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Constitutional Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1824-1832, January 30, 1824, Image 1

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Oongms.
Extruded from the IVbshington Republican.
. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
Sv*CROAT, JANUARY i>4.
TIIE GREEKS. ^
On motion of Mr. Webster, the House then
resolved itself into a Committee of*the whole on
the state of the Union, Mr. Taylor, of*N* York,
in the ch jur.
Mr. Itindolph commenced* with a very seri
ous, unaffected, and siuccre apology for his pre
tent physical iuahilityio do justice to the ques
tion now before the committee. He bespoke,
therefore, indulgence for what he had to sav.—
The present question, indeed, in the language
'Of the gentleman from Massachnsett', who had
with so much talent introduced thtf resolution,
Was in itself almost nothing-lit was a mere
speck in the horizon ; hut no man knew better
than that houprable gentleman, that out of such
small specks violent storms sometimes arose_
Tli^question, indeed, is in itself nothing, com
pare** with the consequences whicli may result
from it. %\icho consequences had not oc^n
traced through all their chain to their utmost
* limits, nor would he undertake to do it; hut
would content himself with giving some of the
reasons which arc operath c in Ids mind. It was
with concern, tint he declared some of'tke doc
trines broached by (ho supporters of (he propo
sition belOre them, were more disastrous to the
liberties of this people than any he had ever
before heard. The fine—the courso—the fun
aameriiat rule pursued by tills pov'crnmcnt, from
its origin, arc iu direct 'hostility to these doc
trines. Are wfe, under the pretext of extend
' ing liberty, and in the name of liberty, lo go in
to a crusadef Are we, by this powerful spell,
to be allured from the highway of true policy, in
to all»thc crooked and injjtwons consequences of
aovyityiary a warfare ? Re believed there was
% scwcely^ parallel to this case to be found in the,
history of Europe.
[Here the honorable Speaker made a refer
ence to acascer two, which the noise abovems
^ prevented us from hearing.] •
The policy of the Turves had ^ecn a strait for
ward policy. Pour hundred years ago, they
werS encamped in Europe.—They were encamp
ed there before the discovery of this country_
They held their dominion in Europe by the same
title as other nations held theirs—the successful
exercise of force. Their policy has neve'r been
a torfuous policy, like other states of Europe,
hut direct and honorable. They appealed to the
sword, when necessary; and by the sword bad
' contended, inch by inch.
In consequence of this true and strait forward
policy, this is the only country of continental Eu
rope* whose capitol lias never been violated bj;
hostile power. The city of Constantinople had
never been polluted by the foot of an invader,
. during the whole of its modern history. But, in
the'days o£ the great Catharine, would that illus
trious woman have believed it, had any one told
her that flic Cossacks of the Ukrainej and the
i .Don, would have plaited their standards in the
city of Paris? Would she .have Considered it
otherwise than an idle dream, that Moscow
Wfmld have been consumed bv its own citizens?
Thesb are events widen are to<? deeply conceal
ed for human eye to discover. But he would
appeal Co the honorable mov’er of the proposition
oetore the committee, whether, in the very able
and-nristerly argument which he had advanced
and ho had said moce thart either he (Mr. It.)
OH tiu.V other gentleman woufd be able to say.on
the subject—whether lie had not, in the course
of his remarks, answered his own arguments.—
Ho had been prevented himself, by indisposition,
from attending the house, but«a friend had read
to him the remarks made by the* honorable mo
, vor. •
The honorable mover had laid down from Puf
fendorff, a verv able and acknowledged authori
ty',-that the honeyed words and pious ejaculati
ons of the’sovereigns pomposing the "Holy Alii*
• ancc* pledged them oriily to do that, which a na
tural-disposition and flutiixtal law proidpts them
to'do, without any formality of treaty. But if so,
are we not equally cJbm polled^ by the very same
principle, Jo give our&id in support of the (yrecks?
