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1 Mifr i RICHMOND, VIRGINIA, TUESDAY, JANUARY 27. 1824.
i ■■ 11 'iLiu Vol. I. No. i. twmft v/Ongresa. ’twwiA^l Jaw. 15,1824. SREKK tiyCSTJUN. went iota Varttmiltee of the iur in tlie chair.oh the resolution offered by Mr. lobster, which following: , ■' provision ouj&t -to be made the orCpcus^ j^cidont to tbe an. Agent) or C is donor, to lever the President klecmit ex ko such uppoiutnu SSbrua rose, and said a_ *• for 03 his part Vas icnied, the feppyctuti-jos of the puli mid, on the sion, would be cUsa| ted. It was i any occasion that cali >y attentiim on the globe connected with associa ipooDectioiib os Gre^ce, ,to ( void some vfcmnth and enthusiasm. Yet, he was BOlfcibfr: that, in gravely legislating on Subject, those h:clifi*s must be chas HeShould endeavour, in.what be was a #f to the House, to sipsh feol fcr as it was practicable; yot, if we wholly escape from them, w.i must fly be the limits of the civilized world; we must the limits of social order, the bounds *ra and knowledge are found; nay, we ire this Hull, before we can turn away memorials of ancient Greece. What, »this popular Lasornbly? ivbat this free pf public measures? what*this open, action of mind upon mind? what that ce n’hich, if it were now present, soeh a theme, shake this llall to its what are these but such memorials? magnificent edifice, these columns, with Stately proportions this fine architecture by we arc surrounded, what are these but so es':er of v l.at Greece once was, and ha* tv ughP-iw to be ? Yet, sir, said Mr. , I hrvc not introduced the resolution, your t?ble, with any view towards re Uight ofthe debt, which we, in commou civilize 1 worM, owe to that land of sci o;n, arts, ( anns. It is a debt that bp naid.— \ lialcvcrtnay beourthol gratitudefor Uicsegifts, «j'c are constrain t With a vie1*: . >ue to the present state of , anl iSAii i- -elation to it. What 1 and w!ir I iII say, lies reference to 1 ®'*tto arte ie i Greece,—-to the living, not L ■ _.7T ~T-> "'I •- Cdsy umig to Qo.nmon pi ,cec or. the subject of this , to call it a vuf >n iry mid Quixotic sihl to urge the jo»orl old maxim of its the tioundest policy for e;toh one to take 1 concerns. —That maxim, sir, is veiy inapp/hcnble to the present questioyi which is now to be Jmeriaj&s question in relation to «.t, is it h'estjbr n» to do in the pre lungs, i especting Greece ? And , a questi-'i that comprehends e than a mere pecuniary calcula te1* my mind turns to that ques for^et the age t li c in, as well as position of my owa couriVryr • un#nocment of nr present sei^'on Mr. vV. tho President of me harge of Ute high du )n, deemed it incumbent upon the subject to the oonsidera ational Legislature; and in his 6n, he bad expressed an opinion as reason to hope that the Greeks ccessful in the present struggle with ors, and that the power that has so l thorn had lost its dominion over r. The same communication con r matters of great importance, in re rumored combination of foreign sov interfere in the concerns of South A Under these circumstances, (said Mr. bought it was proper and becoming that tioo should receive a response ouse., I arn aware that the practice answer from the Legislature to the ^ e or Speech of the President, e than twenty years past, been dis do I compTainof such disuse ; but f opinion, that the practice was not oitivc advantages. It is my con > in any government, which oon iar branch, it is the duty of that m of the government as much to 'union, as to pass the necessary luce tho present resolution, un tion, as**rcll as that I might have * 1° Ziv;‘- niy vote, directly on one adverted to, by the Executive ; t dial if it was proper in the Prc rt to these subjects, it is equally fo tajre notice of what he has ad 1 te ipectmg them. no should cnoearo*; nowever, isil)iljf y of effort to change >uvc iiinetit towards foreign r, )7cd of the policy at present was ‘ itisfiod in this respect, with ijcmuii.au. The policy of this gor fJlE.sc k, for peace is to us the great f : of national increase and aggrandize Thc most sanguine projector cannot - mord brilliant or exalted prosjiects than Which must be realized by these states if j'etrn preserve their pacific relations towards i r®*t of 'file world. Time, peace, industry, 4 tbo art^ tre raising this government by a rtaifi and irresistible progress. It is onr true licy, Mr.'W. said. groxo not to naptire ; : are to fetfain to greatness by internal deve not by external accretion—and he **ki *jjf 40 tarn aside the wise policy the ccnriw-y from its wonted and proper chan I* But, said he, thai colicy, while it is paci b riwohlk at the san.e time be liberal ; he ok® now, in relation to those great questions, lich are at this hour gitating Europe and the trio—-qtestions ?V ,u are concerned where nr a nation attety’jMto ohlain its freedom—the a worrT dween regulated and uti gnlatcrf povver. Wherever it is disputed, better a nation shall not possess a constitu rn-, our ride of that question ought, to be known id declared ; we are bound to bring, in aid of decision, thplt moral force which must ever ide m the opinion of a free, and an intelligent tion. He had said that the policy of thi>Tgo mmCnt was a pacific but a liberal policy : he ould endeavor to shew that