Anti-slavery bugle. [volume], March 02, 1861, Image 1

About Anti-slavery bugle. [volume] (New-Lisbon, Ohio) 1845-1861

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' ... BENJAMIN S. JONES, EDITOR. ' ' ".; "NO UNION WITH SLAVEHOLDERS. ' . ANN PEARSON PUBLISHING AGENT ' '
VOL. 1G.-.-NO. 29. SALEM, COLUMBIANA COUNTY, OHIO, SATURDAY, MAltCIl 2, 1SGL .WHOLE NO. 803.
. ;TflE ANT)SLAVERY 81' CLE,
MILUntD ITIU .' (ATDXDAr A SSltM, 0B1OJ
By tbt Exeoutivc Committee, ef tbe Western Anti
Slavery Society.
r TERMS. f 1.50 per annum payable In advance.
fc!5Commntcation intended for Insertion, to
i.a ..ldroited to DMJmti S. Jotm, Editor.
Ordefs for the paper ana ia;ieri comuining
money a payment for the eame.'sbould be addros-
sej to Ann I'sahson, Publishing Agent, Salem,
nlumbiana County, Ohio.
tfcgf-Mooey carefully enveloped and directed as
bore, may be eent by mail at our risk.
jsjrWe occasionally sood numbers to those who
re not subscribers, but who are believed to be
Interested in the dissemination of Aoti-SlaTery
truth, with the hope that thoy will either subscribe
themselves or nee their influence to eitend its
oireulalion emeng their friends. ,
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Half Column.ohanging monthly, - - 20.00
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jfoy AitcnrtUnmnDta for patent meJioines, speci
fic remedies, chance to make money, &o., neither
solicited nor published. ' ' 'it
uw . : J. nUDSON, PRINTER. V '.
The Anti-Slavery Bugle.
From the Northern Independent.
THE ADVANTAGES OF SECESSION.
. r Wo have repeatedly said (hat r did not desire
secession, but that it would be a blessing :? nur
country. The Union was formed when most ol
the States were alike involved in the guilt und
misfortune of tlavery, and having been forintd
Under such circumstances, though eminently dis
advantageous as things how are, we are not will
ing' to' dissolve It at the expense of the South, i
We are anxious to keep to an old contract, so lorg
as it cad be of any teal advantage to the party
least able to bear the evils of dissolution But as
tVe South' madly roshos from the confederacy,
and - will not be persuaded to remain except upon
terms ofdiebonora';le compromise, we shall solace
Ourselves by a hasty gtunce at the benifiuont oon
e!uorces of secession to tho A'ortb. j.
- 1. The first benefit resulting from a. separation
of slavedom, would be an unembarrassed onwurd
movement lor all time to come. .Thus far, slavery
has beon a constant hindrance to good govern
ment, and to national growth.-' With tbe most ge
nial" climate, ood with every facility for rapid pro
gress, the slave states bare' alwaja lagged io the
inarch of improvement. What little growth there
has been io those unfortunate states, is merely the
result of thoir association with non-sluve-holdinn
states an advantage of which, thoiili costly to
o, we would not deprive them nntil after some
further trial. ' This continent especially that por
tion of it embraced within tho United - States uud
Territories is destined to have a population ol
several hundreds of millions, and if the govern
ment remains as it is, partly slave-holding, and
rSartly njn-slave-holding,' these hundreds of mil
lions will all be curbed as we now are, with the
corruptions of slavery. By remaining together,
we shall send dowo to future ages the polluting
stream that would otherwise be 'dried bp. ' Our
whole great country would absorb the virus that
poleons the South, and by thus enabling slavedom
tu live a little longer, we should peril the existence
of a nation many times greater than the present.
In this view of the subject, it beoomes a serious
moral question whether we are justified in contin
uing political relations with tbe South for another
hoorl r. '
2. The second benefit arising from separation,
Would be a return to the moral basis of national
prosperity. Our statesmen insanely hug tho Un
ion,' just as if the Unioo rather than Ood, had
fought their battles, and given tbem viotory. We
m'uat return to first prinoip les right must again
be bur wateb-word, and union must take its place
among, the chance events of tbe struggle. Intrin
sically, onion is of little or do valuo ; it derives
its value, like a numeral charaoter, from the rela
tion it oeoupies. As against Oreat Britain, io a
war for independence, and in tbe then impover
ished sparsely populated eonditioo of the colonics,
Union was fundamental j but as between the
North and South between freedom and slavery,
in their present fie roe encounter unioo is an al
most unmitigated eurse. Yet we bavs men etolii
enough to idolize tbe Union, and anxious te orawl,
eat dirt, or oommlt acy imaginable meanness to
propitiate the incensed lord of the lash.
