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' BENJAMIN S. JONES, fcDITOn
tain ,-. .': !. .
so t;A7o.Y irnr slaveuoldeiis:
AXR PEARSON,' PUBLISfllW AGENT. iU vl
'rt rT i, - ft ,J
' i id t V
'WHOLE NO; 810;"- r
SALEM, COLUMBIANA COUNTY, OHIO, SATURDAY, APKIL 20, 1SG1.
r,tnE AT1SL4VKRT Bl'CLE,
fCBUSUED EVERT SATl'RDAV 41 lALIKp OHIO',
By lb Executive Cuinmif.ee, of the Western Anti
Slavery Society. ,: ,-.;'
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j. iiuusriM, rmxTER.
The Anti-Slavery Bugle.
From the New York Post.
THE GREAT EVENT OF THE AGE.
EMANCIPATION IN RUSSIA.
COMPLETE HISTORY OF THE MOVEMENT.
The Emperor of Russia, and tba .'majority of
the nobility of the empire, ore now engaged in re
leasing from bondage a population of near'y fiHy
millions of eoule. li . presence of eo ' grand a
faot, and of tho cbnngea "which this reform will
introduce in the social aspect and the ccinntuical
position of the largest einpiro of Kurope, wo have
deemed it worth wbilo lo cffir U our readers, in a
ondensed formj, a bistorical statement 'of tber do.
pi or able condition into which servitude ban plung
ed one of the richest'' countries 'upon ,tbe eartb;
and, at the same time, doscribe 'thc measures by
which the government has obviated, ir will' obvi
ate, the existing evils, and perfurtu the great work
or emancipation. .
SOCIAL CONDITION OF THE RUSSIAN PEOPLE.
The bulk of the Iluaciao nation . has lived for
over two hundred year in a state of bondage.
Tbe) Classes which in free; countries give fertility
to the soil, value to raw materials, impulse to trade
and navigation; the farmer, the ploughman, tbe
artiffcor, the oarpenter, the masin, the tradeiman;
Io a word, all tbosa who exorcise a manual profes
sion, have alike been held in servitude, h s
population of about fifty-eight millions of souls In
European Ilussia, fifty millions, under one form or
another, and in various degree, have borne the
dobasiog yoke of serfdom.' Tbe messes that sup
ply the army with soldiers, the navy with sailors,
agriculture with laborers, industry with' ortisau.,
oommercs with traders, and the upper classes with
servants, are tbe property of others. They are
owned by sixteen hundred thousand eigbt hundred
and five masters, divided as follows:
According to tbe last census Russia contains
111,897 laod-ownerr, possessing, some 1,000 serfs
tome S00, some 100, some 20, some less the total
amount of which Is 10,717,738 males.
There are besides S 508 landless
proprietors, hiring their Berfs
' out, living upon the inoome '
tbeyown ' , ' " : ' " ' ' ' 15,300 do.
The serfs of tbe crown amount to 9,457,000 do.
Tho members of tbe royal family ' " ' '- "
'wn - " '2,234,717 'do.
o ' . 1
-:. - . .... 22,424 915 . .
iAs tbe Russian government seems to be under
tilt impression that wctnen have do eouls, the ceo
does not make any mention of them, and
grants the title of "soul" to the men alone. If,
than, to tbesa twenty-two millions we add the wo
man and children, we shall reach the figure of fifty
millions, already mentioned as being tha exsot
camber of serfs contained in lb Russian empire.
It it to this immense population larger than any
within tba realm of oivilixatioa that the imperial
decree of tbe 3d of this month has restored the
inalienable right of individual responsibility and
freedom. Tbe originator of tbis measure, Alex
ander II., has alrsady placed his name next to that
of Peter the Great in tbe annals of his country;
lor, ii me tatter cstouueaec its material prosperi
ty, the former will oreato its moral and intollec
tua! splendor, by raining Russia obscure and iso
lated ia her semi-barbarian' individuality io tbe
level of tbe most civilized nations of Europ'e.
"In respeot to the free peasantry of Russia,' all
the statistics we have been able to consult' remain
silent, ' Tbe only reoord we hove found goes back
to 1842, and gives, as the amount of enfranchised
serfs in tbe whole of European Russia, the insig
nificant figure of 205,5$ souls. ' , ' '
'' - . . i .1 '.,0 J Mt4 ..'
CHARACTER OF SERFDOM.
