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9AUJH"! J JJ fxe ' ... BENJAMIN S. JONES, EDITOR. ' ' ".; "NO UNION WITH SLAVEHOLDERS. ' . ANN PEARSON PUBLISHING AGENT ' ' VOL. 1G.-.-NO. 29. SALEM, COLUMBIANA COUNTY, OHIO, SATURDAY, MAltCIl 2, 1SGL .WHOLE NO. 803. . ;TflE ANT)SLAVERY 81' CLE, MILUntD ITIU .' (ATDXDAr A SSltM, 0B1OJ By tbt Exeoutivc Committee, ef tbe Western Anti Slavery Society. r TERMS. f 1.50 per annum payable In advance. fc!5Commntcation intended for Insertion, to i.a ..ldroited to DMJmti S. Jotm, Editor. Ordefs for the paper ana ia;ieri comuining money a payment for the eame.'sbould be addros- sej to Ann I'sahson, Publishing Agent, Salem, nlumbiana County, Ohio. tfcgf-Mooey carefully enveloped and directed as bore, may be eent by mail at our risk. jsjrWe occasionally sood numbers to those who re not subscribers, but who are believed to be Interested in the dissemination of Aoti-SlaTery truth, with the hope that thoy will either subscribe themselves or nee their influence to eitend its oireulalion emeng their friends. , TERMS OF ADVFRT1SINO. One Sqna're, (10 lines) three weeks, ' --' $100 i Each additional insertion, -' ' Sit months, - - . . . ' ' One year, ' . . . . . Two Sqnaree'sii months, . . . . One year, 25 4 00 TOO! f .JO j. Oue Fourth Column one year, with privilege of changing monthly, ' 12 00 Half Column.ohanging monthly, - - 20.00 ' t690rds not eiceedine eight lines will be in serted one year for $300; fix months, $2 00. jfoy AitcnrtUnmnDta for patent meJioines, speci fic remedies, chance to make money, &o., neither solicited nor published. ' ' 'it uw . : J. nUDSON, PRINTER. V '. The Anti-Slavery Bugle. From the Northern Independent. THE ADVANTAGES OF SECESSION. . r Wo have repeatedly said (hat r did not desire secession, but that it would be a blessing :? nur country. The Union was formed when most ol the States were alike involved in the guilt und misfortune of tlavery, and having been forintd Under such circumstances, though eminently dis advantageous as things how are, we are not will ing' to' dissolve It at the expense of the South, i We are anxious to keep to an old contract, so lorg as it cad be of any teal advantage to the party least able to bear the evils of dissolution But as tVe South' madly roshos from the confederacy, and - will not be persuaded to remain except upon terms ofdiebonora';le compromise, we shall solace Ourselves by a hasty gtunce at the benifiuont oon e!uorces of secession to tho A'ortb. j. - 1. The first benefit resulting from a. separation of slavedom, would be an unembarrassed onwurd movement lor all time to come. .Thus far, slavery has beon a constant hindrance to good govern ment, and to national growth.-' With tbe most ge nial" climate, ood with every facility for rapid pro gress, the slave states bare' alwaja lagged io the inarch of improvement. What little growth there has been io those unfortunate states, is merely the result of thoir association with non-sluve-holdinn states an advantage of which, thoiili costly to o, we would not deprive them nntil after some further trial. ' This continent especially that por tion of it embraced within tho United - States uud Territories is destined to have a population ol several hundreds of millions, and if the govern ment remains as it is, partly slave-holding, and rSartly njn-slave-holding,' these hundreds of mil lions will all be curbed as we now are, with the corruptions of slavery. By remaining together, we shall send dowo to future ages the polluting stream that would otherwise be 'dried bp. ' Our whole great country would absorb the virus that poleons the South, and by thus enabling slavedom tu live a little longer, we should peril the existence of a nation many times greater than the present. In this view of the subject, it beoomes a serious moral question whether we are justified in contin uing political relations with tbe South for another hoorl r. ' 2. The second benefit arising from separation, Would be a return to the moral basis of national prosperity. Our statesmen insanely hug tho Un ion,' just as if the Unioo rather than Ood, had fought their battles, and given tbem viotory. We m'uat return to first prinoip les right must again be bur wateb-word, and union must take its place among, the chance events of tbe struggle. Intrin sically, onion is of little or do valuo ; it derives its value, like a numeral charaoter, from the rela tion it oeoupies. As against Oreat Britain, io a war for independence, and in tbe then impover ished sparsely populated eonditioo of the colonics, Union was fundamental j but as between the North and South