"Si? The third advantage would be found in a
general elevation of manners and morals. We
should get rid of tbe revolver and bowie knife dis
pensation. " It ia ondeniable thai tbe manners of
the confederacy are toned down to a most wretob
eHf - etate. ' By long . oonneotion with barbarous
Slave holding communities, wbiob deem force and
violence, as well as the' prohibition of educa
tion, essential to their existaooe, we hare aoquir
d a degree of ferooity unnatural ta a civilized
rjeop'.e. Our moral have also declined to fear
ful extent. Every ipeoict of giganlio corrupiioo
flourishes io tbe several departments of govern-
major, ae io a congenial foil. IIow oao it be -otb
erwise f i Ought we not ta expect that our natioa-
i robbery of . millions of helpless, unoffending
' people would be followed by such comparatively
rihiwiporiant speculations as we bars lately .wit
nessedthe stealing of fort and arsenals, and
tbe embeiz'emeut of treasury funds f If ii la
right to rob people of tbeir liberty, it is right to
rob them of tbeir uioosy, and so long as we coun
tenance or connive at one Specie of robbery, we
bave to acquiesce in the other. But if we ban put
sway slavery, there Is do reason why we may not
in time beoome an honest nation.
I
taking off (be (buckles of legislation. Congress
it Tui tbe most part unable to do anything baoause
of tbe endless, Incurable jealousy of tbt elate
power. We bare bad all (iepartments of office
crowded wi.h this olass of functionaries, and they
have io too many instances been about as useful
at secretary Flo;d and his co-traitors mere lecoh-
0, UD0 0ve.-nment. suckintr Its life blood
wbiU) gwor1 t0 iu. oort lno oonBt!tutiori by their
every act. Wo shall get rid of this mass
thieves and plunderers ?bo go to Washington as
the devil went to Paradi.ie, for the sake of seduo
tiou and rebellion. While Congress and lbs Jepailments
were filled with such men.it was use
less to hope for the enuctment of laws favoring
the rights of man. Wo ooulO only expect Fugi
tive Sluve Laws, Lecompion Swindles, Dred Scott
Decisions, desertion of Forts, and general paraly
sis of all governmental power in the face of ram
pant treason. This stale of thingi will leave us,
together with the out going members of the coo-
, federacy, and there will be a speedy return to such
Icfiinltition as comports with the lights of man,
and suuh an administration as is wotthy of a
turn profes.ing to be civilised. Being under no
(obligations to slavery, vte shall ceasit to legislate
fur its accommodation.
6. Tbe next gain will bo tbe acoelcratcd death
of Slavery. Ever since the organizitiun of the
government, slavery, as contrasted with freedom,
has exhibited marked inferiority. The slave
Suites aro declining, and once separated from tbe
vitality of the free Slates, they will sum loso what
little civilization they vet retain. In this condi
tion they will stand to the free Stater, in much tbe
same relation as tbe Indian territories, on which
a superior race is always crowding. Slavery will
die, and tbe slave-bolder will die with it tbe ex
tinction of this great crime vill not be ns we had
hoped, by the repeal of b'.vr, but by conquest nor
will it be now, but a':er the process of decay has
gono on until the power of resistance has ceased.
0. The sixth good which we name in this con
nection; It the rnvival of A genuine Christianity.
It may not havo occurred to all who abhor slavery,
that this great sin, whorever it prevail, 'actually
annihilate pure religion. ' It is a fact not !o bo
disputed, that a whole gospel cannot be reached
or practiced io tho ' South, except upon the Condi
tion of martyrdom. 4 No minister is allowed there
to denounce the crime ofchattelizing men, women,
and children; and men who aro known to commit
tins crime, are rejeivea into all toe lourcues a
fail exponents of the prevalent Christianity.
Mere at tbe North, we may hut receivo slave-hol
ders into the Cburob, but we aro obliged to speak
against the sin in subdued tones, and nothing like
a proper sentiment of abhorrence is cherished to
wards it, nor aro decent, adequate efT.rts for its
extirpation unoourugej. Our Cburoh anti-slavery
movements are euporfioiul, and unworthy of the
cause. Tho Church, in short, is dragged down to
tbe level of slavery, and instead of proclaiming,
with Christ, "liberty to the captive," she acts as
iiigh prioM to the slave-holder, and garbling the
word of Ood as Satan did at the temptation, the
sells the doom of the bondman, by offering a moie
ty instead of the whole gospel ever saying thi,
and only this, "Servants, obey your masters."