in both of these aracterf it sanctioned the adoption of the re hition now on the table. I The age, said he, is a peculiar one—it ha* a parked and striking character, and the position fend circumstances of our country are no leas PD. Had we enjoyed the option, in which peri fed of tfefe world’s history, a* thus far disclosed, our per; kil lot should be cast, none, of us, d wish to have been bom in any o . r any other Country. There ha* oc kigc that may be compared with the ?it« r in the interest excited by what ie prospect* it boids out a* to what sniul be. The attitude of the United States, meanwhile, is solemn and impressive. Ours is now the great Republic of the earth: its free in stitutions are matured by the experiment of half a century: nay, as a free government, it goes lartuer back—the benefits of a free constitution have virtually been enjoyed here for two centu ries. As a free government, as the freest go vernment, its growth and strength compel it, wdhng or unwilling, to stand forth to theCon templation of the world. We cannot obscure ourselves, if we would; a part we must take, honorable or dishonorable, in all that is doue in the civilized world. Now, it will not be denied, that, within the last ten years, there has been agitated in that world, a question of vast mo inent—a question pregnant with consequences lavorable or untavorable to the prevalence, nay to the very existence, of civil liberty. It is* a question which comes homo to us. It calls on us for the expression of our opinion on the great question now before us. Assuredly, if there is Wy general tendency in the minds and affairs of men, which may be said to characterise the pre sent age, it is the tendency to limited govern ments. The enlightened part of mankind have very distinctly evinced a desire to take a share, at least, in the government of themselves. The men of this age will not be satisfied even with kind masterx. They have shewn, (except where force has been interposed to crush them ) that they will not be contented without a parti cipation in the government. This is so strongly marked a feature in the social condition of this 3£®» lhat it cau have escaped the observation of none to whom 1 address myself. It cannot be denied that, while this is the prevailing spirit, j there is au aulagonise principle also at work — This, sir, said Mr. VV. is a state of things in J Wiiich we, as a nation, have, we must have, an interest. The doctriuos advanced (and which are promptly supported by a great force) go to prostrate the liberties of the entire civilized work!, whether existing under an absolute, a monarchical, or republican form of government. They aro doctrines which have been conceived ***** great sagicity, they are pursued with uu broken persoverincq| and they bring to their support, a million and a half of bayonets. hero, s&rl Mr. 'V lot roc not be misun derate ud, i am not about to declaim agritist crowued heads, nor enter on a tinule against o ther forms of government, but I ask tliat tlie de clarations of the Congress of European Sove reigns, which is promulgated as that which is to form the part of the public law of civilized Eu vope, may be subjected to a close examination. The entire overthrow of the late French Em peror, left the European world in a state of ve ry strong excitement. In September, 1015, the sovereigns, who had, by their united cxer! tions, succeeded in putting down the French power, entere 1 into, and published to (he world, an instrument of agreement, which has since been familiarly known by the title of the “ Ho ly Alliance.” This paper, which appeared im mediately on the restoration of tho Bourbons had its origin with the cabinet of Russia. Its appearance excited at ilret, but little compara tive interest. It was regarded as little more than a devout expression of gratitude for the success which had attended their united exer tions in bringing the long war of Europe to a conclusion. It professed to be nothing more Ulan a declaration, that the,,jpjvereigns, who joined in it, would, im,' future, conduct their res pective governments oa principles of the public good, and with a sacred regard to the Christian religion. Such a combination was certainly novel. Nothing like it had ever before been published by Kings. Yet, under the view of it which he had just expressed, it attracted no ve ry great share of attention. On the face of it, there seemed nothing to object to. All that was strange about the transaction was, that monarchs, who professed Christianity and civili zation, should stipulate to do what, without any such stipulation, it was their acknowledged du ty to do; the contract bom*d them to nothin" to which they were not morally bound already! What was the amount of tW'contract ? That they would not violate Christianity, nor disturb the peace of Eurojie. At best, such a contract | was supererogatory. It was remarkable, that a 1 celebrated writer on treaties, wheu defining what a treaty is, supposed, as possible, such a case as has occurred, and certainly spoke very disrespectfully of such a treaty as the holy alii ance actually was. His words Mr. W. quoted as follows . “ R seem* useless to frame any parts or leagues, barely for the defence and support of universal peace, for, by Such