport, and confined in the jail of that village.
The people of Cincinnati stood looking on with
folded arms, saying, the fugitive law must be
obeyed, l'hey quietly saw the sovereignty of
Ohio trampled upon, and humanity outraged, bo
cause the Supreme Court bas said we must oub
mit to that mandate of despots, called the Fugitive
The pirates who Kidnapped him, having got
him into Kentucky, no longer claimed to own him,
but insisted that be should be sold to pay the ex
penses of bis capture and imprisonment. Publio
notice of the sale was given, and the people of
Cincinnati looked on quietly, and saw a man, born
on our own eoil.oonsigoed to chains and suffering.
inatead of fattening tbe soil of Kentucky with' the
blood of live pirates.
Instead of laying Newport in ashea, they per
mitted the pirates of that city to enslave a freeman
of Cincinnati. It was a dastardly submission dis
graceful to our State. The Kentuckiani came
over to Cinoinnati, precisely as Spanish and
American piralca go to Africa; they seize and en
slave freemen of Ohio, preoisely as tbeir brother
pirates seize and enslave Africans. The people
of Cinoinnati wilb all the apparent imbeoility and
cowardice of the heathens of Africa, submit to
see their people captured and enslaved.
We are not sufficiently versed in oauaistry to
discover any difference in the guilt between the
African and the Kentucky pirates. If one be wor
thy of the gallows, the others ought not to escape.
Nor can we draw any very marked difference be
tween the stupidity, tbe heathenism of tbe Afri
cans who quietly submit to Hie piracy, and tbe
barbarous supineueaa manifested by our brethren
of Cincinnati. They however bold it tbe duty of
good citizens to submit to auch deepotiem; we
would slay tbe despots and pity the cowards who
tremble before those who profess to execute des
The Suprome Court say we must submit to this
tyranny, and our friends in Cincinnati think thoy
must bow submissively to such dictation; wo would
strike down the tyrants, and pity the imbeciles
who fear tho powor of despots. Our Stato has
been disgraced. Its soil baa been contaminated
with tho footsteps of pirates, and its citizens bow
down and submit like cowards. We hope the pi.
rolca may next take the Mayor of Cincinnati; he
is just as liable as Waggoner was, and as be
seems willing to see his neighbors taken and en
slaved, we trust the pirates may next take him, aa
the people will not dare to oppose the Fugitive
Law, Auey nold that Ubedience to tyrants is
obedience to God.' The Cincinnati papers speak
out, and charge the Domocracy with this barbar
ism; but we can discover no very great distinction
between tbe Democrats who passed the fugitive
act, and those Republicans who uphold it
saying, wo are bound to obey it. Waggoner
bad received from the Creator a right to liberty,
and none but pirates would rob him of it. Pal
sied bo the hand, and curaod be the man who
would enslave human soula. The Reserve would
give auch men hospitabnl graves.
e know not what Govorr.or Dennieon has done
or is doing in thi matter. Tho publio wiil hold
him responsible if he fails to do all that ho is au
thorized to do in the premises., If nocessary, let
tho Legislature be convened. Let efficiont mcoe
ures be taken for the return of Waggoner; or let
tho civil war which Kontuuky bas thus waged up.
on our State, be met in a spirit of manly resis
THE SORROWS OF A SLAVE DEALER.
A yoar ago, or thereabouts, the ship Rebecca,
Capt. Carter, was chartered by the American Col
onization society tu take irom iew Urloans to
Liberia tbe liberated slaves of the late John
McDonough. In due season, she arrived at that
Colony, where she does not seem to have met with
a very hoarty welcome. Whether the captain
thought it would be a good speculation to carry
some of Mr. McDonough s slaves to Cuba to aid in
Christianizing that Island does not appear, but it
is certain be asked for a clearance at the Custom
House bofore the negroes were landed, and was
rcfuaed on that very ground. Arumo', moreover,
bad got abroad that there was on board tbe Re
becca one slave in particular, a bright mulatto
girl, about eighteen years of ago, tolerably fair-
looking, named Sarah, whom it was the Captain's
intention to retain; and the impression had be
come goners! possibly, so far as she was concern
ed, an inconsequential conclusion that he meant
to make a slave of her, inasmuch as it was obser
ved that bis vessel was well fitted to take back a
full cargo of the raw material cut of which wo
prepare in the Southern States of this country the
futuro missionaries and civilizers of Africa. So it
was determined, on ihe part of the Liberians, that
Sarah should not come back in the hands of Capt.