Such is what passes' for tho Church iu the slave
State., and the Church ia the free States is but
tare.y dissimilar. 'Slavery has destroyed Christi
anity. Secession will give us back religion. We
are, therefore, quite resigned to tecesoion.
7. Finally, tbe exodus of the South enables the
free States to-take their true position thnt of ut
ter antagonism to slavery, everywhere and in all
things. ' Heretofore, our most progressive politi
cians have only dared to do a littlo ; they bave
sought to prevent the spread of slavery ioio the
territories, and to koep it from gaining a focthold
in tbe free Suite?, by means of Cjngrossional en
actments And decisions of tbe Federal Judioiary,
but tbey have never sought to put down slavery
in the slave Stales. Nor docs it seem likely that
we shall ever attempt this work, while io alliance
with those Slates. But when once separated from
them, there will be nothing in the way. Then
every northern man will be an anti-slavery man,
and every foot of northern soil will be a safe asy
lum for the fugitive. Then tbe battle will be ever
for liberty, and principle will not have to be sacri
ficed fur Union. The North cannot do its work
unless freed from "the body of death" to which it
is now tied. Socesaion ' will be a grand anti-slavery
baptism, administered simultaneously to s
whole nation. Next to the Millennium, Ood has
no greater blessing in store for us than a speedy
deliverance from the all polluting society of slave
holders. We would not drive them away, but if
they will not go uf their own accord, we shall not
deny ourselves the pleasure of kindly intimating
that tbey cannot go too soon.
Tbo following is tbe recent act by whicb Dem
ocrats and Republicans thought it necessary to
guard themselves sgainst the temptation of matri
monial intermixture with negroes.
AN ACT.
To prevent the amalgamation of tbe White and
Colored Race.
Section. 1. Be it enacted by tbe General As
sembly of the Slate of Ohio, That hearafter it
shall be unlawful for any person witS pure white
blood, to intermarry with, or bave illicit, carnal
iutercourso with, any negro, or person having
distinct and visible admixture of African blood;
or for any negro,1 or person having a distinct and
visible admixture of Afrioan blood, tolntermarrv
with, or bave illicit',, carnal intercourse with any
persons of pure white blood,' and any ' person off
ending against etth'er of the provisions of this sec-
lion, shall be deemed ' guiliy of a' misdemeanor,
uu uu couviuwon insreoi, snau ne noea In anv
' . . . .. ... - . - J
sum not exceeaing one pundrea dollar, ' or be im
prisoned iii the jail of the oounty, for any period
not exoeeding three 'months, or both, at the dis
cretion of tbe court. 1 "
' Seotion. 2. That any person who shall kjiow
ingly eoleninixe a marriage, forbidden by this act,
or any Probate Judge, who shall knowingly issue
alioeose for the solemnisation of any marriage
forbidden by thl act,' shall be deemed guilty of
a misdemeanor, and on eonviotloe thereof, shall
of
of
bo fined in any sum not exceeding one hundred
dollars, or imprisoned in the county Jail for any
period not exceeding throe months, or both, at the
discretion of the court.
Section. 3. 'J'his act shall take effect and bt In
force from and after its passage.
The following article from the Philadelphia
Sunday Despatch was first offered to the Prtis and
to the Ebtning Bulletin of thaS eily; but neither
paper would publish it, thinking, probably, that
such a view of it could not be taken by any wo
man onlces she got out tf her proper sphere to
A WOMAN'S VIEW OF IT.
i
To the Editors op the Sunday Dispatch i
Is it your opinion that we live io two worlds
one? Are the prevalent ideas of this century io
rogard to the conduct of life, ideas founded on the
injunotiuos of the decalogue, the teachings
Christ, tho examples of the world' heroes and
martyrs, and the deareet instincts of our own
souls 1 Are these really, as we havo supposed
the main prings of our actions, or is the whole
vast ingonioue entanglement of shams, kept
up to sway tbe ignorant popular mindf Are tbe
old words, Justice, Conscience, Heroism, mere'
catchwords for the vulgar! Do such phrases as
"death before dishonor," "inalienable rights,"
"liberty or death," Ao., mean anything at all? or
are thoy simply inventions for tbe management of
uophilosophio outsider, whom it ie not thought
host to initiate into the one sufficient principle
which does and should govern human affairs the
principle of expediency f ' ' '
Being, ns a woman, unfitted to take minutely
praaiical viuws of important metiers, I make bold
to ask farther, if there really is no emmon sense
outside of chicaooryf and if there never were any
truths whicb were held self-evident? and if our
father did, a a matter of policy, bind their souls
tJ lior?