a league, nothing i» auperadded to the obligation of natural law, and no agree ment is made for performance of any thing which the parties were not previously bound to perform, nor is the original obligation rendered fi. rner or stronger by such an addition. Men of any tolera ble culture and civilization, might well be ashamed of entering intb any sucb campact, the conditions of s hich imply only that the parties concerned shall not ofTend in any clear point of duty. Be sides, we should be guilty of great irreverunco to wards God, should we suppose that his injunctions had not already laid a sufficient obligation upon us to act justly, unless we ourselves voluntarily consented to the same engagement: as if o»sr obli- i gallon to obey his will, depended upon our own pleasure. w If one engage to serve another, he doth not set it down expressly among the terms and conditions of the bargain, that he will not betray nor murder him, nor pillage, nor burn his house. For the same reason, thnt would be a dishonorable engagement, in which men should bind themselves to net proper ly and decently, and not break the peace.”—Puf ferulorff. J : Such were the sentiments of this eminent writer. How nearly he had anticipated the caw; of the Holy Alliance, Mr. W. said would appear from comparing with what he then wrote, the preamble to that alliance, which Mr. ii. read, ill the following words : “ In the name of the most Holy and Indivisible Trinity, “ Their Majesties thy Emperor of Austria, the King of Prussia, and the Emperor of Russia.”_ 44 solemnly declare, that the present act has no o ther object than to publish, in the face of the whnlo world, their fixed resolution, both in thr adminis tration of their respective states, and in their politi cal relations with every other government, to take fer their sole guide the precepts of thtd holy reli gion, namely, the precepts of justice, Christian charity, and peace, which, far from being applica ble enly to private concerns, must hare an imme diate influence on the councils of pririces, and guide all their steps, as being the only means of consoli dating human institution*, and remedying their im perfections.” This measure, Mr. W. went on to say, was n# otherwise important than that it was the first of a series, and that it was followed up by mea Wes of the most important kind. In this point of view, it was worthy of the most mature con sideration. It contained two principles, which wtr« now declared to form a part of the law of tht *orld—the enforcement of whi« h was threat ened by a million and a half of bavonets. The firtt of these, is, that constiti tionJU rights j cahtt from the crown.—14 All osefill and neces I saty changes, (says the Laybach Circular* of j ) May, 1821,) ought only to emanate from the free will-and intelligent conviction of those whom God ha; rendered responsible for power.” This principle, Mr. W. said, carried Europe back at one remove, to tee middle of the dark stges. riiis v/af. t fo"jr; under which our stur dy ancestors obtained Magna Charta, which was given as a concession from the Sovereign. But, in a later ago, in ?hu revolution which in troduced tire family of (>rrng*, the British nati-m had grown wiser ;—*';o;v> things which at Bi>n nymead were given a, grants by the Aill of Bights, were afterwunis k>:w ally and explicitly demanded and insisted as rights of the na tion. They had been assentI to as such—. ud on tins basis the English Constitution rests at thi3 hour. 1 or this reason it was, that Britain, when she refused to unite in the principles of tlie Holy Alliance, declared those principles to be subversive of the piinciples of the Euglish Constitution. What, said Mr. W. is the nature of that Alli ance. Alliances between nations, for the pur pose of mutual ad vmtjjre or defence, had been often heard of—hut an alliance such as that at Laybach had never dared to he declared to the world. Was-this an alliance of nation with na tion ? No, Mr. \V. said, it was an alliance of crowns against the people ; of sovereigns a gainst their own subjects : it was, in a word, the union of the physical force of all govern ments against the rights of the people in all countries. What was the natural tendency of such an alliance ? It was to put an end to all nations, as such. Extend the principles of that alliance, and the nations arc no more—there are only Kings. It divided society horizontally, (if such a figure was allowed to him,) t.al left all the sovereigns above, and all the pei ple be , low—it set up the one above all rule or restraint, and put down the other to be trampled beneath their feet, ^ot satisheu with demandi tg from the subject allegiance to his own rnaste -, it ex acted a double, triple, a quadruple, anl he be lieved, indeed, a quintuple allegiance. Ac cording to its principle, all people ov> allegi ance to ali sovereigns. What must oe, what has been, the practical operation of such priuci P«» • 1 «»ey iea*.i, necessarily, to mutual dis trust, to general discontent, a:i-l to universal ^r.—This alliance, Mr. V/. «.H, had changed the leading policy of Europe. It had made it criminal for the people to combine, or to resist the will of either n! these Sovereigns.