Carter, she being considered, probably, as quite
equal to her share of the work of evangolizing
that Continent. This determination was not car
ried out without somo difficulty; for when the
Captain finally landed with his passengers, and
Sarah among them being constrained lo do so by
tbe refusal of a clearance at the Cuatom-Houae
he was surrounded by a crowd, who, were they
not ull missionaries, might be culled a mob; tho
captain handled his revolver; Sarah burst into
tears, either from joy at returning to the land of
her birth, which she left about two hundred yoars
ago, or from sorrow at tbe prospeot of remaining
n it, or regret at parting with the gallant Capt.
Carter, who perhaps had oomccendei himself to
her by his apparent freedom from anything like
prejudice against color. But the crowd was re
gardless alike of sobs and revolvers; the girl was
compelled or allowed, whichever it was, to remain
on shore; the captain wus granted his clearance;
and in duo time the Rebecca put to tea.
Events have shown that Ihe foars ot the Libert
ana were justified as to the general slavo-trading
proclivities of Capt. Carter, whether they were
right or not in suspecting him of intending to make
a slave of Sarah. Considering himself, probably,
a chosen instrument of carrying out the providen
tial Bohcme of Christianizing Africa by taking
back to her shores a cargo of leaven, he chose to
return with another load of the unlormented ma
terial to be worked up, in due time, by the evan
gelizing process of plantation-life in Cuba, into
new missionaries of Christianity And Civilization
for their native land. Ihe Kebecca picked up a
return cargo at some of the barracoons along the
coast, the usual percentage of which was safely
landed in Cuba. Virtue in this caee was its own
reward; and the profit was so large on the sale of
these 800 neophytes that tbe captain oould afford
moved thereto also by some legal considerations
to burn his sh'm. And so ended the r.ebecca
E'u'l what became of Capt. Carter? Did he retire
to the delights of an elegant privacy, and the
enjoymont of ample wealth, undisturbed by any
reoollectioni of tbe past, save, perhaps, regret at
Ihe absence of the "nut brown maid" of whom he
was robbed by tho untimely and unreasonable pre
judices of tbe people of Liberia? Here, unhap
pily, we must decend from the throne of history
to tho foot-etool of oonjeelore. A few days since
a vesael called tbe Jotephino waa seized in this
port on a charge of being a slaver, ani she now
lies at the Atlantic Dock in tbe hands of the U.
S. authorities, discharging cargo,
Tbe oircumstantial evidence against her is over
whelming, though it by no means follows that
therefore she will be oondomned as slaver. But
she it commanded by a Capt. Carter. Ie it our
friend of the Rebecca from whjm Sarah parted
only a little year ago on tbe beaob of Liberia with
heaving bosom, and eyes brimmipg with tears?
Is it the memory of that scans that has proved too
strong lo him, or ihe missionary spirit that bas
overcome bim? In either oase be if it be be bas
been more zealous than prudent, and bas falloo
into the weak and flimsy meshes whioh the law
has contrived in the hope of entangling vooie of
these shipping dealers in human merchandise. It
obliges Capl Carter to give indifferent bail in the
sura of $3,000 to appear to answer. Tbui misfor
tune pursues him on both continents. The lots
of Sarah was, in a puiely pecuniary view of that
relation,. a dc,ad loss of net, less, tUao. ,$2,000, for
'Sarah waa fair-looking, and only eighteun. Wha
the end may be here we do. not. jet know; but, w
may bid Ibe Captain be,of .good .heart, for no man
baa ever yet suffered any serious damage in s this
city, either la purse or person, for complicity in
tbe elave trade. iV. I". Tribune,
SUMNER'S SPEECH FOR THE CLERGY.
i . ... -. . 9
We find tbe following advertisement in tbe
Fortt Thousand Copies or Charles Sdmnib'i
Great Si'eicu. The undorsigned bat determined
to supply tbe Clergy of the country, each man of
then), with a copy of this, the great speech of thf.
century. One thousand dollars it required for,
this purpoae. Such frienda of Freedom as, dsaire.
to share with me tbe pleasure of this undertaking
may induce their subscriptions to my, friend this
Hon. Samuel K. Sewall, No. 40 Washington
WASHINGTON JAIL, June 13, 1860.