between freedom and slavery, in their present fie roe encounter unioo is an al most unmitigated eurse. Yet we bavs men etolii enough to idolize tbe Union, and anxious te orawl, eat dirt, or oommlt acy imaginable meanness to propitiate the incensed lord of the lash. "Si? The third advantage would be found in a general elevation of manners and morals. We should get rid of tbe revolver and bowie knife dis pensation. " It ia ondeniable thai tbe manners of the confederacy are toned down to a most wretob eHf - etate. ' By long . oonneotion with barbarous Slave holding communities, wbiob deem force and violence, as well as the' prohibition of educa tion, essential to their existaooe, we hare aoquir d a degree of ferooity unnatural ta a civilized rjeop'.e. Our moral have also declined to fear ful extent. Every ipeoict of giganlio corrupiioo flourishes io tbe several departments of govern- major, ae io a congenial foil. IIow oao it be -otb erwise f i Ought we not ta expect that our natioa- i robbery of . millions of helpless, unoffending ' people would be followed by such comparatively rihiwiporiant speculations as we bars lately .wit nessedthe stealing of fort and arsenals, and tbe embeiz'emeut of treasury funds f If ii la right to rob people of tbeir liberty, it is right to rob them of tbeir uioosy, and so long as we coun tenance or connive at one Specie of robbery, we bave to acquiesce in the other. But if we ban put sway slavery, there Is do reason why we may not in time beoome an honest nation. I taking off (be (buckles of legislation. Congress it Tui tbe most part unable to do anything baoause of tbe endless, Incurable jealousy of tbt elate power. We bare bad all (iepartments of office crowded wi.h this olass of functionaries, and they have io too many instances been about as useful at secretary Flo;d and his co-traitors mere lecoh- 0, UD0 0ve.-nment. suckintr Its life blood wbiU) gwor1 t0 iu. oort lno oonBt!tutiori by their every act. Wo shall get rid of this mass thieves and plunderers ?bo go to Washington as the devil went to Paradi.ie, for the sake of seduo tiou and rebellion. While Congress and lbs Jepailments were filled with such men.it was use less to hope for the enuctment of laws favoring the rights of man. Wo ooulO only expect Fugi tive Sluve Laws, Lecompion Swindles, Dred Scott Decisions, desertion of Forts, and general paraly sis of all governmental power in the face of ram pant treason. This stale of thingi will leave us, together with the out going members of the coo- , federacy, and there will be a speedy return to such Icfiinltition as comports with the lights of man, and suuh an administration as is wotthy of a turn profes.ing to be civilised. Being under no (obligations to slavery, vte shall ceasit to legislate fur its accommodation. 6. Tbe next gain will bo tbe acoelcratcd death of Slavery. Ever since the organizitiun of the government, slavery, as contrasted with freedom, has exhibited marked inferiority. The slave Suites aro declining, and once separated from tbe vitality of the free Slates, they will sum loso what little civilization they vet retain. In this condi tion they will stand to the free Stater, in much tbe same relation as tbe Indian territories, on which a superior race is always crowding. Slavery will die, and tbe slave-bolder will die with it tbe ex tinction of this great crime vill not be ns we had hoped, by the repeal of b'.vr, but by conquest nor will it be now, but a':er the process of decay has gono on until the power of resistance has ceased. 0. The sixth good which we name in this con nection; It the rnvival of A genuine Christianity. It may not havo occurred to all who abhor slavery, that this great sin, whorever it prevail, 'actually annihilate pure religion. ' It is a fact not !o bo disputed, that a whole gospel cannot be reached or practiced io tho ' South, except upon the Condi tion of martyrdom. 4 No minister is allowed there to denounce the crime ofchattelizing men, women, and children; and men who aro known to commit tins crime, are rejeivea into all toe lourcues a fail exponents of the prevalent Christianity. Mere at tbe North, we may hut receivo slave-hol ders into the Cburob, but we aro obliged to speak against the sin in subdued tones, and nothing like a proper sentiment of abhorrence is cherished to wards it, nor aro decent, adequate efT.rts for its extirpation unoourugej. Our Cburoh anti-slavery movements are euporfioiul, and unworthy of the cause. Tho Church, in short, is dragged down to tbe level of slavery, and instead of proclaiming, with Christ, "liberty to the captive," she acts as iiigh prioM to the slave-holder, and garbling the word of Ood as Satan did at the temptation, the sells the doom of the bondman, by offering a moie ty instead of the whole gospel ever saying thi, and only this, "Servants, obey your masters." Such is what passes' for tho Church iu the slave State., and the Church ia the free States is but tare.y dissimilar. 