—If, for example, a Spaniard attempted to resi-t the In quisition, lie offended not only the King of Spain, but he sinned also against the Emperor of Rus sia. Or, if a Greek attempted to resist the Turkish cimetar, he, too, offended the Emperor of Russia. To use words of the Verona circu lar, such a man “ throws a firebrand into the midst of the Ottoman Empire.” At the Congress of Troppau, sai l Mr. W. we find the second of the doctrine, to which I before alluded, as now published to the world to be its law. The Declaration of Troppau says, “ The powers have an undoubted right to take a hostile attitude in regard to those states in which an overthrow of the government may operate as an example.” This right, be tween states whose juxtaposition ren Jers thcoi mutually exposed to the coaseqi.ences of what takes place in either, is a part of what is called the law of vicinage—and, when confined to ex-, treme cases, may, to a certain extent, be de-! fended upon principles of necessity, and nation al defence and preservation. On this principle, the war of England against France, when the latter was in a state of revolution, was underta ken, and this is the ground on which it was de fended on the floor of Parliament. But to main tain that every sovereign in Europe may go to war to repress an example, Mr. W. said, was monstrous indeed ! What was to be the limit to such a principle, or to the practice growing out of It? If this principle is allowed, what, said Mr. W. becomes of our example ? Why are we. not as legitimate objects for the opera tion of the principle as any who attempt to set a republican example on the other side of the At lantic ? Wc certainly did not subscribe to this principle in the days of tin; Rovolution. We did think, that, when oppressed, we might law fully resist oppression : and 1 tryst we are not so sick of our liberty and its effects as to be un willing, by our example, and by the most public expression of our opinion, to recommend to oth ers the same doctrine. Here, then, continued Mr. W., is a combina tion which expressly pledged against all who set such an example, a manifesto which sets it self against the whole course of the Imuran in tellect—against the character of the age, and which would bring us back at once to all (hr oppression of the feudal system. Here is doc trine which no writer, no diplomatist, which even no courtier, ever thought of advancing, bir, said Mr. VV. it is a flagrant innovotion on the principles and practice of tlie whole civilized world. 1 hope, said he, I shall not he consi dered as exaggeratingthe case.—To convince this House that I state nothing hut the sober truth, that 1 draw no inference fhat flic sover eigns themselves have not drawn before me, permit me to refer to an occurrence that tool; place at the Congress of Verona. In a speech made at that Congress, by the French minister, Chateaubriand, he declared, that, in a personal conversation with the Kmpcror of Russia, he had heard that august sovereign utter senti mentc, which appeared to him so precious, that he immediately hastened home, and wrote them, down, while they wore yet fresh in his recollec tion. The Emperor declared “ that there can no longer he such a thing as an English, French, Russian. Prussian or Austrian policy : there is henceforth hut one policy, which, for the safety of all, should be adopted both by people and kings. It was for me first to show myself con vinced of the principles on which I founded the alliance. An occasion offered itself,—the rising in Greece. Nothing, certainly, occurred more for my interests, for the interests of my people, nothing more acceptable to mv country, than a religious war wilh Turkey ; but f have thought l perceived in the trouble* of the Jtiorea the *i'gn of revolution ; and I have held back. Provi dence has not put under my command 000.f)00 soldiers to satisfy my ambition, but to protect religion, morality, and justice, and to secure I the prevalence of those principle* of order on which human society rests. It may well he permitted that kings should have public allian ces to defend themselves against secret ene mies.”—This may bo so ; but, I trust in God, though there should be no French, or Russian, or F.rtglish policy (though this latter I never will believe) there will at least be an American poli cy* The end and scope of this doctrine is nei ther more nor less thm this;—to interfere, by force, for any government a?nin*t any people who resist it.—The times of the Stuarts have come hack again, and with increased demands of power. Be the state of a people what it may, —they shall not rise:—he the government what it will.