7)ocs not the same authority apply as stronglv to
us as to them ? fie wished to a$!c if<thi.s was not
the fur inference? *Bul we have -gone, beyond
this. The President of the. United States, who
is onr.bnly organ of communication with foreign
powers, has, in his message, given an opinion fa
vourable to the cau-e of the Greeks. It is there
fore done. It is £iii*hed. .He wjoulcfsay nothing
-a!»rmt the policj- of this course, but it had been
Adopted. ^ ‘ •
. i The subject excited strange fooling: in his bo
“ squi. GoujJ the great father of political philo
l( *oi»hv risa from the grave, and see what was do
7'^Ing, hp would pot only abandon his terrors of a
' . regicide peace, but 'pc destined tabehold the re
viva! of ti»e ago of crusaded rrhis Was something
wjRich the sagacity of that great nwTcould ne
ver have foreseen.
’ Potfet us take th^caso of Canada.—Suppose
the British Ualonies wore to thro— off the yoke.
rc yoxt prepared to stake the peace and wel
. we nT this country, in support of Canadian in
■ dependence ? . Your doctrines that length.
cannot stop, short of'it. Would you look
^Rho.n fi»r assistance frtgn Great Britain ?' That i<
jn'tjie only spot of ground on which, irdependent
Mt t par own country, this genius ofliberty, rerides,
■ L VlCF ^ rase—a propJo much nearei
tA ls IU sucects we are much more deep
j tyneernol than in that of the Greeks, huvr
j \ j ‘p struggling- for in dependence. We havr
. ? .1 rn TIuvov to Mf-xieo.—Yet the. people o
j » tfico/ifc truly and properly independent—
1 •«. wlrnost, but entirely «*>. lie did not wish t(
% mjrn illustration any further. • He luUl not
trig :’-n opinion .of the gentlemen arounr
L J™ C os taflopposc ilonceessary for him to gq«
jjgf h* to shy—this is a man, and tha^is a bov_
causes, forcibly conceived and we.l
L m * !>y honorable mover, wfiv we sffould cn
b.f 'hri new cnisadp was the idea of pro
i ^4 '*’■ G:rnk» the prd^erty of th<
T,r':- We was not going to dsimss (he abstrac
V’ lL.'n iiwjrty, an^slavery. It had nothin?
do With the apestion. Nor wouldjic take ui
Aher*abfi'ract. principles. m
li d he would ask go'ritlemen from diflemv
etiem* of thp country, wlicther the fact of hokl
!* *ii .
_ * 6
>ng human being! as property, is a sufficient
crime td place a natiou under the ban of our
high displeasure ? The views presented by the
question multiplied so, as he proceeded, that,
had he sufficient strength, he would weary the
house. Wo are, it seems, to stimulate the exe
cutive to the sending of embassies. The Scud
iug out of ambassadors ie one of the great prero
gatives of our executive; and we are now about
to stipulate for a new and independent diploma
tic agency. No wonder it then excited so much
(lisct)ssion in this house; when it is remembered
that all these good things ai*e generally given to
gentlemen who are members either of this o f the
other house; and no doubt, We shall find—(hat
is, if the resolution should be adoffted, which he
sincerely hoped it would not, some learned The
ban, or other licetian, read* to travel into Gi^ece,
to benefit himself and his country.
The honorable gentleman then pi-occeded, at
a leugth which our limits necessarily prevent us
from publishing, to inquire into the causes which
have prevented Russia, assimilated in religion
with Grcooe, and standing in juxtaposition with
Turkey, from interfering. Notwithstanding her
prorirnity, she would oot dare to move ; and shall
we, separated by oceans, traverse the whole ex
tent of the Atlantic and Mediterranean, to un
dertake what that colossal power hesitated\o do.
wished to hsk .Why Turkey should have
■been so much coupled with the Holv*AUiance,
of which she was no party. Her conduct for the
last century, towards her neighbors, has bt?en
much more Christian, than that of ail the cb-is
tian countries by which she is surrounded. She
has not interfered in the internal arrangements
of other countries as we purpose to do. We are
about to interfere with a country, separated from
us by 80 degrees of latitude. *We are to cover
the Pacific Oceatf and the South Atlantic with
our navies.—Do gentlemen seriously rcileql,
when they give way to their imaginations? Such
prqjects of ambition surpass even those of Bona*
parte himself. The sun never set on an ambiti
ou like this. He supposed we should next hear
Of some knight armed crrp-u-pir.d, sa living forth
to gain immortality like Sir Somebody Dvmock
at Westmir.,tcr IJall.