What is serfdom? Is it that form of human
bondage which, under tbe nana of slavery, ie at
onte a ejiigraoe and a misfortune to maukiud? Or
is it slavery in a modified form, a transient state
between absolute property in man, and. that kind
( property which, though not tbe less valuable to
the master, js jet subject to certain legal obliga
tions and to a moral responsibility, preventing it
from being as repulsive and odious as tbe oiberl
The serf is not a slave in the sense vwe give to
this word, he U owqed by another,- the right
of pronerty limited by Jaw,, and etill more by
tbe influence of, European morals aod by eertain
Istiuate ideas wJiWU prefjl among ,jlt, n,UMjan
peasantry, ,I0 honor lo the ltufc,iaB nobility b jt
j men, and not to nny set of inea or to any indlvid
tbemjolves i ual possessor. 1'hue. whilbt in the United States.
taiJ, that llicy are generally more humane tban
the law, and that their liberality towards the serf
is far in advance of the oade. In u certain tenee,
;hn serf cannot le sold; be belongs to the estate,
Dot to bia master; to the toil, not to the man; he
goes where the estate gooe, not where his master
wishes bim to go; he cannot be se-arateJ from bie
viife end children, and vrh:n hired out, bis family
goc with bim,. Though forbidden to own real
cstnto, bo looks upon the foil on which be Iirca as
.his immediate property, and he feels himself deep-
' i..iji ,.j . ., .
. lanaiord or the oouiuiune. another man cola mora
tana nun & dues. ,
Thii feuling springe from (be Idea which the
Russian peasant baa formed of the right ul prop-
..ucb.hu vuu.t.uu. IUIUIVU Ul HID Tlll. VI PrWr.
erty in land. In bie view, the suil belongs to all
for inetacoe, the land ie the exclusive property of
individuals, io Russia it ia looked upon by tbe
; pec plo as their collective property, represented by
'territorial districts or communee. u other words,
00ituGre one claBf tf serfs in Kuasin, the peas-
la fice countries individual txertion has
1 divided men iuto classes, distinguished one from
tua ot"er by the titles of merchants, mechanics
and farmers. Such a division docs tot exist in
Toe peasant fills nil these offices himself;
he is at once merchant, mechanic and farmer. lie
transacts nearly the whole commercial, industrial
and agricultural business of tho country, pays
two-thirda of the government expen-es, and con
tributes an annual income to bis owner.
POLITICAL ECONOMY OF RUSSIA.
There never was a country claiming to possess
great prosperity end oijijing a superior state of
emulation wnion has not. pointc'J with pride to
tha site of its cities and its population as an evi
dence of tbe iussioe of its claim. Hussin lnn
forms nn exception to tbis rule. The nix hundred
sixty cities she holds are small and very thin-t
populated.--. Of a population of Eftv-aigbt mil-
nuus uniy en minions 01 inntiiiKan'n iivo in cit
ioe; whilst in Groat Britain, for instauce, eleven
millions, more than half cf tbo population, inhabit
towns. jCeeidev, tbe Russian citits bate no reve-
nuo, ana tbe oity of 1 nns aiono pnye- four times
the tat of tho eix hundred and sixty cities of Rus
ma. - In reality Russia is but an-immense village
of 8,, 000 square miles, with very little trade and
very; .'little ' industry, and consequently without
great, ooinmeroial centres. Nearly all ber resour
ces lie in tbe produce of the soil, and tbe agricul
tural .-rterest occupies ten elevenths of ail ber la
; lii? clear tbatif her cities are empty, the olass
cbjob makee their greatness and their prosperity
"wt leryt limiloJ. . Kuaata po. isacaouly fifty
ibree thousand ii.eicliai.ts euljact to license, fifty
one thousand of which belong to the third guild
or class, and are mostly recruited among manu
mitted serfs.-. This number would be quite insuffi
cient to carry on the trudo of the country were
ojt one hundred thousand peasants filing up tbe
defioieooy and adding their activity aod industry
to tUbl of tbe merchants. . These peasants are reg
ular peddlers. They buy the goods at twelve
months', oredit, snd scatter the produces of indus
try all over the surface of their immense country,
taking sometimes a year lo perform a single jour
ney., . , ! ,J ,.
Need we soy that tho absence of Iare cities and
of merchants to fill thom up, precludes there thoea
large manufacturing establishments which are the
fortune and pride of certain other countries, and I
around and insido of which circulate and thrive
whole generations of men, women and children?