—it shall in no case be resisted. Anri this has b >en carried out too- Look at .Spain—look at Greece. Ifaman may not resist either the I I Spanish Inquisition, or the Turkish cimctar, what in God’s name, may l»o resist ? Stronger cases can never arise. This Alliance laughs at the doct rine of your Blackstones, and all others, who maintain, that, in extreme cases, resort is to be had to first principles and uatural rights. Arc we prepared to part with that doctrine ? The doctrine is advanced—it is:siipported with an im- j mense force. The timid shrink aud succumb. If it is not resisted here, and in one other spot, it will bo resisted no where. If ficre is no vigour in the Saxon race to withstand it, there is none to be looked for elsewhere. Is it not time to step forth, &i at least to declare that we condemn and deny such monstrous opinions ? How can refor mation of government ever begin but with the People ? The radical defect of this system is, that it divides civilization: it would altbw it to go on in all other matters, but not in principles of government and civil liberty. But human know ledge is all connected—that knowledge is fast s .reading—the great mass of society, which holds, and ever must hold, the physical, is fast ob taining the intellectual power of society. The harmony which has ever prevailed, either in Eu rope or America, has rested on the principle of the mutual independeiyce of nations. There have, indeed, been some instances of the viola tion of this principle, as in the case of Poland; but on the great scale nations have hitherto been viewed as independent sovereignties: civiliza tion and Christianity have united to establish a n'ong them international law, and from this blen de i influence has sprung that delightful specta cle, so firmly described by a poet, the unseen but not unfelt influence of law. “And sovereign Law, the world’s collected will O’er thrones anil globes elate, Sits Empress—crowning good, repressing ill: Smit by her sarred frown The fiend, Discretion, like a vapour, sinks, And e’en the all-dazzling crown Hides hit faint rays, and at her bidding shrinks.” Take this away, and there is nothing left but the sword. The law of nations declares that all states are equal; these papers deny it. The law of nations maintains that in extreme cases resis tance is lawful; these papers deny it_The law of nations proclaims that one nation lias no right to interfere in the affairs of another; these papers deny it. But now, it maybe asked, what is all that to us? The question is easily answered. VVe are one of the nations. Our system of government is throughout, utterly hostile to that system, and if we are safe from its effects, we may thank our sit uation, or our courage.—The age we live in and our, own active character, have connect ed us with all the nations of the world, and we, as a nation, have precisely the same interest in in ternational law as a private individual has in the laws of his country. But, apart from the soundness of the policy, on general principles, there is a ground of duty on this matter. What do we not, as a people, owe to the principle of lawful resistance? to the prin-, ciple that society shall govern itself? These principles have raised us to a state of prosperity in which our course is rapid and irresistible. We are borne on as by a mighty current, and if we should stop lung enough to take an observation, ibat we may measure our national cou rse, ere we can effect it, we find we have already moved a vast distance from the point at which it was com menced. Tiis course we cannot check: it is the course of things, and it will goon. Shall we not, thus situated, give to others who are 6trug gl mg for these very principles, the cheering aid of our example and opinion ? But, whatever we do in this matter, it behoves us to do on principle. If, on the subject of the rumoured combination against South America, we take any stand, it must be ou principle that that stand is taken. The near approach, or the the remote distance of danger, may change poli cy, but cannot touch principle; and the same reasons of an abstract kind, that would lead us to protest in the case of the whole Southern Conti nent, bind us to protest in the case of the smallest republic in Italy. • A second question, however, may here be ask ed. What can wc do? This thunder is at a distance—the wide Atlantic rolls between—we arc safe: would you have us go to war ? Would you have us send armies into Europe ? No : I would not. But this reasoning mistakes the age. Formerly, indeed, there was no making an im pression on a nation but by bayonets and suh sichV- by fleet: and armies : hut die age hasun ! dergoijs a charge: there i * a force in public j opinion, which, m the long run. v. ill outweigh all | *ho physical force il.at can ho brought to oppose j if. l.'fitii public opinion is subdued, thegreatest j enemy of ty runny k not yet dead. 'What is the -ou. me inionmi.g spirit ot our own institutions of <>ur entire system of government? Public opinion. While this acts with intensity and moves in the right direction, the country must ever be safe—let us direct the force, the vast moral force of this engine to the aid of others.— Public opinion is the great enemy of the Holy Alliance. It may be said, that public opinion did not succeed in Spain. Public opinion was never thoroughly changed there ; but does any man suppose that Spain is not at this day nearer, not merely in point of time, hut intellectually and }>olitically, nearer to freedom than she was last Spring? True, indeed, the Bourbom power did make an almost unresisted march from the Pyrenees to Cadiz, hut is Europe satis fied ? Public opinion is not conciliated nor des troyed—like Milton’s angels, it is vital in every part—and this followed back the Conqueror as he returned, and held Europe in indignant si lence. Let us then speak : let. us speak well of wnat lias done well for us. Wc shall have the thinking world all with us—and be it remom bered, it was a thinking community that achiev ed our revolution before a battle had been fought. I shall not detain this Committee by laying before it any statistical, gcogTophical or com mercial account of Greece. The document on your table, which has been furnished from the Dcfwrftnent of Htate, in some measure supplies these ; and her history is familiar to us all.