rie icarea, that amongst other great attach
ments which avc have inherited, avc have also
some of that John Bull spirit, which had led Fin
land into so many follies and inconsistencies.—
England had been the game-cock* of Europe_
now going to war for the Queen of Hungaiy—
and now against her; noAV waging a sanguinary,
protracted, and ruinous war to dethrone the
Bourbons—and then a longer & more disastrous
one to replace them on l%ir thrones. Such was
the policy which entailed on England ali the
mass of debt and misery under which she is now
groaning. lie deprecated the idea of beinggo
ifCrons before wo an? just. We ought to aban
don all visionary schemes, and to say to the se
ven millions in Greece—“ We defended our
selves against oppression wjien wo had only tlnoe
millions, and you must do the same.”
The state of the woHd is unexampled. We
are carry ing on a piratical warfare against the
maritime banditti of tJio West Indies; ‘but at
what expanse of blood and treasure, is avc.'I
known to every .gentleman in the house; and
now we are about to take part with pirates, and
to sanctity their cause by our countenance and
assistance.
Much had been said about the .hostility of
Turkey. It is not the mert?*powei* of Turkey
.we have to fear. He felt that Ave did not stop
here. W e get out of the frying pan into the fire,
if we adopt the amendment of the gentleman
lrorn South Carolina, and thus embroil ourselves
with all Europe. Let.»is adhere to the policy
laid doAvn by the Camillas ns well as the Romu
lus of oup country—and avoid foreign alliances,
and adopt a jiacific policy. He Avas so opjxwed
to all foreign alliances, that he w'ouid even op
pose aa alliance with En^Jand hcrscif, as much
as with any other country.
The universal distress Wdiich prevails at this
moment throughout the Uniou, he attributed to
Ireaks of legislation yr, nd if avo get up an embas
sy, to end in wajj, there may be some great prizes
to be draAvh by ifuliviclual.^ but greater misery
•Avould result to the mass. It is freuks.and ex
penditures, .causing •ver-i.ssues of paper, Avhich
had opened upon iik .Pandora's box of bl^sdugs.
Should-the resolution he rejected, he coulil‘re
turn to his constituents, free from any fear of re
proach, except for the inability-lie h-,id thisjiay
exhibited. Tl^pre had been no question before I
the House, sinec he had been a member, on
which his opinion hr • been so clear as on the
present, not even excepting the Sedition Law.
Let us then lav the resolution on the table, and
thus get rid of it. Even' bond of the constitu
tion would*be; broken down, if we adopt it, aurl
that sacred instrument would 6c left a mere
criartc blancnc for erery one to scribble on.
Mr. Fuller and Mr. Webster rose together—
Mr. Fuller, hqwftver, gained the door, and ob
served he .was very sensible of the disadvantages
under Tfrhioh lie shout! have to address the com
mittee. If the? gentleman from Massachusetts
wished the door, and the chairman should decide
it would be jji owler afterwards to discuss tflfc ori
ginal proposi^jfW, he Vould give way. ^
M -. Webster rose ?o jnakc a brief reply to the
various objections |pat gentlemen hadj4IOr?ed
against the resolution. He tool! it for the re ij
basis of all fcfir argument amomj^all associations
of men, that only such inferences should he drawn
from their propositions, as the phraseology and
nontext warranted.—'This he held to be a right
which every man who submits a proposition,
might, and ought to insist un. ilc said Ihisstroug
• ly, because he felt it strong! v. A character fia!
hcen given to the resolution, which he had in
troduced ioto the hoil.se, very unlike itself, and
one which gentlemen were not fairly at liberty
to give it.—If tliedebate were to go forth to the
people, separate, from the resolution, nioc-tenths
of the community would suppose he had made a
proposition calculated to involve the country di
recilj’^in war, with all its attending train of evils.
He wished to call the attention of the committed
to the simple question; anil what this question
was, by the blessing of God, he would set forth
to the committee an ►to the country. An honor
able gentleman, from New-York, had consider
ed the resolution, ;is explained by its advocates,
to amount to an universal guarantee of liberty
throughout the globe; but. how such an infer
’ cocc could he deduced, hi; could not see. What
was the fare of the resolution ? Did i^ wear any
1 thing of the-appearance of being in favor of a
guarrantee for universal lib- ty ? He wished the
1 country to decide on its merits and character.—
1 Was it fair, was it correct to give it such a con
struction ?