Standing somewhat apart from the general rush
and confusion, a little cut of eight of the fear
stricken faces of traders, and out of hearing of the
howls of panic-makers, I offrr tbo impressions so
gained, as having, on that very aocouot, their pe
culiar value; as being less subject to rcfraotion by
reaching the mind though tbe medium of personal
interest.
Looking from tbis point, I bave no fit word to
express my shame and sadness at the want of eelf-
rospect evinced in many parts of the North, and
especially io our eities. From tbe etieet corners,
from the pulpit, from the press, from the floor
Congress, comes the quavering asseveration of
desire to oonoode any contoated point, to yield any
principlo, to repeal any laws, to ruin with slave-
labor any new domain, to pocket any number of
new insult, to eat any number of old words; and
all for the dear and saered suke of trade., For
tbis, we all know, is what they mean by tho sanc
tity of the Union. . . ,
And who are the chief instigotjm of this excess
ive panic? Not the working people, who alono
uciglit seem to have some right, in the name of
Necessity, to demand a sacrifice to their interests.
No they are chiefly rich men, aghast at the pos
sibility of a reduction in their excess of possess
ion; or rotton speculators, to w hom it is only pos
sible to float in a calm; or inferior politicians,
shritkirg thotavelvcs out of their normal oblivion
into a temporary prominenoe. Shall we sympa
thize with, or be led by, such as these?
But are thure, on the other band, no real men,
full-grown, responsible human being", able to
stand on their own feet, without being taught
their attitudes by South Carolina? competent to
make their own laws, which need not depend on
the sanction of South Carolina? possessing suffi
cient intellect to decide for themselves, whether a
statute devieed fur the protection of our own free
colored citizen from the cupidity of kidnappers,
or tbe oarelessnoss of slave-catchers, is or is not
constitutional? manly enough to devirr, and cour
ageous enough to maintain, their heritage of free
dom say only the heritage of the white man;
freedom of speech, which has been invaded; free
dom of the press which baa been denounced; free
dom of franobisr, which has been disapproved by
our aristocrats; freedom of tbo pulpit, wbich hat
been stifled; freedom of conscience, whioh has
been derided; freedom to do our own legislating,
which our Southern managers consider it impu
dence io us any longor to claim? , , .
We, the women of tbe nation, (and it may not
occur to yoo at tbo moment that women constitute
one half of the human race,) are taught to con
sole ourselves (or our incompetency to any share
in tbe law whicb coerce us, or ia the deeds, hero
ic or-ehemeful, wbich affect us, by the unlimited
confidence and respect we may repose io the men
who are eminently adapted to legislate for tbeir
own needs and for ours. ,
We bave, alto, , however, (indiscreetly, a I
think,) been taught to ponsider uprightnese, firm
ness, oourago, self-reliance, capability, as positive
ly essential to that respect and confidence, -.now
us, tbis morning, the men to whom it is sale for
ns to entrust our principles and consciences.
Where is the President who doe not fear bis own
shadow? Where is the Senator who does not
subsist chiefly on his own words? Where is the
Statesman so benoet, or even so sagacious, that be
is not willing to preserve his government at the
expense of the fundamental principle of that gov
ernment f Where is the Statistician who, in es
timating the right of classes, or tbeir power to in
fluence tbe events about whioh ho is ciphering,
remembers a certain, always-forgotten four mil
lions T .',.' .;
Show us these heroes end sages; make a little
list of them in your papor ii will nut take much
room; and on them wS will lavish all the trust and
reverenoe due to' superior beings. ' And oh ye
merchants! pride of our day and generation! why
will ye herd together, aghast and undecided, fing
ering always tbe Southern bond in your pookets,
hankering still for Northern credit and standing,
and daring not to deolde whioh way to turn? Take
heart now, poor, rich men; stand up a moment
end look the worst in the face. Suppose, for an
Instant, (and bead not tbe wildness of the oppo
sition) that eaob man among yoo, essoining the
full eolf-retnect and difoitv ef e m, sboold
a
drop bis oloak of sophistries and self-delusions,
ana speaa anu act exactly as hs would if be bad
no posstote interests in the South. What then?