— W ithin the last thirty or forty years, the condi tion of that country has undergone a great im provement. Her marine produces the best sailors in the Mediterranean—better, in that sea, than even our own. Their commerce, be fore the present commotions had begun to ex tend itself to France and Spain—Hobhouse, four best authority) states their seamen at fifty thousand, but that number is certainly much too large—they have 153,000 tons of shipping, which is equal to about one-fifth i f that of the U. States. Their population in Eu.opean Tur key is about five millions and in Asia Minor a bout two millions more. Their moral state is rapidly advancing in alt respects—the literati of Europe conceived a strong interest in their be half, and sent books and scholars and printing presses into Greece—many of the works of modem Europe have been translated into their language, and they have produced many works entirely original. This people, a people of in telligence, ingenuity, rcfinamevit, spirit, and l emcrpnze, have been fur centuries under the most atrocious, unparalleled Tartarian barbarism that ever oppressed the human race. This 1 louse is unable to estimate duly,it is unable eveu to conceive or comprehend it. It must be re membered that tlie character of the force which has so long domineered over them is purely mi litary.—It has been as truly, as beautifully, said, that “ the Turk has now boon encamped in Eu rojie for four centuries.” Yes,sir—it is nothing else than an encampment. Theyr came in by the «wonl, and they govern by the sword. They hold the captive^JS reeks to be their property— and when a wretched Greek has yielded up his year’s earning to some rapacious exactor, it has truly been said that he “pays his rantum to live another year.” ‘Despotic power is there, if the phrase may be allowed, formed into a regular system of anarchy. The power delegated to the inferior tyrant is as absolute withiu its sphere, as the power of the Sultan himself—and hence, there is scarcely a great post under the whole government whose incumbent is not virtually, often actually, at war with the Porte. BcWeen these two opposite powers, both despotic, it is dangerous to take sides, and yet sides must be taken; in all the empire there is no property, no security. The well known and undisguised sale of all offices, is, of itself, a sufficient index, of the state of society. In the whole world, no such oppression \sjelt as that which has crushed down the wretched Greeks. In India, to he sure, it is bad enough in principle, but in the ac tual feeling of the oppression, it is not to he compared. There the oppressed natives are themselves as barbarous as their oppressors, but here have been seven millions of civilized, en lightened, Christian men, trampled iuto the very earth, century after century, by a harba I rous, pillaging, relentless soldiery. Sir, the case is unique—there has existed nothing like it, be fore or since. Tho world has no such misery to show. Surely, there is no case in which wc could point to the civilized ami Christian world with such an omphasir, of appeal. What, du ring all this time, has been the conduct of the neighboring nations—nations professedly Chris tian? It has been a disgrace to Europe. As " “>«= congress ai JL.ayoacb, m 1821, (lie papers of that council spoke of the rising of this oppressed people as culpable, as criminal. And this charge coines from the Emperor of Russia. Certainly, he did not always think it quit* so criminal in Greece to resist the Porte. On tlie contrary, is it not known to all tlie world that Russia advanced a claim of some kiud a gainst the Porte to the allegiance of Greece ? Did not Ivan III. discard the banner of St. George, and take the double-headed eagle in its stead P Did not Peter tlie Great secure foi thorn tlie passage of the Dardanelles ? Did he not adopt the far-famed banner of Constantine, “ in hoc rigno vinca Did he not stamp upon his coin “ Petrus I. Russo Graxor. Imckra tor? From 1769 to 1774 did not Russia en gage in successive campaigns against the Porte, and did she not fill Greece with her armies ?_ Were not the Turks compelled to admit, hy treaty, the independence of the Czar of the Krimea ? And did not tlie Empress Catharine, when she conquered the Krimea, inscribe over tlie gate of Kerson, “ the road to Bvzan tiu.m ?” Strange, indeed ! after all this, that a Greek insurrection against the Turks should excite the indignation of the Emperor of Rus sia! Yet, what says the Congress of Verona, held no longer ago than last year ? It denoun ces “the rash and culpable conduct of the Greeks, who have tlirown a firebrand into the midst of the Ottoman Empire.”