'Slavery has destroyed Christi anity. Secession will give us back religion. We are, therefore, quite resigned to tecesoion. 7. Finally, tbe exodus of the South enables the free States to-take their true position thnt of ut ter antagonism to slavery, everywhere and in all things. ' Heretofore, our most progressive politi cians have only dared to do a littlo ; they bave sought to prevent the spread of slavery ioio the territories, and to koep it from gaining a focthold in tbe free Suite?, by means of Cjngrossional en actments And decisions of tbe Federal Judioiary, but tbey have never sought to put down slavery in the slave Stales. Nor docs it seem likely that we shall ever attempt this work, while io alliance with those Slates. But when once separated from them, there will be nothing in the way. Then every northern man will be an anti-slavery man, and every foot of northern soil will be a safe asy lum for the fugitive. Then tbe battle will be ever for liberty, and principle will not have to be sacri ficed fur Union. The North cannot do its work unless freed from "the body of death" to which it is now tied. Socesaion ' will be a grand anti-slavery baptism, administered simultaneously to s whole nation. Next to the Millennium, Ood has no greater blessing in store for us than a speedy deliverance from the all polluting society of slave holders. We would not drive them away, but if they will not go uf their own accord, we shall not deny ourselves the pleasure of kindly intimating that tbey cannot go too soon. Tbo following is tbe recent act by whicb Dem ocrats and Republicans thought it necessary to guard themselves sgainst the temptation of matri monial intermixture with negroes. AN ACT. To prevent the amalgamation of tbe White and Colored Race. Section. 1. Be it enacted by tbe General As sembly of the Slate of Ohio, That hearafter it shall be unlawful for any person witS pure white blood, to intermarry with, or bave illicit, carnal iutercourso with, any negro, or person having distinct and visible admixture of African blood; or for any negro,1 or person having a distinct and visible admixture of Afrioan blood, tolntermarrv with, or bave illicit',, carnal intercourse with any persons of pure white blood,' and any ' person off ending against etth'er of the provisions of this sec- lion, shall be deemed ' guiliy of a' misdemeanor, uu uu couviuwon insreoi, snau ne noea In anv ' . . . .. ... - . - J sum not exceeaing one pundrea dollar, ' or be im prisoned iii the jail of the oounty, for any period not exoeeding three 'months, or both, at the dis cretion of tbe court. 1 " ' Seotion. 2. That any person who shall kjiow ingly eoleninixe a marriage, forbidden by this act, or any Probate Judge, who shall knowingly issue alioeose for the solemnisation of any marriage forbidden by thl act,' shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and on eonviotloe thereof, shall of of bo fined in any sum not exceeding one hundred dollars, or imprisoned in the county Jail for any period not exceeding throe months, or both, at the discretion of the court. Section. 3. 'J'his act shall take effect and bt In force from and after its passage. The following article from the Philadelphia Sunday Despatch was first offered to the Prtis and to the Ebtning Bulletin of thaS eily; but neither paper would publish it, thinking, probably, that such a view of it could not be taken by any wo man onlces she got out tf her proper sphere to A WOMAN'S VIEW OF IT. i To the Editors op the Sunday Dispatch i Is it your opinion that we live io two worlds one? Are the prevalent ideas of this century io rogard to the conduct of life, ideas founded on the injunotiuos of the decalogue, the teachings Christ, tho examples of the world' heroes and martyrs, and the deareet instincts of our own souls 1 Are these really, as we havo supposed the main prings of our actions, or is the whole vast ingonioue entanglement of shams, kept up to sway tbe ignorant popular mindf Are tbe old words, Justice, Conscience, Heroism, mere' catchwords for the vulgar! Do such phrases as "death before dishonor," "inalienable rights," "liberty or death," Ao., mean anything at all? or are thoy simply inventions for tbe management of uophilosophio outsider, whom it ie not thought host to initiate into the