Owing to her fettered system of labor, Russia still
lingers io the first stage of civilization. She is
almost exclusively an agricultural country; and
ber factories, though numerous, are so deficient
and eo email, tuit they hardly deserve that name,
Tbe largest part of their p reduces is made by
hand, and the division of labor is scarcely known.
Sttam engines are scarce and manufactured goods
both coarse and high priced. Collectiva labor,
which has added so muoh to the cheapness and
quality of manufactures, has not yet been applied
with efficiency. Consequently there are no arti
sane, mechanics, or workingmen proper. Tbe
peasantry or serfs do all tbe labor themselves, oo
cupy all tbe trade, and attend to all the manual
employment tf tbe country.
TAXES UPON THE SERF.
Saint Simon; tbe French reformer, sajsi "Man
is a capita), the interest of which ought to b
proportional to bis oapaoity and wants. If he is
worth ao much be most receive so muoh." Tbe
Russian proprietor observes but the tirst part of
this axiom. - He ssyB to his sorf t "lou are young,
healthy, laborious; you have intelligence, honesty,
and skill ; these qualities, summod up, represent
a capital worth lo muob." But instead of leav
ing bim tbe enjoyment of bis value he hires bim
out ana keeps tbe proceeds of bis labor to him
self. . This is, in general, the method adopted by
the Russian serf-owner towards his human prop
erty, which, in tnojtt of the eases, he usee with a
view to his own gain, protty uiuuh as the slave
owner uses bis '-nigger.". In faot, the condition
of the peasant belonging la tbe nobility depends
entirely on the proprietor's will. He can sell,
hire, exchange him for another provided be does
oot separate him from tbe laud to which be be
longs. When the eerf wishes lo work outside of
uia cBimo ur vumxu uo is uungeu to pay a very
high price for this ' privilege to tbe crown, if be
belongs to it, or to his master, if be it owned by
'Tbe condition of tbe peasantry dependent on
the nobility is In the maiu worse than those de
pending on tbe crown. Tbe tool of tbe caprice of
ignorant ana exaoting overseers,, ho is crushed
under the weight of foiced labor, submitted to ex
tr duties, interfered with lo bia family affairs,
tormonlod by local officers, sevoroly punished for
the least infraction," and "sometimes flogged to
death, Tbe serf cannot m'ako a complaint or
serve a a witness against bis owner, ' lie is pom-
pulled to keep silent bo his sufferings ; when
they become insufferable, be either foments a
rebellion,' set the village on fire .aod kills" his
reenter,' or cle a lie emigrates with his companions
l .i:- -t i . . , I f I . I
to some other pirt of the empire, where be is
overtaken, sent to Siberia or put to death.
As a general rule the seri pays his owner an an
nual tax called obruk ; those who do not pay it are
liable to throe days' work per week, Tbis rent or
this service makes him free in his person and bis
labor. He is besiies obliged to perform oertain
unpaid or statute labors, termed corvee, such ae
koepitig of road, the lodging, feeding and carry
ing of the army, and do all eoit of publio work
gratuitously. A large number of serfs pay a per
sonal tax, called capitatiun, which varies from
one dollar and a half to one dollar ond eighty
cents a head. According lo the last statistie.it
has been calculated that the serf or peasant pays
annually to the treasury one million one hundred
and thirty thousand dollars for dutios and taxes ;
sixty-two milliors of . dollars to bis owner (tbe
crown excepted), and eighty millions for the ex
penses of local aduiioietration. Theee figures
show that the poasant pays annually, out of hi
five months' work, Dearly two hundred millions
of dollars, or two-thirds of all the taxes of the
The ecrf is cither located in villages or in cit
ies, in w bich case be pays tbe obrok or rent ; or
he remains on the estate to which be belongs and
works threo days io the week fur his master. In
both cases ho enjoys tbe privilege of a small
house and of a piece of ground sufficient, for his
want?, and surrounded by an tucluaure. As to
tho serfs owned by landless proprietors they are
hired and pai celled out among tbe mining works
and tho manufacturing districts of the country.
They support their masters with tbe labor of their
hands. - .
INTERFERENCE OF THE GOVERNMENT AND OF THE
NOBILITY IN FAVOR OF THE PEASANTRY.