Ft answered much better for the gentlemen to
set it forth in such strong terms, forttie purpose
of making such answers as they wished* . Gon
’ (lemen had formed a fiction in their brain and
; were going on to make replies to this fiction.
The Gentleman from N. Y. had fancied there
' was a nnfte under the cover of the language,
and proceeded in his whole argument, to sus
tain himself againstj^bis chimera, of his own ima
■ gin attorn .
His friend from i\. HTwhoTad^ddnMseS
Uic committee on the subject, and who, he pre
sinned, was not inclined to a fiur departure
fn»in the real object of tliC resolution, had fan
cied it to be a fulcrum, which was to move the
world—a flaming sword which was to guard the
way to the gates of Paradise. lie had not
heard this from liis mouth, nor had he himself
heard auy tiling like it from, the lips of others.
He had never thought the resolution was about
to work miracles; he thought it would do good
—that is was a proper resolution, and one which
did not deviate from the customary mode of
Congressional proceeding.
The same gentleman had toll! the committee,
that if Cervantes had not lived, here would
hav e been a fine subject for the exercise of
powers for others—he had spoken of running
tilts against windmills—of another crusade.
Mr* W . observed, that he might pprhaps be de
ficient in perspicacity, if he was not, he e’ertaiu
ly could not see things as gentlemen had repre
sented them; that his duty obliged him to meet
all objections, and if,* in meeting these objecti
ons, lie should encounter difficulties, he should
endeavor to surmount them, though he might be
f ailed tilling at windmills. Perhaps there was
more truth in the gentleman's remark than at
first seemed to him, and the assertion that the
support of this resolution was Quixotic, might be
correct, if such obstacles oppfised his way.
The gentleman had considered that the adop.
tiou of the resolution was aflording aid, encou
ragement to the Greeks, but he asked him seri
ously to weigh its import, and lie would willing
ly rest the question of its decision, upon bis
judgment. He proceeded to reply to the gen
tleman from Mississippi, who thought the adop
tion of the resolution would .do no good, because
the expression of our opinion would not be una
nimous , and also to the genllemau who spoke
yesterday, for whom hi.* felt great respect, who
-Opposed this resolution arose wholly from
fooling.- ;
i f lac name ot Greece had not been uttered,
tl i lie had known of *hat policy and principle
'» arch governed the- Haly Alliance, if Greece
were an Island in the Pacific ocean, he woiHd
have introduced the resolution for the purpose
of recording our dissent from the principles thej
•romulgate. Gentlemen Jolt shocked at the treT
mendaue consequences which were to follow, and
had pourt rayed the horrors of war* bella, horrify
'dla, a» if the question before them was whether
we should make a declaration of war ag-ainst
'onlinental Europe.
They fancied we should have to send our Ni
'7 to the Mediterancan, tliat England would
find occasion to quarrel with us, that she would
s, nd her fleet thitherto seal up the streights o.‘
•ihraltar hermetically, and thus our navy, our
nride, be doomed to destruction. All this was an
illusion of the fancy—it bad nothing to do wiji
the real object of the resolution, which imported
nothing but peace and mildness.
ITe turned to the gentleman from Virginia,
vho this morning had found in his quotation
roni Puifendorf the other day oq tile principle
•jf national law, an answer to his very position—
: ^ alluded to the gentleman’s inference which
he had made to the remark that he had spoken
of the Greeks as no better than slaves, and di.-.
vlaivMwi havjng used the expression in the*senso
he sup-1 <ed. Tie touched upon the stimulus
which had been alluded to, as to the exercise of
executive power, and begged all to believe,
that he had little to do with either, and called the
attention of the committee to the real question
before thi/Vn—und what was it? It* proposed,’
simply,'a response to the message of the Presi
!.*nt, and an expression of our opinions upon the
character of that combination of sovereigns,
•y.io were leagued for the destruction of liberty
every where. *
The President had called the attentiou of Con
gress to the subject, and had advanced strong
opinions—stronger than even he himself fait; lie’
had told tho House that the dominion of the
Turk was lost over the Greek; and, m accord
ance, he had taken upon himself to introduce a
esohiiion proposing whether it was fit for the
louse to express any' opinion on the principles
which were now promulgated and maintaineil
by the power of the sword in Europe. This was
the pith of the question.