one sufficient principle which does and should govern human affairs the principle of expediency f ' ' ' Being, ns a woman, unfitted to take minutely praaiical viuws of important metiers, I make bold to ask farther, if there really is no emmon sense outside of chicaooryf and if there never were any truths whicb were held self-evident? and if our father did, a a matter of policy, bind their souls tJ lior? Standing somewhat apart from the general rush and confusion, a little cut of eight of the fear stricken faces of traders, and out of hearing of the howls of panic-makers, I offrr tbo impressions so gained, as having, on that very aocouot, their pe culiar value; as being less subject to rcfraotion by reaching the mind though tbe medium of personal interest. Looking from tbis point, I bave no fit word to express my shame and sadness at the want of eelf- rospect evinced in many parts of the North, and especially io our eities. From tbe etieet corners, from the pulpit, from the press, from the floor Congress, comes the quavering asseveration of desire to oonoode any contoated point, to yield any principlo, to repeal any laws, to ruin with slave- labor any new domain, to pocket any number of new insult, to eat any number of old words; and all for the dear and saered suke of trade., For tbis, we all know, is what they mean by tho sanc tity of the Union. . . , And who are the chief instigotjm of this excess ive panic? Not the working people, who alono uciglit seem to have some right, in the name of Necessity, to demand a sacrifice to their interests. No they are chiefly rich men, aghast at the pos sibility of a reduction in their excess of possess ion; or rotton speculators, to w hom it is only pos sible to float in a calm; or inferior politicians, shritkirg thotavelvcs out of their normal oblivion into a temporary prominenoe. Shall we sympa thize with, or be led by, such as these? But are thure, on the other band, no real men, full-grown, responsible human being", able to stand on their own feet, without being taught their attitudes by South Carolina? competent to make their own laws, which need not depend on the sanction of South Carolina? possessing suffi cient intellect to decide for themselves, whether a statute devieed fur the protection of our own free colored citizen from the cupidity of kidnappers, or tbe oarelessnoss of slave-catchers, is or is not constitutional? manly enough to devirr, and cour ageous enough to maintain, their heritage of free dom say only the heritage of the white man; freedom of speech, which has been invaded; free dom of the press which baa been denounced; free dom of franobisr, which has been disapproved by our aristocrats; freedom of tbo pulpit, wbich hat been stifled; freedom of conscience, whioh has been derided; freedom to do our own legislating, which our Southern managers consider it impu dence io us any longor to claim? , , . We, the women of tbe nation, (and it may not occur to yoo at tbo moment that women constitute one half of the human race,) are taught to con sole ourselves (or our incompetency to any share in tbe law whicb coerce us, or ia the deeds, hero ic or-ehemeful, wbich affect us, by the unlimited confidence and respect we may repose io the men who are eminently adapted to legislate for tbeir own needs and for ours. , We bave, alto, , however, (indiscreetly, a I think,) been taught to ponsider uprightnese, firm ness, oourago, self-reliance, capability, as positive ly essential to that respect and confidence, -.now us, tbis morning, the men to whom it is sale for ns to entrust our principles and consciences. Where is the President who doe not fear bis own shadow? Where is the Senator who does not subsist chiefly on his own words? Where is the Statesman so benoet, or even so sagacious, that be is not willing to preserve his government at the expense of the fundamental principle of that gov ernment f Where is the Statistician who, in es timating the right of classes, or tbeir power to in fluence tbe events about whioh ho is ciphering, remembers a certain, always-forgotten four mil lions T .',.' .; Show us these heroes end sages; make a little list of them in your papor ii will nut take much room; and on them wS will lavish all the trust and reverenoe due to' superior beings. ' And oh ye merchants! pride of our day and generation! why will ye herd together, aghast and undecided, fing ering always tbe Southern bond in your pookets, hankering still for Northern credit and standing, and daring not to deolde whioh way to turn? Take heart now, poor, rich men; stand up a moment end look the worst in the face. Suppose, for