! nations, whioh Muscovite pride ooold not well en
and dure. Ivan Gulovin, tbe historian, says:"Kus
ly sian nobles wish for emancipation for three roas-
The facts we have just revealed have placed
Russia in a condition of inferiority towards other
ons. First, because they are apprehensive for
their own safety ; second, becauso the country
grows poorer and poorer ; tbird, because they
aro ashamed to pass for slave-traders ia tbe eyes
of civilized Europe. The government wishes
for it, too, iu order to whitewash itself before for
eign nations". He might have added that the lack
of industry and commerce, resulting from tbe so
cial state of tho people, tbe profound demoralisa
tion of some of tho governor and of tbe majority
of the subordinate officers of the empire ; absen
teeism, bribery and oorru?tion in high places, tbe
ignoraneo of tha . clergy, the superstitions of tbe
masses, and many otbor causes too long to enu
merate, have placed tho empire in each a oondV
tion that reforms and emancipation have beoome a
question of life and death, Tbe date Emperor
Nicholas I. was aware of it, and attempted at dif
ferent times to enfranchise tbe isrfs, but failed on
account of the ill will of the aobility on one eide,
end of his too radical notions on tbe other. How
ever, the memory of bis efforts was not lost, .and
bis plans are now. token up by tbe people as the
greatest aboliiionist of the empire.. - .
Alexander II., bis son, a statesman and a phi
losop'.ior, has followed in tbe wake of bis father,
and, aware as be is that the safety of Ruseia is in.
timatuly connected with tbe freedom of tbe people,
has worked in one direction ever sinoe his advent
to the throne. As soon os tho Crimean war was
over, in 18j7, he boan his measures of reform, and,
fortunately for tha cause of human freedom, was
assisted iu bis task by the cc-operation of half of
his nobility, whoso patriotism, justly alarmed a(
the precarious condition of the finances of. the
country, at the revolutionary . tendeneies of the
Poles and Hungarians, and at tbe discontent of
several of the provinces sought for tbe safety of
Russia in thVir natural defenders, tbe people.
Preparatory dispositions were made to that effect.
The census of the serfs living on the estates, the
number of families in each village, tbe amount of
land allotted to each of them, tbeir professions
and induktry, the mortgage held by banks upon
property, the amount of taxes . paid or to be paid,
the condition of the serf-owners, wore the subjects
of a long investigation. ; To-day this work is over,
and It has resulted in one of tbe greatest events
of our age : tho passage of fifty millions of souls
from bondage to freedom.
MEASURES ADOPTED FOR THE ENFRANCHISEMENT OF
Tbe first measure decreed by the Emperor is the
removal of several officers of the crown," Of forty
or fifty governors, or provincial chiefs, now in
power, ten at least will be turned out on tbe
ground of dishonesty and incapacity. With them
a host of corrupt officials will be driven from of
fice. Tbis tribute paid to honesty will have an
excellent effect upon publio opinion; "For," saye
a Russian historian, "you cannot emancipate the
serfs without emancipating tbe nobles, nor moral
ize the .subjects without moralizing the govern
ment." At the same time the administrative and
judicial officers will be invested with greater pow
er ; business will be settled on a just basis ; tbe
powers of tbe city and county attorneys increased,
and justices of peace will be created to pronounce
upon tbe differences between tbe noble and tbe
The first offioers seleote l by tho nobility will
have to be confirmed by tbe governor. Tbe local
laws ond the police of the district will be admin
istered, for the time boing, by tbe land-owners.
All these measurestre only trantient, and will
have to be modified as tha people grow more en
lightened and more apt to exeroise the rights of
The serfs will be divided into four groups, each
uf which will be the object of eeparate and dis
.... i .
Tbe first group includes tbe serfs of small pro
prietors, possesaingless tban twenty males apices.
Half of them will be organized in oolonies and
sent upon tbe lands of tbe orown and of the im
perial family, . Tbe other half will be distributed
into small . territorial districts, . formed, . upon iht
system adopted by tbe French communes, eaob
men receiving a sartaia portion of the , laud, suf
ficient to bis euppor. o4 thai of his family. .To
compensate the owner, (be government will i.tus
bonds to the amount of five millions of dollars, to
be applied to this use. At the same time tbe serf
already eolonlted and ecfranchixed will pay to
the treasury an interest of six Or seven and-a half
per cent., till the complete extinction of the debt,
Tbe second group comprises all the eerfs paying
the obrok or annual tax, five hundred thousand of
whom will be bought, annually, by the govern
mens. A yearly issue of thirty-five millions of
dollars in government torlp will be devoted to
that purpose. Ao annual interest of 7 per cent.
upon each serf valued from eighty to one hundred
dollars apiece, will be paid by the peasant bim
self for the reimbursement of tbie amount.