The President was the organ of the govern
ment, nx it regained our foreign relations—he;
had sent his message containing his sentiments,
htpposo if were a speech delivered in the House,
to which some answer must be given, would not
the answer he similar to the resolution before the
! loftse ? The language of the message w-^s cer
tainly sufficient to justify alkie expression of an
opinion on the subject, and ins a. wisaou, ra
ther than the expression of any sympathy. Mr.
TV. observed, he was hound to say the adoptioi
of the resolution would have no evil effect—i*
would not affect oirr foreign relations—it would
not give offence and all the iangers which were
apprehended were visionary.
He glanced at the amendment proposer] bj
•he gentleman from South Carolina, and went
on to assure the Houses that, by passing the r< -
•oluuon, they would impose no new duty upon
• he President, but would leave it in his power to
j act, precisely where he found it. He alluded
to the fears of gentlemen, that if an agent were
*ent out, it woul 1 be only to send anotheryictirn
ror a Turkish sabre or soimetar: and proceeded
to remark uno/i the onl\ and legitimate merits
>fthe question, .whether it was proper for the
house to entertain an opinion on Abe subjects
tnd.'cono’udcd with an expession of his regret,
■ hat the subject had not fallen intoother hands.
iVlr. Fuller, of Mass, took the (loor in opposi
tion to the resolution. He considered it one
fraught with danger.* That all Europe will
look upon, if as the appointment of an Envoy
Extraordinary, and ribtfm inoffensive, innocu
ous resolution. /'he President had not asked
the interposition of < on oss; and why, then,
flris interference. He said it was the sancti >
of natural law, that to send an Agent would l>e
i just cause of offence. I was enjoined by the
Constitution on the President, to have the con
sideration of our foreign affairs; and why had he
not recommended the appointment of an Agent?
And as he had not, why should the house assume
a responsibility which did not belong to them.
Suppose, in consequence of such an act, the
Turks should let loose his myrmidons upon our
commerce, all our navy would not be sotficicnl
to protect it. » Our commerce in the ATclitcr
’•nnean was of great value ; we should take no
step to destroy it. * •
Mr. Fuller spoke for about half an hour
agajmst the resolutions, but our limits will not
admit, of a full report of his observations this
evening.
Vfr. Bartlett rose to make some remarks i '
reply to the honorable the Speaker; in the
course of which he made certain observations
which (jailed up
Afr. Clay, who warmly replied to wbat he
considered a reference to the position in which
his friends had placed him as a candidate for pro
> motion- ,
« 0 •
^Orwnotio^ofMrTsmyfAlThTcommUteeThen"
rose, ami tlie house adjourned.
Monday, January 20.
A. Military Appropriation.
Mr. m'Lane, from tlie committee of Ways and
Means, reported a bill making further appropri
ation for'the military service of the U. States,
for tlie year 1024, which was read a first and so
conu time, and committed.
Mu ay Appropriation.
Mr. JiPhatie, from tlie same committee, re
ported a hill mnkiug appropriation for the sup
port of the Navy of the United States, for the
year 1821, which was read a first and second
time, and committed.
Elijjjih Firi^hl.
Mr. Wit Mlesey, from the committee on Claims,
reported a bill for the relief of the representa
tives of Elijah Bright, whieh was read a first and
second time, and committed.
Joseph Marshal.
Mr. Hamilton, from tlie committee on Milita
r Affairs, reported a bill for tlie relief of Joseph
Marshal, which was read a first and second time,
and committed.
Mr. Hamilton,from the same committee, made
an unfavorable report on the petition of J. Whea
ton, which was laid on the table.
On motion of Mr. Gurley, it was
Resolved, That the committee on the Public
Lauds be directed to inquire into tho expediency
of paesitig a law of Proscription, limiting tlie time
in which suits may be instituted for recovery of
lands in the state of Louisiana, claimed under ti
tles derived from the French, British, and Spa
nish governments, in all cases where there is ad
verse possession ^ the government of uio U.aitcd
States, or in any person or persons claiming the
same from, or under the said government.