an Instant, (and bead not tbe wildness of the oppo sition) that eaob man among yoo, essoining the full eolf-retnect and difoitv ef e m, sboold a drop bis oloak of sophistries and self-delusions, ana speaa anu act exactly as hs would if be bad no posstote interests in the South. What then? Why, then, be would lose, he think, his oommer- ctal advantages. What then? The worst has come be Would be a poorer manl And ie there, men. no trader in this generation who bolieves that "Lilerty is worth what it costs?" If so. in sane and foul ye were, O, Revolutionary liorool whom every argument used by tbt late honorable Mr. Seward would bave taught to conciliate the mother country. Did ye not know that, by raising foolish, abstract issues of fundamental rights, and practically Upholding them to the bitter end, ye might have been made poort But I oennol treat with irony subject so sad. It is also sad to think of the tew epidemic which has lately seized our least unprominent statesmen; it is hot yet named, but resembles most the defect termed shortness of sight; it so affects them that thoy are unable to see what the common oeople, whom tbey profess to represent, are so ful ly aware of, viz: that no law Vas ever worth any thing among a free people after it had ceased to fit the popular mind. What it tho fugitive slave bill worth in the greater part of tbe North to-daj? And yet these inferior-minded statesmen talk, and nlparl. nrt propose, and suggest, and submit, their ream ol inponioua contrivances still further to enfeeble an already almost effete law, by making it more stringent! Fur tbis is the truth, and Uaion-savers accomplish nothing by denying it. Our Northern men are not a nation of slave catchers. We may talk in a certain routiue tyle, as we have been taught, of oooititutiooal duties; but I bave never found more than one man who would even profess willingoers to turn iu at the bidding uf a Commis sioner, an i, with bis own bands, do the dirty work of catching another man's slave. And I believe 1 have) yet to find tbe ono man who would, upon trial, tarn from the gasping wretch who hopes to end at bis door the weeks of suspense and misery he has chosen to endure for the sake of liberty. And yet here is clearly a constitutional duty; this man who sinks on 'your thresbbold, at your mercy, must not mislead you into sentimental pity; you must nof treat him with common Christian charity; if is starvot, you must not give him a ctub!; tbe south forbids it and the law condemn it. You may, indeed, take him io, speak him fair, and hold him safe for the Commissioner: -or vou may hold bun outside he will not be hard to hoUutil iU. near pursuer ,tyrn4 he corner; liieo go iiiiaruur u;pur. wnn easy, conscience, havlog IklfilU ybnr.bigbesjl conetitiUUioal .dvty... Bot, after alt, the question i not what you say we all ought to do,'but what you will do. You will disobey, I fear me, your Southern employers; yoq will succor thai fugitive, bide bim and pass him; so you Will break a wicked legality, fulfilling a holy law. As it is with law, it is with a con. titutioo.' Tbe power of a government depends, not on the preservation of any system .of govern. mental machinery, but on tbe harmony between the working principles of thai system and tbe sentiments of those governed.'' .,-'.,,,,- We claim to be a self-managing, self-sustaining nation. Our resources are in ourselves, and not in our instruments. Sweep from Ibis country to day all it book and papain are thought and cul ture extinct? Has tbe burning of our book re solved the human mind into chaos? Tomorrow will see us beginning another literature, construc ting purer form for our thoughts and our convic tion. Tbe resources of a people are in themselves, and not in their instruments. Sweep from the na tion to-day all the fustian sewed in tbe ebape of Amerioan banners; let some accident happen to tbe parchment on which our Constitution is writ ten. Are political principles dead? To-morrow will see ns constructing a firmer confederation, memory and grateful association preserving us all that was preotoue in . the old, and sad ex perience giving us full right to improve a little on our fathers in tbe building of the new. And if, in tbe raising of this nobler edifice from the old grand material, aome outside, planks break off,, wby so? they gave way beoause tbey were rotten, and it were, pity that we should endaogor our whole new temple for them. And what a wild und far-fetobed uljeot if terror is tbe i lea that if we should asperate into two parts we must crum ble into twentyl There is one element of inevita b'e separation, and one only