"Every serf established upon private property
or settled in villages will have tbe right lo pur
chase his cottage and eootosure by means of grad
uated manual labor, or of a payment la produce,
or money, '
Tbe third group containe tbe serfs liable totthree
days' labor psr week. Acooriingte tbe Imperial
decree this kind of labor will be reduced to two
days, with privilege for the peasant to purchase
bis freedom, at a stated price, till be be included
in the annual purchase made by tbe government,
in which oue he will be taxed for tha peyment of
the interest of the money employed in hie pur
chase." The fourth gronp comprises the domestic serv
ants, to which the government has made tbe same
proposition as that made to the peasantry, and
will be enfranchised within two yean from the
time tbe decree will be promulgated'.
Treason is New York Mato Wood's Se
cession Project Revived-A Circular Letter.
Certain prominent representatives of tb eottonoe
racy in tbis city htve eonaooted a treasonable cir
cular urging the people to -accept the infamous
proposition of Mayor Wood, and to declare the
oity part aod parcel of the Confederacy of Jeffer
son Davie. , . , .
As yq tbe precious document ie carefully con.
uealed, Lot we hope to present it to our readers io
a day or two, aod they will doubtless be surprised
at its audacity, even in these traitorous days. Its
originators possess credulity and assurance to a
remarkable degree if they fancy tbeir proceedings
likely to prove other than disastrous to themselves
and their dupes. , The metropolis is true to the
Uoion.d will remain so deepite Wood and tbe
cotton 'ders. Keif York iit, , , . , , ,
WORK OF THE PAST AND IN THE
WORK OF THE PAST AND IN THE FUTURE.
' From tbe 27 th Annual B,rtt C aba VUiUdal
phia Female A. S. Society. - ; - r
' Tbe revolution throogh which this nation has
been passing during the last twenty-five years ba
culminated in the dissolution of the American
Union. Six of our thirty-three 8tatee bare repu
diated their allegiance to the Federal government,
aod asserted their independent sovereignly, naif
the nation stands appalled at the sodden catastro
phe, and statesmen and politicians anxiously io
quire into its causes, and seek for a new bond to
reunite the parted members of our confederaey.
To tbe Abolitionists, who have been watching the
steady progress of tbis revolution, this catastrophe
does not seem so sudden. During the last thirty
yearsrthey have been elriving to awaken an anti
slavery sentiment and principle in the heart of tbe
North. They have endeavored to do this by those
means by which moral reforms are always accom
plished ; by arguments addressed to tbe reason,
the oonsoience and the heart. And ae tbey have
pursued tbeir work, tbey have, from time to time,
confidently predicted that nothing but tbe aboli
tion of American elavery would be able to avert
the dissolution of tbis Uoion. They clearly fore
saw that the growing anti-slavery eentiment of the
North would attain eoch strength that it would re
aist the aggressions of the Slave Power, and that
a oollisioa between tbe free States and the slave
holding States would be inevitable.
Tbe history of the anti-slavery enterprise has
given to tbe world another demonstration of the
power of truth. When thie enterprise was com
menced, tbia nation turned, in contemptuous si
lenoe, from tbe propbet-oall wbicb enmmoned it to
repentance, or answered that snmmons with deri
sive laughter. Proud in its oonsoious strength
strength of wealth, of broad territory strength of
intellect, of onlture strength of social tiee aod
eooiesiastioal interests, ramifying the whole struc
ture of its society-strength of it two great polit
ies! parti it smiled at the impotence whioh as
sailed a mighty institution, secure in its great pro
tection. Only on of it eovereign Statea dssoried
in thie bumble movement the germ of a national
revolution and, with tbe instinctive sagaoity
Lion oenee of danger awakens, attempted to
stretch tbe right arm of her power from the Gulf
of Mexioo to Massachusetts Bay, and qoenoh tbe
Dew altar-fire of liberty in tbe blood ol tbe man
who bad kindled is. Nor did the almost univsr
sal eontempt with which the nation regarded this
new enterprise seem unreasonable to those who
measure aod compare force by tbe ordinary
standards of the world. Only tbey wbo. seeioe;
the invisible, know the omnipotence of truth, can
understand tbe warfare in which one chases a
thousand, and two put tec thousand to flight.