Why, then, be would lose, he think, his oommer-
ctal advantages. What then? The worst has
come be Would be a poorer manl And ie there,
men. no trader in this generation who bolieves
that "Lilerty is worth what it costs?" If so. in
sane and foul ye were, O, Revolutionary liorool
whom every argument used by tbt late honorable
Mr. Seward would bave taught to conciliate the
mother country. Did ye not know that, by raising
foolish, abstract issues of fundamental rights, and
practically Upholding them to the bitter end, ye
might have been made poort But I oennol treat
with irony subject so sad.
It is also sad to think of the tew epidemic
which has lately seized our least unprominent
statesmen; it is hot yet named, but resembles most
the defect termed shortness of sight; it so affects
them that thoy are unable to see what the common
oeople, whom tbey profess to represent, are so ful
ly aware of, viz: that no law Vas ever worth any
thing among a free people after it had ceased to
fit the popular mind.
What it tho fugitive slave bill worth in the
greater part of tbe North to-daj? And yet these
inferior-minded statesmen talk, and nlparl. nrt
propose, and suggest, and submit, their ream ol
inponioua contrivances still further to enfeeble an
already almost effete law, by making it more
stringent! Fur tbis is the truth, and Uaion-savers
accomplish nothing by denying it. Our Northern
men are not a nation of slave catchers. We may
talk in a certain routiue tyle, as we have been
taught, of oooititutiooal duties; but I bave never
found more than one man who would even profess
willingoers to turn iu at the bidding uf a Commis
sioner, an i, with bis own bands, do the dirty work
of catching another man's slave. And I believe 1
have) yet to find tbe ono man who would, upon
trial, tarn from the gasping wretch who hopes to
end at bis door the weeks of suspense and misery
he has chosen to endure for the sake of liberty.
And yet here is clearly a constitutional duty;
this man who sinks on 'your thresbbold, at your
mercy, must not mislead you into sentimental pity;
you must nof treat him with common Christian
charity; if is starvot, you must not give him a
ctub!; tbe south forbids it and the law condemn
it. You may, indeed, take him io, speak him fair,
and hold him safe for the Commissioner: -or vou
may hold bun outside he will not be hard to
hoUutil iU. near pursuer ,tyrn4 he corner;
liieo go iiiiaruur u;pur. wnn easy, conscience,
havlog IklfilU ybnr.bigbesjl conetitiUUioal .dvty...
Bot, after alt, the question i not what you say
we all ought to do,'but what you will do. You
will disobey, I fear me, your Southern employers;
yoq will succor thai fugitive, bide bim and pass
him; so you Will break a wicked legality, fulfilling
a holy law. As it is with law, it is with a con.
titutioo.' Tbe power of a government depends,
not on the preservation of any system .of govern.
mental machinery, but on tbe harmony between
the working principles of thai system and tbe
sentiments of those governed.'' .,-'.,,,,-
We claim to be a self-managing, self-sustaining
nation. Our resources are in ourselves, and not
in our instruments. Sweep from Ibis country to
day all it book and papain are thought and cul
ture extinct? Has tbe burning of our book re
solved the human mind into chaos? Tomorrow
will see us beginning another literature, construc
ting purer form for our thoughts and our convic
tion. Tbe resources of a people are in themselves,
and not in their instruments. Sweep from the na
tion to-day all the fustian sewed in tbe ebape of
Amerioan banners; let some accident happen to
tbe parchment on which our Constitution is writ
ten. Are political principles dead? To-morrow
will see ns constructing a firmer confederation,
memory and grateful association preserving us
all that was preotoue in . the old, and sad ex
perience giving us full right to improve a little on
our fathers in tbe building of the new. And if,
in tbe raising of this nobler edifice from the old
grand material, aome outside, planks break off,,
wby so? they gave way beoause tbey were rotten,
and it were, pity that we should endaogor our
whole new temple for them. And what a wild
und far-fetobed uljeot if terror is tbe i lea that if
we should asperate into two parts we must crum
ble into twentyl There is one element of inevita
b'e separation, and one only tbe principle of sla
very. Tbis is the skeleton in tb family, tbe drag
at tbe wheel, the enoombranoe wbich has kept us
from maintaining tbe place, which, from the supe
riority of our Government, in otber respects, we
bad aright to bold as leader of tbe nations. There
is no otber element of disunion, and our Senators
know (t. .. ::
. It were a precious tbing to be proud of one's
country to know ourselves in the van. Whore
are we pew? Russia has shaken off serfdom;
Italy is rising; Fraqc is perhaps greater than
ever beiore; England is almost free. Can we muob
lopger call our country tbe model of tbe wotld?