tbe principle of sla very. Tbis is the skeleton in tb family, tbe drag at tbe wheel, the enoombranoe wbich has kept us from maintaining tbe place, which, from the supe riority of our Government, in otber respects, we bad aright to bold as leader of tbe nations. There is no otber element of disunion, and our Senators know (t. .. :: . It were a precious tbing to be proud of one's country to know ourselves in the van. Whore are we pew? Russia has shaken off serfdom; Italy is rising; Fraqc is perhaps greater than ever beiore; England is almost free. Can we muob lopger call our country tbe model of tbe wotld? But let us once be rid of this drag of slavery; let that part of the South wbiob belongs to tbe 17th century separate itself, as now or later it must, from us of the J9th century; let us show the world what a free people oao really do in the way of fcelt-legUWtion wben freed from clogs snd hin drances, and we may again bave reason to be proud. . A Northern Confederacy! a true Republican Government, unsetodelixed and undepraved by inoooaistencietl That were indeed the glory of the world! .Soon ma; it come, and long will it endurel. .' ; i Lincoln's Sistxs-in-Law. Mrs. Abraham Lin. coin, wife of the President of tbe old Union, ba, two married filter now on a visit to Montgomery, Ala.' One ie from Kentucky, and on a visit to ber .later, who reside la Selms, Als. Tbey are both strong secessionists, ' and opposed te the govern ment of theli brother-in-law, Abraham Lineola. Of coarse tbey attract considerable attention, and are tbe toast of Southerner. Tbe bosbaod of one has offered hi service to Governor Moore, of Ala bama, farther tbe cause of secession and State Rigbte aod Republic) Liberty. CebitM (&) Stmm ' v .': -v V- ' ' From the Painevialle Press and Advertiser. AN INCIDENT AT NEW ORLEANS. Some months ago, while journeying with an io valid wife in search of health, I fouhd tttyeolf .In the City of New Orleans.' We found Comfortable quarters at thot famous hostelry, the Sti Charles. One morning, in search of sights, I strayed into the bar room of my hotel. I found it a magnifi cent hall; on two of its sides were gaudy and spa cious arrangement for Liquor selling while at tho opposite Cnd of tbe hall were email platfurdie, wbich, upon enquiry, I learned were the auction block of tbe Slave-dealers; (he bar room of the leading hotels being in that oily, the Slave-mart. I wat told that eleven was the hour for tbo sales and having yot two bours, I continued my rambles about the eily. It was a little past eleven -- 1 returned to tbe bar-room of the ot. v'oarje, the great Slave-mart of New Orle&n. A crowd of rough men had gathered, and were dividing their attention between the Liquer-dealers and the Slave-dealers. On one of tbo little platform at the heal of the room wat standing a man -in the full tt.ength and full development of mld-mabbjod. He was a man of fine figure of erect bearing and of an intelli gent and thoughtful countenance. He was dress ed well I thought bim tbe best dressed man in the roum, as be was certainly tbe most manly in his manners aud looks. II J was a black baired and dark complexionel man yet I discovered no indicutione of the African blood. But I soon learned that bo was a Slave, aod the bids bad al ready commenced, and were running op to a high figure, as he was a sluvo of unusual value. "A very intelligent and trusty Slave!" cried the vul gar nod profane auctioneer; "a member of the Methodist cburuh. aod a ohristian man, if there it uno in .Louisiana. Who raiBos tbe bid? ' And me bids wont rapidly up until Dually tbe man was sold at an unusually high prioe. During the sile the man spoko not a word but I uould see that tho fountains of his soul were io agitation and occasionally the tears veiled lit" large and expletive eyes. Ashe stepped dowo from the platform, he passed through the little crowd to a corner of tho rooni where stood four or five mulatto ubildren, of various oges. - Upon en quiring I learned they were lij cbildieo, snd so I quietly made my way to that neighborhood.. The father took each of bis little ones in his arms and kissed them, and then gave each a few words of larswell and advice. Nothing more affectionate did I ever bear from a parent's lips, and better words of counsel no christian father ever gave, ' My God! what' a scene was that for a christian aod republican country. I hurried to my room and locked myself from all eyes but God's, lest my tears shuuld betray me, and I should suffer the penalty of being "an Abolitionist." The people uf Louisiana complain that we of the North look upon Slave-holding and