Sustained bj faith in the immortal power of truth,
the Abolitiouists pursued their labor, unapplied
by the greatness of tbe task before them, and lit
tle heeding tbe soorn or tbe violence wbicb assail
ed them. Tbey knew that tbe success of tbeir
enterprise was a question only of time. The na
tion that slumbered, awoke ; the nation that, at
first, derided, and soon marshalled In hot baste all
its forces, political, eoelesiastical and social,
against tbe few "fanatics" who disturbed its
peaoe, now etands trembling before that mighty
power, whole presenoe it acknowledgee but cannot
comprehend, . Tbe prediction which it aooounted
the raving of insanity Is to day fulfilled. The
proud nation who glorified herself, and said in ber
heart, "I eit queen, aod shall eee tso sorrow";
wbo said in ber strength, "Who ie the Lord, tbat I
ehould obey tie voioe t" I dismembered. Another
lesson ha bn given to teach the world that Ideas
cannot be conquered by pbysieal farce, end tbe
power of truth over the human eoul Is invincible
A review of tbe events of tbe past yoar shows
a steady growth of consciousness of strength in
tbe North, and a determination not to eurrender
all iu rlghte to the Slave Power.
From a retrospect of the long struggle between
the contending force of liberty and elavery in
tbis nation, and from the developments of the
present hour, tbe question arises in every thought
ful mind, What is. to be predicted of oor country's
future f Amid the strife of hostile political par
lie ; the rending asunder of ecclesiastical bodies
toe contest or various laotioos vising with one
another to suppress the rising rebellion of ami
slavsry thought and speech t and the upheaving of
tbe foundations of institution which seemed a
immutable ae tbe everlasting bills t the Abolition
isls have kept their eyes constantly fixed upon one
result which tbey knew must come, at last, through
the whirlwind and storm of the conflict, namely,
tne abolition of American slavery. : For this re
suit they have tteadily labored, refusing to be
turned from their purpose - by eny side issues,
or to compromise their demand for any lower aim.
We now see that thie end drawetb nigh. ' It S
not to the new administration of our Federal gov
ernment that we look for tbe Inauguration of the
reign of liberty. Very efficient service In the
anti-slavery caaae cannot be reasonably expected
ot a I'residobt who avows hi intention of restor
ing tbe fugitivs slave to bis master ; who tells tbe
nation that though be believes that Congress pos
sesses constitutional power to abolish slavery in
tbe lUstnct of Columbia, be should not favor tbeir
abolition of it, except with the consent of a large
number of tho slaveholders of the District ; and
wbo say that it he ehtul i bs of the opinion that
Congress possesses tbe constitutional . power to
abolish tbe slave trade betwt n tbe States.be
should still not be in favor of tho exercise of that
power, unless upon some conservative principle akin
to tbe condition which be suggest relative to tbe
abolition of slavery in tbe District of Columbia.
Nor oan much more be expected from a party In
power, which, when oot of power, pledged itself,
through ita aceredited organs, to en'orce tbe com
promises of our Federal Constitution. But tbe
hearl of the Northern. people is slowly and irre.
vocably decreeing tbe doom of slavery. Their po
litical loader, may refute to see tbis fact, tbe rep
resentative of their commerce may loudly deny it,
but the South instinctively knows it, and,, thtrt-
tfore, refuses to aeespt tbe peaoe-offeringe present
ed to ber by Northern pohtieiane. Herein is bope
for the slavs..,, JFor the mortification of seeing pu
silanimous party leaders offering to sell tbe peo-
rpls's Virtht'iftht for a mesa of pottage, there is the
consolation oi ooiieving tnat tne oner wilt be re
jected, end, ultimately, tbe treacherous trafficker
only be sacrificed thereby,
Whatever course the maddened South or '.he
affiigbted North may now take, one Ibiog i cer
tain tbe abolition of elavery has been greatly
hastened by the events of the last three months.
If the South maintains its defiant position, and e
tabliabes ao independent Confederacy, tbe elaves
will soon settle for themselves tbe question of
tbeir freedom ; if, fearful of this result, the revolt
ing Statea return to the protection of the Federal
government, they will reunite themselvee to a peo
ple wbo have ocoupied tbe period of their absence
in laaruing new and thorough lessons in tbo com
parative strength of the North and the South, and
in unconsciously acquiring a deeper hatred of
slave'ry, from tbe illustrations of its character re
cently exhibited in tbe arrogaut and despotic bear
ing of slaveholders.