But let us once be rid of this drag of slavery; let
that part of the South wbiob belongs to tbe 17th
century separate itself, as now or later it must,
from us of the J9th century; let us show the
world what a free people oao really do in the way
of fcelt-legUWtion wben freed from clogs snd hin
drances, and we may again bave reason to be
proud. .
A Northern Confederacy! a true Republican
Government, unsetodelixed and undepraved by
inoooaistencietl That were indeed the glory of
the world! .Soon ma; it come, and long will it
endurel. .' ;
i Lincoln's Sistxs-in-Law. Mrs. Abraham Lin.
coin, wife of the President of tbe old Union, ba,
two married filter now on a visit to Montgomery,
Ala.' One ie from Kentucky, and on a visit to ber
.later, who reside la Selms, Als. Tbey are both
strong secessionists, ' and opposed te the govern
ment of theli brother-in-law, Abraham Lineola.
Of coarse tbey attract considerable attention, and
are tbe toast of Southerner. Tbe bosbaod of one
has offered hi service to Governor Moore, of Ala
bama, farther tbe cause of secession and State
Rigbte aod Republic) Liberty. CebitM (&)
Stmm ' v .': -v V- ' '
From the Painevialle Press and Advertiser.
AN INCIDENT AT NEW ORLEANS.
Some months ago, while journeying with an io
valid wife in search of health, I fouhd tttyeolf .In
the City of New Orleans.' We found Comfortable
quarters at thot famous hostelry, the Sti Charles.
One morning, in search of sights, I strayed into
the bar room of my hotel. I found it a magnifi
cent hall; on two of its sides were gaudy and spa
cious arrangement for Liquor selling while at
tho opposite Cnd of tbe hall were email platfurdie,
wbich, upon enquiry, I learned were the auction
block of tbe Slave-dealers; (he bar room of the
leading hotels being in that oily, the Slave-mart.
I wat told that eleven was the hour for tbo sales
and having yot two bours, I continued my rambles
about the eily. It was a little past eleven -- 1
returned to tbe bar-room of the ot. v'oarje, the
great Slave-mart of New Orle&n. A crowd of
rough men had gathered, and were dividing their
attention between the Liquer-dealers and the
Slave-dealers.
On one of tbo little platform at the heal of the
room wat standing a man -in the full tt.ength and
full development of mld-mabbjod. He was a man
of fine figure of erect bearing and of an intelli
gent and thoughtful countenance. He was dress
ed well I thought bim tbe best dressed man in
the roum, as be was certainly tbe most manly in
his manners aud looks. II J was a black baired
and dark complexionel man yet I discovered no
indicutione of the African blood. But I soon
learned that bo was a Slave, aod the bids bad al
ready commenced, and were running op to a high
figure, as he was a sluvo of unusual value. "A
very intelligent and trusty Slave!" cried the vul
gar nod profane auctioneer; "a member of the
Methodist cburuh. aod a ohristian man, if there it
uno in .Louisiana. Who raiBos tbe bid? ' And
me bids wont rapidly up until Dually tbe man
was sold at an unusually high prioe.
During the sile the man spoko not a word but
I uould see that tho fountains of his soul were io
agitation and occasionally the tears veiled lit"
large and expletive eyes. Ashe stepped dowo
from the platform, he passed through the little
crowd to a corner of tho rooni where stood four or
five mulatto ubildren, of various oges. - Upon en
quiring I learned they were lij cbildieo, snd so I
quietly made my way to that neighborhood.. The
father took each of bis little ones in his arms and
kissed them, and then gave each a few words of
larswell and advice. Nothing more affectionate
did I ever bear from a parent's lips, and better
words of counsel no christian father ever gave,
' My God! what' a scene was that for a christian
aod republican country. I hurried to my room
and locked myself from all eyes but God's, lest my
tears shuuld betray me, and I should suffer the
penalty of being "an Abolitionist."
The people uf Louisiana complain that we of the
North look upon Slave-holding and Slave-dealing,
as disreputable and therefore they will not re
main io political union with us and some uf our
people ere very noxious to prevent their withdraw
albut I, Mestra. Editors, am not of that numhor
From a speech of Mr. Millson, of Virginia, In Congress, January
21, 1861.