Slave-dealing, as disreputable and therefore they will not re main io political union with us and some uf our people ere very noxious to prevent their withdraw albut I, Mestra. Editors, am not of that numhor From a speech of Mr. Millson, of Virginia, In Congress, January 21, 1861. WHY THE WORD SLAVE IS NOT USED IN THE UNITED STATES CONSTITUTION. I I bave beard it said by members of tbe Repub lican party that tbe .ramers of tbe Constitution refused to use any terms that would indicate recognition of tbe right of prcperty in man; that they excluded tbo word slave, or slavery from tbo Constitution, because of tbeir reluotsooe to dis close tbe fact tbat thero wee any uob personal relation acknowledged or established by the laws of any of our States. Sir, such an argument doee great injustice to tbe framers of the Constitution. They were mov ed by no such sentimonlaliem. It is a reproach to ihcm, to ay that they were so intensely hypocriti cal that tbey were not ashamed to do what tbey. were ashamed to talk about. It it an aspersion upon them to suppose that tbey were to intensely hypocritical as to consent to the continuance of the slave trade for twenty years, with all its atten dant horrors and atrocities,- and yet, like timid maiden, to shrink from the word "slave," and "slavery," a recognizing property in human be ings. No, sir; tbey bad stronger and belter rea sons for the adoption of tbe language tbey put in tbe Constitution. They knew and tbe gentle' man from Ohio (Mr. Corwio,) ba relieved me from much of tbe discussion by the ablo and lucid manner in wbiob be baa illustrated thi subject to daythey knew the word ilave, or tlavery, wee a word of vague end indefinite signification, having a variety of meaning. Had they used the word slave, it would bave led tu infinite cavil and dispute as to tbe preoise meaning intended. Some Abolitiouuts might have argued tbat it did not apply to Africans held to servitude under the laws of irginia and Mary land; tbat a negro servant, escaping from bis matter, was not uoh a ilave at the Constitution required to be delivered up, beoause the master had not tho power of life and doatb over bim, at under the Roman law, wbich authorized tbe mas ter to tuke tbe life of bis slave. Tbey might Lave argued, moreover, tbat the word slavery, ia tbe Constitution, wat one, and to be taken io one tense alone; that is, that two different interpretations could not be given to it; and, therefore,' if tho law of domettio servitude in South Carolina differed from thoto in Virginia, tbe word slavery might b applied to one or the other of them, but it could not be applied to boid, necause you oumu pot give different interpretation, to ; tho am word. The framer of tbt Constitution, then, sir, -i.filv substituted a detoription for a word. . They aid ("person held to rvio or labor under the law of any State." It embraocd every kind of. servitude. It comprehend tut servants oi Vir ginia, of North Carolina, of South Carolina, of Georgia, aud of all tbo Stales. It excluded all ...ii aod all doubt. But tbey were guilty of no suob miserable bypoorisy at that sometimes attrib uted te them-tbat tbey wert unwilling to iatrp doee into the Constitution any pbiase whioh might imply thai there, ootid be property ia man. , To Insist that they are perion, a well at prop erty, it to take tbe highest position on wbien tte Sjuth can test het claims. To say tbst they ne property, and bottling bat property, is hat trd ia any tens of tbe word. It is not trot ia physics; it Is Dot true In morals; it is not true ia religions it is not true In polities. A slave U a man. He is a responsible man; responsible to oar law's, responsible to Ood. lie is a person; a pSN son held to service; and it is because be Is a ptr eoh, that th positiob of tbe Booth before tbll Congress and in the Conttitution I pregnable, t say It Is bocanse he n person, that gentlemen of the Republican patty are forbidden to pass a law prohibiting his emigration itto tbt territories, Af. mere property, yoo might set op a plausible elaits to ttcloda blm. Ay, at mtrt property there would bt a color of argameot in favor of bit ex clusion; bet a a perion, a perion held to rvie a man holding a personal relation to another, -member of the household, a part of the family, you have no more right to ttelude bim front the privilege of going into the Territories with hi master than you bave to exclude a wife from go ing into tbe Territories with ber husband. Tbe wife, too, by law, ow eevioe and labor to tbe husband. Tbe relation existing between husband aod wife it the relation established by tbe lawt of the States; and