While we bail with joy and thanksgiving tbe
approaob of tbe final triumph of our eause, we
are aware that tbe work of the Abolitionists is not
yet done. The earnest reiteration of the price!
pie which has guided our enterprise from the be
ginning, ana sustained us through all its vicissi
tudes, viz., that tbe absolute right is always to be
obeyed, and is always the highest expediency, is
especially needed in this momentous national cri
sis. Professing to believe in natural justice and
Christian morality, tha representatives of tbe na
tion, assembled in Legislatures and Conventions
are seriously deliberating io order to ascertain bow
much of essential right it is now expedient lo sac
rifice for tbe eake of peace, and what degree of
wrong may be wisely perpetrated upon the weak
and defenceless, for tbe advantage nf tbe etronger
party. All appliances wbioh can be eised lo
strengthen tbeir confidence in tbe right, to deepen
their hatred of injustice, to inspire them with true
manly courage, are needed now. If they, who,
in these conclaves, represent tbe North, can be
convinced tbat tha Northern heart and consoienee
will sustain them only lo a course of honor and
rectitude, the nation may yet be eavsd, io tbe tree
sense of that often perverted word. Otbeiwise,
tbey may re-enact tbe folly of their fathers, and
strive to reconstruct a Union between the border
slave States and tbe free States, cementing it with
the same compromise of principle tbat the found
ers of our government made for tbe sake of Uoion,
and trusting, with tbe same mistaken faith, that
the slavery within their borders will soon die
from inherent weakness. Tbe voice wbioh first
awakened this nation from its profound slumber,
and eummoned it to repentanoe for the sin of en
slaving men, should, surely, ring in its ears, to
day, all propbet warnings, all brotherly entreaties,
all faithful exhortations to beed well the golden
opportunities of this boor when the angel of God's
proviaenoe is onering io n a momentous alterna
tive of good or evil, and awaiting tbe eboioe
whioh shall exalt it in glory before heaven and
earth, or sink it In deeper infamy. ''
The yet unbroken chains of the slave, oor coon-
try imminent peril, the aobievemenie of tbe
past, and eur faith in the invincible power of
truth, are oor incentives to continue , our labor
with undiminiahed seal and industry. And the
admonition, "Work while the day , lasts," sounds
in our ears, to-day, from lips which, though dead,
yet speak to o in tbe memoriae of tbeir fidelity
during all the year through whioh, baud in kaad
and heart to bear! with a, they, (bared , this toil
and oonfliot. A vacant eeat, .ber, to-day, rev
minds u tbat (be (tiling year bu bereaved Ibis
Soelsty of one of its msmbets wbove loyalty and'
diligent eervlce in our eaaee were highly ipptvci-11
atel, and will be long remaabrd. Aod of eat 5
fellow-laborer In Penaylvaata, two ether, wnV
from the commencement or eof enterprise, lav'
been iu faithful adherents, have Kulshed the'if
earthly wot k and passed to bighlf labor. And
from far-off grave, in ft land etragglifff t
achieve ite liberty, there ocmse M m vole)'
whose lonee are as a tram pel eoawdfog f vletoff '
for be who eleeps in tbal Italian grave Ifvd neT
died in the full and glorious faith tbat hi eoem
try's redemtioo was drawing nigh.' JJi mighty'''
labor and burning seal and tsndsr tympathy for
oppressed humanity found ample recompense le)
thie faith, when, dying, a stranger la ' strange
land, be relinquished bi fondly sjbefisbed bopr
that bie eyes might see tbit salvation, atrd hit'
vole joia in lb jobilt eon of tbe AaterieaBr
' Very hopefully w eouoitroe tbe labor of an
other year. Faith Is turning to eight. The Splrir
of Liberty ba breathed oo tb nation Of the Old
World, and they are wakening into e JifeY
Autoeralij Russia, pointing to ber twenty Milk
ion lerfs made freemen, calls to democratic Amer
ioa to break tbe fettere of ber elave. Surely
the boar is at hand when that resistleee angel, e
whose touch the chain of lvey fall, anil b
fore whose coming despotism ' fie away, eball
have accomplished bis mission, ' 4 1!-f.
"And over earlh'e full jobilee, 1 ' ' '''
Shall deeper joy be felt in heaven.". .
. - -
From the Northern Independent.