That tho Clergy need to be taught the first prin
ciple of Christian morality as r.pplicd tot stftmfy
is painfully evident ; but it is our belief that . Mr,
Hyatt would do more good by sending Mr,. Sum
nor's speech to an equal number of laymen mer
chants, mechanics, or farmers. The clergy, as a
body.havo so long resisted the light on this Bubjeot
that their hoarts aro cold and hard, and their pon
sciences dull end apathetic You cannot reach
them lintifj by converting their con grega'.iona.yoa
make it easy and even necessary for tbem to preach
an anti-slavery gospel. The American Anti-Slave
ry Society has spent hundreds, if not thousands, ot
dollars in past years in loyiog before them valua
ble anti -slavory publications, all to very little par
pose, we think. If it bad ignored them entirely
and carried the truth to thoir parishioners instead,
more would have been accomplished for the cause.
Aa the Scribes and Phariseoa wor.o the last to
accept the teachings of Jcaua, so their repteeen.;
tativea in our day are tbe last to espouse any un
popular reform. A. S. Standard.
Tbe liberation of this gentleman from prison
must be less regarded as an act of graoe, tban aa
a confession of a blunder, from the bad effeote
which hia slaveholding persecutors were anions,
to free tbsmsolvts as speedily, and. as, gracefully,
as possible. The tpeecb of Mr. Sumner on the
motion to set Mr. Hyatt at liberty,- ably tet forth
what the Senate may and may not rightfully do
It clearly demonstrates that while that body has a
right to nroteot itself, and to claim all thing! es
sential to its existence, it has no ritht whatever fa
force individual citizens from the four quarters of;
the Ropublio to 'aid' the Senate in ., making the
law. He has shown that the power claimed, .by
the Harper's Ferry Committee is as unoonatitu
tiunal as it is obviously dangerous to individual
liberty. Mr. Hyatt's liberation is a complete vic
tory over slavery and usurpation ; and though ho
has sufered much while in prison less, perhaps,'
from being deprived of his liberty, than from the
cold indifference with which many of bis brotheij
Republicans regard his imprisonment he oughj
to foel, as he doubtloss dcos feel, that be is amply
compensated by tho result of his imprisonment,!!!
its benefit lo the cause of liberty in the Republic
The respect, esteem and gratitude of the whole
North are due, and wo think will be accorded to
Tbaddeus Hyatt for the firm, fearless, naanlj eindf
faithful manner in which he bat met tbe req'uire-
menta cf ccnotitc'lhonaf liberty ana those of (hia
own conacienco,' He has Euffered much, but has
conquered and gained muoh by refusing to bend.
He bravely exposed bis head to all the vengeance
which tho eiavo power could wroal upon bim, and.
he comes forth aa
unhaimed as the Hebrews
came forth from another furnace of fiery trial tel
up by a tyrant. 1'ied. Douglass' 2'ajer,'
BUST OF THEODORE PARKER.
Boston Correspondence of Chicago Tribune.
and saw Margaret Foley at work on ber bust o5J
Theudoro Parker. It is half life size, and it will
bo a work of value to Mr. Parker's friends as well
as of great merit in the esecutiyn. t Mr. Phillirjs
who is able to judge, saya that it will be the, likp
ness of bis illustrious friend. I risk nothing in
aaying that this bust will approve itself to those
even who nover saw Mr. Parker, at a wonderful
work of art., The (ruoutb alonejs a great aoh,ieve
ment of genius. It not only expresses the steady
will, but the genial and tender heart of a man who
bad aa much affection as any other can known to
history. And in every detail Margaret, Foley bat
done not less faithful, and notless successful work.
All Mr. Parker's admirers in the West should get
this likeness, for it telle tbe story of a great life
as nothing that survives to the eye will 1 believe
copies will cost $5.
Mrs. Patker bat returned home, but bat been
unablo to tee her friends. It it difficult for those
who neither knew Mr. Parker nor apptored bis
theology, to realize tbe tenderness and strength of
the love which the great preacher and great ptttor
communicatee! irom tnose woo were near nun.
Tbe poor people whom bit daily life blessed' wjthj
unostentatious almt and Christly obari'ty, will
alone shed more teart for their friend and helper
than bave fallen for any great man' these many
Tu Nicroes in Canada A correspondent wbd'
bat ricently visited Canada writes at follows coa-
cerning the negroes settled there ;
'I went with the view of examining tbe country
and the condition of Ibe people of color. It is
currently reported all alonjr tbe .Southern' borijer
and of course in tbe 'interior of the South, that
the oolored people in Canada a-e in a suffering and
even starring eondition. Being a Southron my
self, I knew the value of this report to Slavery,
and at I am opposed to all lying I was determined'
to find out the truth of thit matter. And I trt
prepared to say from personal observation aod
from peraonal interviews with reliable m'q fiem