'On motion of Mr. Slorrs, it was
Heso/vctl, That the committee on the Judici
ary be instructed to inquire into the expediency
of so amending the act, entitled, “ An act sup
plementary to an act fur Uie better organization
of the courts of the United Slates within tlie state
of New-York,” passed March 3d, 1823, that a*
appeal may be had from any final decree or judg
men! rendered in the District Cour> of the Nor
them District of said state, before the passage v.
said act.
On inotiou ef Mr. .Mercer, it was
Resolved, That the President of tho United
States be requested to communicate to this hous
such part as lie nay not deem ?t inexpedient to
divulge, of any correspondence or negociatiou,
which he may nave instituted with any foroigi
government, since the 28th of February last
in compliance withr a request contained in a re
soluti >n of the hduse of Representatives of that
date, relative to the denunciation of the African
Slave Trade, as piracy.
Ordered to l.e one day on the table.
On motion of Mr. Rogers, it was
Resolml, That tho committee on the Post
Office and Post-Roads, be directed to inquire
into the expediency of establishing a post route
from Eastou, Northampton county, Pennsyl
vania, by Stockerlown, Roscommon, and Shaf
tersburg, to Stoudsburg, in said county.
• TILE GREEKS.
Mn, Webster movc-d that the liouro resolvt
itself into a Commit!ee of the Whole on the
State of the" Union, hich bjpirg agreed to, Mr.
Taylor was called to the Chair,
Mr. A. Smyth took the door, and after read,
ing the rpsolutidh of the honorable gentlomai
from Massachusetts said that by it we ar6 cat
cd upon to acknowledge a new nation) and, al
though the honorable the Speaker had consider
ed this a trilling question, he must consider it a
very importaii one. It was a proj»osttion to re
cognise Greece as au independent nation; and
such a proposition could not be a harmless one.
If the law to authorize the appropriation were
passed, whatever the mischiefs which would
arise out of the measure, it would then be too
late for any" prudeuee to rectify them. We
inusi. look into history for our guide on this oc
casion; and not deceive ourselves into a bclio
that because Spain, on account of her situation,
or from any other causes, refrained from notic
ing our acknowledgment of the South-Ameri
can States, we might adopt this new proposition
without danger. Me cited cases from history,
which he considered parallel cases, to prove that
this idea was not warranted bv facts. Fie re
plied to the various arguments and assertions
which had been brought forward in support of
the proposition, contending that the fact of ►».
recogn lion of Greece as an independent na
tion, would be a sufficient cause of war. Me
insisted that there w^3 inconsistency in menac
ing, as wc had done, the Allied Sovereigns with
our displeasure, if they at tempo d any hostility
against South-Americsr; and promising not t<-1.
terfere with an of the colonies or dcpendcncie
of Europe—inclining, of course, Greece—and
then proposing to acknowledge the independ
ence of Greece, in defiance of Turkey ajid
tho Allied Powers. He proceeded to make
•ome observations ujkhi the remarks of the gen
! tleman from Massachusetts, which called up
■ >ii. It rbstrr who corrected the language which
'ad been attributed to him by the gentleman from
Virginia, and the reporter of his remarks.
Mr Smyth resumed, and took up new exception*
to the proposition on constitutional grounds; con
tending that the resolution was an improper in r
frrence on the part of the House, with the power of
sending out ambassadors, which the Constitution
had vested.in the executive. The business of this
House is exclusively of a legislative character ; and
the executive can, at his discretion, send out an. em
bassy, without consulting the House, or receiving
any authority from it. He then insisted that .the
mere act of sending out an ambassador would not
havr the effect of benefiting Greece. The gentle
man from Kentucky had said that he would leave
all the responsibility of sending out an ageht with
the President ; blithe insisted that this House, when
it made tluj appropriation, would render itself res
ponsible for all its consequence*. The appropri
ation itself would he a sufficient authority for the
President to act upon it; and the people would at
tribute any evils which might result from the measure
to thr House, and not to the President. And if the
measure should prove successful, the gratitude o*' the
new power would be almost exclusively directed to
him who had introduced this measure into thw House.