—If they' did, that was done long before they did it, and they were by this veiy power encouraged to do it._ Might it not have been expected that at that Congress some relenting of compassion would have been felt for these suffering Greeks ? No body doubts tlie power of that Congress to aid them—one word would have delivered the whole nation. If, as that alliance professed, they took Christianity for their guide, what must be said of their abandoning seven millions of Christian people to be trampled upon by barbarians ?_ N’ay, at their being accused, because they turn ed upon their oppressors, of “ throwing a fire band into tlie midst of the Ottoman Empire ?” But farther, Sir: in 1821, Baron Strogouoff, tlie Russian minister at Constantinople, says, in a public document, that the most unheard of enor mities were perpetrated against Greeks who had no share whatever in the rebellion; and that the conduct of the Porte toward these peo ple, was sufficient to furnish good grounds for all Eurojie to unite on the subject. This was in 1821. This was followed by that indescribable enormity, that appalling monument of barbarian cruelty,, the destruction of Scio :—a scene I will not attempt to describe—from which hu man nature shrinks shuddering away ; a scene, thank God ! without a parallel in all the history of fallen man :—and that was quickly followed by the massacres in Cyprus. All these things were perfectly known, when the Congress of Verona accused the Greeks, for their insurrec tion, of “ throwing a firebrand in tlie midst of tlie Ottoman Empire!” Now, then, I repeat, that if such are the re sults of the system of modem European sove reigns, it is a system which demands examina tion,. That this was a fruit of that system is un deniable. This was an interference against the Greeks, in favor of the Turks; and if was far greater than anything f propose for the Greeks against the Turks. Yes, sir, with that instru ment in their hand, Christian Sovereigns, there professing to take Christian Religion for their guide, have, advanced to cheek a Christian na tion in resisting the bloodiest cruelty of a horde of Mahometan Tartars. Such has been the conduct pursued towards this people. I now ask the indulgence of this House, while I state a very short account of their late revolution. The situation of Greece had excited the sym pathies of Western Europe for 30 years past. Societies had hern formed in Germany to im prove the condition of the suffering people— branches of those societies were extended into Greece—many of their youth were carefully instructed into literature—many disbanded offi cers from the European armies entered info the Grecian service, and ft considerable ameliora tion of their condition with respect to the advan tagesof education began tobe effected. In 18St, the revolt took place in Moldavia and Wallaobia —a revolt which was supposed to have been fomented by Russia. The Emperor brought down ft large force upon the Fmth—a Russian vessel, being suspected of carry ing supplies to the insurgents, was stopped ;.s she passed the Bosphorus—and a rupture '■•ccined immediately impending. Russia demanded that the Turki-h forces should be withdrawn from tlmsetonorthem provinces. At the same time that Ypsilanti was in rebellion in the North, the Porle had to car ry on a desperate struggle with Ali Pacha m the West. And another war with Tersia threaten ed in the East. Thru it was that the Greek revolution burst forth. They soon possessed ] themselves of the open country of the Mi^rea, | aud forced tlie Turks to 11} lor refuge into the cities. Of these, Trepolizza soon fell into theii* hands; and then tile}' began to contemplate a government. They assembled a f ongresa,(tlie nauie is hallowed on this side the Atlantic—it is a name dear to Ficedoni,] and began to organize a system of laws. The Annual Kegistcr asks what right they had to denominate this a Con gress ? The answer is easy; the same right, Mr. Chairman, that tee had, ami no more. \V ith our constitution before them, they proceeded to copy its feature as closely as their circumstaucea would permit. In that year, the war with Ali Pacha w-.cs ended by treachery, and the breach of tho Turkish promise. Tho affair was settled, too withKussia, aud it now was discovered that all that she had insisted on was, that the Turkish force-ishould be witiidiawu fiuin Moldavia and Wallachia; the vcry measure which, of all other*, had the most immediate tendency to overwhelm the Greck cause.—— 11ms was the w hole force of tlie Ottoman Empire let loose at once Upon de voted Greece; and nhat,sir, was the result? W here the Ottoman made his greatest effort, he w as met and foiled, and in six weeks, had to turn hack his steps from tlie Morea, whither his foot has never since tixxldcn to this day. It was in liiis } ear that t lie island of Scio, tlie most favored island in the Archipelago, an island the peculiar properly of the Sultana, the lighU st taxed, the most wealth}, the most refined, the most literary spot in all Greece: w here were libraries, such fa h‘M states in this union | osscss, aiitl where ease and elegance had their favorite scat, became the theatre of a massacre such as is not to be paral luled in tlie history of the world. The inliabi tants of Samoa, jealous at tlie comparative pios perity of this island, landed, drove the Turks into the town, and were mined by some of the country people of Scio. The Turkish licet, lately rein forced from Egypt, happened to be in the neigh borhood—they landed and burnt the city, and wiurii uie slaughter and hum mg wasover, outof 140,000 inhabitants, 900 only were left alive.