The editor of the Kashvittt Christian AdvocaUt
having lost a eubsoriber who thought the' paper'
contained too much "dieunion," gives bie retiring
friend seme friendly advice i
"But we hate to leave oar friend at Eaglavillei
without a religious family paper, and on to hi
mind. We take the liberty, therefore, on par
ting with bim, to recommend Zion's Herald, pub
liahed in Boston, or Mr. Hoamer's paper, Aa'
barn, N, Y., or tbe Western Christian Advooal,'
of Cincinnati.' Tbeie go in for Uaion at any price
of blood or treasure eoy price except "reasonable
oouoesaioa le the aoutn. Joey wouiacioa
slave-holder from Church fellowship,bol ' whip"
them into Stat fellowship." They "can "abac
slavery, slave-bolder, and; the ' Bouth, ' erltk 'ft
forty-parson power." . ,
The writer ef the above u oid of ibl moll tfab
did men in all tbe South, bat be bac quite misap
prehended os. "We not only have pot "goae' fot
Union at any price," bat have eteadily declared
tbat the Union wae a very great burden npoa
tbo North, and that dissolution would be , eav
incalculable blessing.' W hav eaid ' that w
could and would endure the eurse ef Union, it
neeeesary, because It might be of soms' benefit lo
th South, though none to us. " It is indeed true
tbat we "would exclude elave-bolders from Church'
fellowship," but not true tbat we would "whip
them into State fellowship." Tbe Sooth baa Vent
the government and stolen the public property,
and far these things ought to be eeverelj eaeti'
gated. It ie no want of cloeer relations to slave
holdere, but a dellVt for tbe just reprehension of
crime, tbat makes n wish for scourging off ueb
oppressors. Their sxclusioa from ih ' Church ie
necessary, in order that the Cburob itself may
not perieb under tb load of tbeir guilt.' Besiies
what we bave to fear from the retribution of
righteous Providence, tber ie tb more terrible
evil of general confusion, and the loss of all moral
distinction from loeiety. If elavery compre
hensive of all crime ie not to be regarded ae ft
crime, then there ie do crime, and ' whatever de
pends upon the distinction between right Of
wrong, ceases forever. Ae for "abusing elavery.
slave-holders and the South," we are not aware oC
having eommited such a lin. W hav brought
no "railing acousatiooe" there, nor bsve we don
more tban barely lo demonstrate tbeir wicked
ness. Tbe case am not can lor extra xaggera
lion tb simple faets, without tb least embel
lishment, ar sufficiently horrible. It would b
altogether a work of supererogation to besplattef
those wbo bave erawled, for ages, io tbe mud. i
tgrX eaoal-loat from Pittsburg wa some yearl
sines, floating down tbe Mississippi toward New
Orleana. Ae the erew lolled aroood in tb softy
two of them drifted into verbal passage at armt
on tb elavery question. Tbe contest waged hotly
and with more fervor ef feeling than strength ef
argument. Finally to clench hie position lb pro
elavery champion Sam Stoker took emphatiet
groande: "I tell you," eaid be, "a nigger'
beast ; be hasn't got no sool 1 Now I tell yo
what it ie, I kin prove from tb Bible thai
whit man's got eoul ; but who ean ahow '
any place where It eaye a nigger's got one t" Like
ueny others, Peter VoasSam s opponent kn.ow
ing tbe eontente of lb good book only front bere-i
say, naturally credited bia neighbor with all tb
Viblioal knowledge be claimed, and wa oni
quenlly, steggered by tbi bold challenge. . Bat
Pal, Munderiog Erinite tbe butt ef tbe crew ,
who while tunning himself, at length, on board, ,
bad listened lo Ibe dieeoseion, now sleepily cam,
to Pelsr's reecue, by asking : "And, Misthctj
Stoaer, if ft nagur hasn't ft eoul, bow . is it wtd.
tb half-atsd-balfal have tbsy half eowlst" "Well,;
by tbuodtr," eaid Sam, eft r pausing for ft o-,
ment to recover from tbe blow, "I never thoogbt,
ef that before I" ' .. ;, ..',;,. , , i
i J '. ' 1 ' , ' ;'
WftY FRAHCR W1U. ITOT ATTACK UatW. Sfft,
Red path eays, tber ar various reason mbj (
Franc will never threaten HayU-amng Jau4
thftes- r , .....,?
She bai roognlxd lb independence r Uaytt, ,
She draw large reveaaa from Hayti., ft her S
Ley-eot for reeogaiaing Ibat Independence , - r
Sb 1 bound by feaiy t aeiena xtayu. ngeinei ,
aU foreign atlaoksj nd. Vastly, .., . ,- i,;. ,
eh eowid not attaeh uaju wunost Bret aeoitg. .
ing warafaicetEuglftftd,,;,. t ' Jr 0