He had no ifbubt that tfie President would act with dis
cretion, without any interference of this Mouse. He
had done so.in the case of South America. aiuf\Vonld
doubtless again shew n sound judgment in the Choice
of the time when such a measure as that proposed
would be expedient.
He thought the proposi on called on us to interfere
between the Turk arid his subject. We may talk ol
the cause of liberty; but what have wp to do witl
the liberties ot any people, unless we are ourselves
involved in the question ; and where only we ha ve a
right to act, we have a right to set in judgment. A nr
what have we to do with religion ? We cannot ever
Interfere with the religion of our own people. Thi
Turk may become a citizen* and bring his religioi
and hi« mosque info the United States, and we canuo
interfere to prevent him. Scio had been quoted ; ani
the cruelties practised there hadjmen brought for
iward'totUr up the feelings ot the House. But tjx
%
massacre of Scio did not stand alone. The Russians
themselves had been guilty of greater outrages. He
did net wish to enumerate, but in would Tefer to the
massacre of Ismael, where 70,000 individuals were
put to death. There were • liter instances, such as
the massacre of the Greeks by the Jews, and of the
Jews themselves. He believed the Turk to be more
tolerant than the Catholic. He did not extripate;
hut offered us the alternative, the Koran, the tribute,
or the sword. But, as regards Catholic toleration,
look at the French Uugonots, and lobk at the dun
geons of the inquisition.
He denied the possibility of Greece existing ns a
Republic, in any way similar to ours, situated as
she is between, Russia, Austria* and Turkey. The
most that could be done for Greece, would be to
obtain terms for her as a portion of the Turkish
Empire; and lie was not for the adoption of any
rash measures, which would briugthe men of blood
updn her. Our policy is to give no cause ol' offence
to any one—but to be on our guard. If there is
any cause of offence against the allies, it is on the
part of Bngland. With respect to the United
States, as a nation, she had nothing to ask of any
foreign nation—whatever may be the wants of in
dividuals—but friendship, and “let us alone.” We
arc not acting on our own responsibility, but on the
responsibility of an immortal people—a people, she
character of whose immortality, whether jt shall be
■me of glory and freedom, or of abject submission
'ill misery, wvrs yet to be determined. He was no
prophet of evill and was not desirous to predict that
the evil alternative would be ours. There are but
two powers in Europe ; England is one, and the Al
lies are the other. If they unite* there will be but
one power. Lnglaitti will not enter into any alli
ance of which she is not at the hya.I. She cannot
ho at the head*ol sueh an alliance as the one men
tioned ; ami therefore, he believed, that she would
not ally herself -with the Allied Sovereigns; bur will
probably be fouud in opposisi.m to them, lie be
lieved, although England would not interfere IHtli '
Greece; yet that she would make a stand in favoi
of South America.
He thought there should he a unity of design be
tween the United States and England. They alone
■in defend the liberties of the world, and they can'
do it if united. He would, thcreldre, leave Europe
to Lnglaud. The Greeks are a peculiar s*ect—a.
eligious sect, professing a religion exclusively
their own—and he did not think a stand foi human
liberty should be made o«i such a people. Hi
thought he should act with the utmost prudence ;
and il prudence would not keep us out of conflict,'
ve must prepare to go into it with vigor.
i’.icli adverted to the variety of cases where
insults have been offered to the rights and liberties
of people, where our protest has been withheld. If,
therefore, we should protest in this case, it would
be an involuted case. He thought, therefore, it
would be injudicious to act upon the present pro
position, unless it* could be decided by a greater
majority than there is at present likely to be. He
would therefore move, that the committee now rise,
with a view to close the discussion on th6 question,
lor the prtisent. *
■Mr. If right of Ohio, offered an amendment to
the amendment of the gentleman from Sonth-Caro
lina.
Mr. Rich then renewed his motion, that the com
'ittee rise, which motion pre\ ailed. The cotn
Miittec then rose.
Mr. Taylor then moved, that the House do notv
adjourn.—Ayes 117.
The House then adjourned. .
NEW YORK LEGISLATURE.
Friday, January 16.