tbe gentleman from Ohio cannot say tbat these are lawe wbiob are local, and do not extend beyond the limits of tbe State where tbey were enacted; because the same argument wduld force bim to the conclusion that it is witbin tbe power of Congress to exclude from a Territory a wife bound to ber husband under tbe lawe of any State, and that a husband cannot carry a wife occupying that relation with bim into tie Territo ries, beoause the law under whioh that relation was establishel or recognized doee not extend be yond tbe territory of the Stale ia which it wat enacted, '. .'' : And permit me, tir, to tay tbat, if tbey Wert property, and nothing bat property, tbey would not be represented in Congress; for there is Be description of property repreteuted in CoDgrett at property neither Innds, r.or monoy, nor stock, nor any other kind of property. If they were property, aod nothing but property, then we de - prive ourselves of the right of repreitntstion of three-fifths of their whole number, excopt opoa tbe condition that an equal representation be giv en to property of an -equal value in tbe ether Stales of tbt Union. ; ' ; : - - . From the Toronto Globe. THE FUGITIVE SLAVE CASE—ANDERSON SET FREE. On Saturday, at noon, Anderson wat brooght before tbe Judge of tbe common Plea and die charged from cuatody on tbe ground of informality . in tbe warrant on which he was commuted to Brantfnrd jail. It will be eeen tbat the ditoherge has been on two ditiinot ground. First, th war-, rant of commitment reoites that Anderson standi charged, for that he did "wilfully, maliciously, and feloniously, stab and kill one Senaca T. P. Diggos, of Howard county," which might only amount to manslaughter; whereas, the Judges ie-4 cide, that to come within the provieions of tbe treaty, tbe charge must be one of injRnta." See ond, the warrant commits Anderson to the jail at Brentford "until be shall be discharged according to law," whereas, tbe Judges decide, be ehould bave been committed "until surrender be made or until be eball te discharged according to law." Anderson is now among his friend but he it still liable to re-arrest on documents prepared more carefully than tbe last. The danger, bow tver, is by no means what it was. It is to bt boped tbat no second Mathews is to bt found io the Magistracy of Canada and if unhappily tbera was another ucb, good care will, we fanoy, be ta ken that Anderson shall not be found until tbe in tont and meaning of tbe Extradition Treaty in re gard to slaves has been autboritively determined. ' By tho discbarge of Anderson the writ of habtat coipu$ issued by tbe Court of Qucen't Bench of England has been rendered unnecessary and io operative. Anderson is no longer In the custody of any of tbe parties to whom the Writ Ii direoted, aod therefore tbe; cannot carry bim to England.' Moreover, tbe parties who applied for tbe inter vention of tbe English Court have obtained tbe immediate end they sought, by the diaoharge ef tbe prisoner. We oonfess tbat we are glad that it it o. We entirely sympathise with the feeling wbich induoed tbe application fur and tbe granting of tbe writ. Tbe peculiarity of the case of An derson would bave justified a great stretch of au thority that tended to eave tbe unfortunate man from tbe vengeance of hi encmic. Bat it would be neither convenient nor consistent with the in dependence of the Canadian people tbat tbe Eng. li&h Judge should bave the power to ignore our Court and issue their write to our sheriff and gaoler a if we bad no Provincial Judges. We presume tbe legality or tbe proceedings, in tbe view of au English lawyer, Is not in berrueny with the right of self-government claimed by Canada, and fully conceded te ber. From the Nashville Patriot, Feb. 16th. THE PROGRESS OF THE PRESIDENT. Mr. Linoolo left Spriogfleld on Monday last fof Washington, where U is to assume th Executive control of the United State on the 4th JUarch next. He it taking in hi route tbe capital of State, aod important citiet, i receiving enthusi astic welcome and making spseone, in ait ei whiob tbore is evidently an under-current of war. It appear certain tbat the inclination of Mr. Linooln' mind all tend in thai dlrtotlod. Tbt revenue mutt be collected, and wbat was one tbe undisputed property of lb Union, but it bow olaimtd by a new power, mutt b retaktn eS held. Tbt right ef teoettion i properly dstoun cd, but tbe President elect teem never Ie have ., dreamed of a right of revolution, or tbt potsibi!- t ily t)dfact government, lit hope at a il , to be felt to- anything thai the ptoplt have been , laegbl a expect e( tun.. De ie awiom lot' Utt .