— Forty thousand women and children, inhabitants ot the island, were sold at Smyrna into |icrpc!ual slavery. A month after—when the ashes of the burnt city were cold—did they bang 35 Greeks ' at the yardarm, uiu! slay 0;i more who bad hem given as hostages from the town. Ten more hostages svere hanged in Constnntinoj.lc—700 who voluntarily surrendered,were all siiotdow* —HOO others, about whom they got into dispute were murdered in the same manner. And sir* on the wharves of llustou did I see the utensils from the healths of that polished, refined and li terary people, selling for old copper. IWumbes#'-’ ofchildren, all whose relatives had been siaugh tered, picked up by the merchants in tlic Medi terranean, and some of llicm are now* among us. Sir, these things were as well known at the Con* gress of Lay bach us they are on ibis fiooor_but the talc did not move a muscle of those allied Sovereigns, or alter, one hair’s breadth, the course of their unfeeling policy. During Uie present year, the Persian war being over, Ali dead, and the Russians gone, the w hole weight of Hie Tur kish force has again and again been precipitated on the struggling Greeks— again and again been triumphantly resisted—and it is only this morn ing, sir, that I received the news of a fresh vie to. '' They now hold all the Morea, Candia, and the Islands, with the exception of one or two fortresses still in the possession of the Turks— they have even ventured to act on the offensive. Their marine is strengthened—thcifTlddkaftgl have been enforced—lime, experience, and the vicissitudes of their momentous struggle have consolidated their force, aud they have now the advantage and blessing of a regular representa tive government. Sir, have they not done much ? It would be great injustice to compare their chiev einents with our own—because we bcca9tt.l our struggle already possessed of goveminenS and of comparative civil freedom— we had fofl centuries been accustomed to govern ourselves ' but these poor Greeks had scarce anvofth« means of knowledge—they were without public concert—without experience, without patron age, surrounded by nations that cast every dis couragement in their way; yet they haven™# had a free government for two years, and their soil is unprofaned by the foot of an invador They have carried on the struggle for three successive campaigns, against hordes of Tarter troops and auxiliary forces from the Barbarv states—they have been conjured by their lu ielii burs to submit; but they still manfully hold out 1 wo hundred thousand have heroically laid dow» their lives—and what say the rest? “Some of our nation are yet alive,—and we will all perish, before we will yield up again our country to tf,#» oppressor.” J ' It may now be asked, will this resolution do them any good? Yes, it will do then, much good It will give them courage and spirit, which is better than money. It win assure them of the public sympathy, and wall inspire them with fresh constancy. It will teach them that they arcnol forgotten by the civilized world and to hope one day to occupy, in that world an honorable, station. M ?"es,,on rcma,ns* Is this measure# pacific? It has no other character. It simrlv proposes to make a pecuniary provision for a mission, when the President shall doern MJCi. mi. _s,on expedient. It is a mere reciprocation to the sentiments of his message; it imposes on him no new duty; it gives him no new power, it does not hasten or urge him forward; it simr.lv provides, in an open and avowed manner the means of doing, what would else be done out of the contingent fund. It leaves him at the most perfect liberty, and it reposes the whole matter in hi* sole discretion. He might do it without this resolution, as he did in the case of South America,—but, it merely answer* the o„r " tarn, whether on so erreal and interesting a oUcs tion as the condition of the Greeks, this House holds no opinion which is worth expre*. mg ? But, suppose a commissioner is sent the measure * pacific still. Where is the breach of neutrality? where a just Cause of otiose > And besides, Mr. C hairman, is all the danger in this 1 matter on one side r may we not entire, who* fleets cover the Archipelago? mav w«. 1 Z what would he the nUhTo our^t^le ^ Pmyina be blocked ? A i at least procure for ns what wo do not now r!^ sess tJ.at is, authentic information of L.f state of things. The document on vour fable eT, b.b.ts a meagre appearance on this point-whS . dcK-s ,t contain ? l a tiers of Mr. f'unotti* and > paragraphs from a V renoh paper. Mv r« rson jJt op..,,,-,.... that »„ »rnt <n.5i,, ^ o ?ent ; but the resolution I have offered b\ no mean* goes so far. J Do gentlemen fear the rcsoltof this resolute 1 in embroiling us with the Porte ? V. hv sir h, » mod, is it ahead of the whole nation or rkthSj let me ask how much is the nation ahead of Is not this whole people already in a date of nj pen and avowed excitement on this sublet Docs not the laud ring fi-oin side to aid* vpfl f.ne common sentiment of sympathy for and indignation towards her opprCssonfr^^^aB n,f,rr, ~-»rr —->•( rcjvrvr- *