WHY THE WORD SLAVE IS NOT
USED IN THE UNITED STATES
CONSTITUTION.
I
I bave beard it said by members of tbe Repub
lican party that tbe .ramers of tbe Constitution
refused to use any terms that would indicate
recognition of tbe right of prcperty in man; that
they excluded tbo word slave, or slavery from tbo
Constitution, because of tbeir reluotsooe to dis
close tbe fact tbat thero wee any uob personal
relation acknowledged or established by the laws
of any of our States.
Sir, such an argument doee great injustice to
tbe framers of the Constitution. They were mov
ed by no such sentimonlaliem. It is a reproach to
ihcm, to ay that they were so intensely hypocriti
cal that tbey were not ashamed to do what tbey.
were ashamed to talk about. It it an aspersion
upon them to suppose that tbey were to intensely
hypocritical as to consent to the continuance of
the slave trade for twenty years, with all its atten
dant horrors and atrocities,- and yet, like timid
maiden, to shrink from the word "slave," and
"slavery," a recognizing property in human be
ings. No, sir; tbey bad stronger and belter rea
sons for the adoption of tbe language tbey put in
tbe Constitution. They knew and tbe gentle'
man from Ohio (Mr. Corwio,) ba relieved me
from much of tbe discussion by the ablo and lucid
manner in wbiob be baa illustrated thi subject to
daythey knew the word ilave, or tlavery, wee a
word of vague end indefinite signification, having
a variety of meaning.
Had they used the word slave, it would bave
led tu infinite cavil and dispute as to tbe preoise
meaning intended. Some Abolitiouuts might
have argued tbat it did not apply to Africans held
to servitude under the laws of irginia and Mary
land; tbat a negro servant, escaping from bis
matter, was not uoh a ilave at the Constitution
required to be delivered up, beoause the master
had not tho power of life and doatb over bim, at
under the Roman law, wbich authorized tbe mas
ter to tuke tbe life of bis slave. Tbey might Lave
argued, moreover, tbat the word slavery, ia tbe
Constitution, wat one, and to be taken io one
tense alone; that is, that two different interpretations
could not be given to it; and, therefore,' if
tho law of domettio servitude in South Carolina
differed from thoto in Virginia, tbe word slavery
might b applied to one or the other of them, but
it could not be applied to boid, necause you oumu
pot give different interpretation, to ; tho am
word. The framer of tbt Constitution, then, sir,
-i.filv substituted a detoription for a word. . They
aid ("person held to rvio or labor under the
law of any State." It embraocd every kind of.
servitude. It comprehend tut servants oi Vir
ginia, of North Carolina, of South Carolina, of
Georgia, aud of all tbo Stales. It excluded all
...ii aod all doubt. But tbey were guilty of no
suob miserable bypoorisy at that sometimes attrib
uted te them-tbat tbey wert unwilling to iatrp
doee into the Constitution any pbiase whioh might
imply thai there, ootid be property ia man. ,
To Insist that they are perion, a well at prop
erty, it to take tbe highest position on wbien tte
Sjuth can test het claims. To say tbst they ne
property, and bottling bat property, is hat trd ia
any tens of tbe word. It is not trot ia
physics; it Is Dot true In morals; it is not true ia
religions it is not true In polities. A slave U a
man. He is a responsible man; responsible to oar
law's, responsible to Ood. lie is a person; a pSN
son held to service; and it is because be Is a ptr
eoh, that th positiob of tbe Booth before tbll
Congress and in the Conttitution I pregnable, t
say It Is bocanse he n person, that gentlemen of
the Republican patty are forbidden to pass a law
prohibiting his emigration itto tbt territories, Af.
mere property, yoo might set op a plausible elaits
to ttcloda blm. Ay, at mtrt property there
would bt a color of argameot in favor of bit ex
clusion; bet a a perion, a perion held to rvie
a man holding a personal relation to another, -member
of the household, a part of the family,
you have no more right to ttelude bim front the
privilege of going into the Territories with hi
master than you bave to exclude a wife from go
ing into tbe Territories with ber husband. Tbe
wife, too, by law, ow eevioe and labor to tbe
husband. Tbe relation existing between husband
aod wife it the relation established by tbe lawt of
the States; and tbe gentleman from Ohio cannot
say tbat these are lawe wbiob are local, and do
not extend beyond the limits of tbe State where
tbey were enacted; because the same argument
wduld force bim to the conclusion that it is witbin
tbe power of Congress to exclude from a Territory
a wife bound to ber husband under tbe lawe of
any State, and that a husband cannot carry a wife
occupying that relation with bim into tie Territo
ries, beoause the law under whioh that relation
was establishel or recognized doee not extend be
yond tbe territory of the Stale ia which it wat
enacted, '. .'' :
And permit me, tir, to tay tbat, if tbey Wert
property, and nothing bat property, tbey would
not be represented in Congress; for there is Be
description of property repreteuted in CoDgrett at
property neither Innds, r.or monoy, nor stock,
nor any other kind of property. If they were
property, aod nothing but property, then we de -
prive ourselves of the right of repreitntstion of
three-fifths of their whole number, excopt opoa
tbe condition that an equal representation be giv
en to property of an -equal value in tbe ether
Stales of tbt Union. ; ' ; : - - .
From the Toronto Globe.
THE FUGITIVE SLAVE CASE—ANDERSON
SET FREE.
On Saturday, at noon, Anderson wat brooght
before tbe Judge of tbe common Plea and die
charged from cuatody on tbe ground of informality .
in tbe warrant on which he was commuted to
Brantfnrd jail. It will be eeen tbat the ditoherge
has been on two ditiinot ground. First, th war-,
rant of commitment reoites that Anderson standi
charged, for that he did "wilfully, maliciously,
and feloniously, stab and kill one Senaca T. P.
Diggos, of Howard county," which might only
amount to manslaughter; whereas, the Judges ie-4
cide, that to come within the provieions of tbe
treaty, tbe charge must be one of injRnta." See
ond, the warrant commits Anderson to the jail at
Brentford "until be shall be discharged according
to law," whereas, tbe Judges decide, be ehould
bave been committed "until surrender be made or
until be eball te discharged according to law."
Anderson is now among his friend but he it
still liable to re-arrest on documents prepared
more carefully than tbe last. The danger, bow
tver, is by no means what it was. It is to bt
boped tbat no second Mathews is to bt found io
the Magistracy of Canada and if unhappily tbera
was another ucb, good care will, we fanoy, be ta
ken that Anderson shall not be found until tbe in
tont and meaning of tbe Extradition Treaty in re
gard to slaves has been autboritively determined. '
By tho discbarge of Anderson the writ of habtat
coipu$ issued by tbe Court of Qucen't Bench of
England has been rendered unnecessary and io
operative. Anderson is no longer In the custody
of any of tbe parties to whom the Writ Ii direoted,
aod therefore tbe; cannot carry bim to England.'
Moreover, tbe parties who applied for tbe inter
vention of tbe English Court have obtained tbe
immediate end they sought, by the diaoharge ef
tbe prisoner. We oonfess tbat we are glad that
it it o. We entirely sympathise with the feeling
wbich induoed tbe application fur and tbe granting
of tbe writ. Tbe peculiarity of the case of An
derson would bave justified a great stretch of au
thority that tended to eave tbe unfortunate man
from tbe vengeance of hi encmic. Bat it would
be neither convenient nor consistent with the in
dependence of the Canadian people tbat tbe Eng.
li&h Judge should bave the power to ignore our
Court and issue their write to our sheriff and
gaoler a if we bad no Provincial Judges. We
presume tbe legality or tbe proceedings, in tbe
view of au English lawyer, Is not in berrueny with
the right of self-government claimed by Canada,
and fully conceded te ber.
From the Nashville Patriot, Feb. 16th.
THE PROGRESS OF THE PRESIDENT.
Mr. Linoolo left Spriogfleld on Monday last fof
Washington, where U is to assume th Executive
control of the United State on the 4th JUarch
next. He it taking in hi route tbe capital of
State, aod important citiet, i receiving enthusi
astic welcome and making spseone, in ait ei
whiob tbore is evidently an under-current of war.
It appear certain tbat the inclination of Mr.
Linooln' mind all tend in thai dlrtotlod. Tbt
revenue mutt be collected, and wbat was one
tbe undisputed property of lb Union, but it bow
olaimtd by a new power, mutt b retaktn eS
held. Tbt right ef teoettion i properly dstoun
cd, but tbe President elect teem never Ie have .,
dreamed of a right of revolution, or tbt potsibi!- t
ily t)dfact government, lit hope at a il ,
to be felt to- anything thai the ptoplt have been ,
laegbl a expect e( tun.. De ie awiom lot' Utt .