IMr. ’Cm stow having called lor (he considera
tion of his resolution, declaring the right ol
members of the house to attend the meetings of
select committees, except when they may he 1
ordered by the bouse to hold their meetings in
secret,
Mr. Rugf.r, of Oneida, moved that the house
adjourn; but the yeas and najs being called
thereon, he Withdrew his motion.
Mr. Rugf.r then remarked that the position
of the gentleman from Tioga (Mr. Bars tow) wn -
certainly a nets and a novel proposition. II ■
had taken partis to ascertain the practice in
Congress, and he had learned that none attend
ed there unless at the request of the committee.
If this resolution passed, commiftees could not
command tin ir own rooms where committees
often met. There could be no tftne or opporl u
nily for deliberation, if intruders had a right to
come in. They will disturb the committee;
and it sites were allowed to he about the com
mittee, and to carry all the crude remarks the\
hear to newspapers—[Here Mr. R. was inter
rupted by Mr. Gardiner, who requested an <x
planation—for if the gentleman intended to im
pute the terms spies to members of the house,
he called him to order. Kt was neither correct
‘■or x ntlemanly.} Mr. R. said he did not in
tend to apply his observations to any particular
case. There would he, he said,crude ideas ex
pressed in committee, which they would not
,wa d to have go before the world. He was sa
tisfied this was an innovation. And what calls
for it, said he, at this particular time ? If this
rule is adopted members would have no place
for retirement! we cannot shut the doors of our
rooms.
Mr. Kttm.wf.m., of 1 Albany, moved to ad
journ, but Mr. Barstow having previously the
floor, the motion was decided to he out of order.
Mr. B arstow said that members of the legis
lature h.'it^ in his opinion, an undoubted right
to be presdtit at the meeting of committees, no
had he ever liennl it disputed until very lately.
There were certain privileges and iminunitie'
guaranteed to us by the laws of the land—others
were secured and enjoyed by invariable usage.
Of the latter kind, was that which was declared
by the resolution he had submitted. He. had
been a member of the legislature many years,
and had never heard it questioned until the pre
sent session. And he would ask whether it was
proper for a chairman of a committee, when a
a member approached the committee room, to
say to him—Depart, sir, you are a Spy / The
gentleman who introduced the motion for the
appointment of the Committee of Nine (Mr.
Flagg) Hun professed to he anxious to colled
information from all parts of the- State, and said,
that before 9uch committee the question would
he discussed. But did that gentleman fnear
that it was to be discussed with closed doors ?
Was their any thing unreasonable to the propo
sition ? Did it give occasion for any one to l»e
afraid? Mr. B. then rend frrfh Jefferson’s
Manuel, p. —, in which it is explicitly laid down
to be the right of members to atte^l such com
mittees, though not to vote. Mr. B. expressed
his opinion emphatically, that the people ofthi*
State were not prepared to authorize a secret
chamber. f
Mr. STIt.t.xf kj.i. renewal his motion to ad
journ. Mr. Tai.i.vj adc.f called for the yeas
and nays on the question of adjournment,
whereupon Mr, Stillwell withdrew his motion.
Mr. Chart,*of Washington, asked whether
he was standing among the t-efresentatives of
freemen <fr of slaves? If of the former, we
were bound <• let those who sent us hero know
what was going on in all cases where their in
terests were concerned. What wag the object
I of appointing a select committee?? To report
facts and their opinion* thr rcon. And was it
» necessary firr making <rnt s*»ch a> report that H
should be obscuieu in dmiciiis* r i. *!ici..»u*
a conspiracy against the rights of the people,
shall it be concealed ? Shall the proceedings
of the committee's be carried on in the secret
shades of night: ami if wo claim our right td
attend and witness them, shall we lie branded
as spies ? The powers of the colpmittee are
derived from the I louse, and shall they slap the
doors in the faces of those who create them .•—*»
Let tltem, if they choose cork the keyholes of
their doors. But their doings will uu(» J.et
them cast the die. It may be the die of blood*
The of the people wero at stake on ag •. at
and inoinentious question, and those who are
anxious to exclude the members of^he il< isd
from their undoubted privileges, will be marked
and known.
Mr. Flagg believed from the circumstances
under which thw resolution was ollbrcd, t^iut it
was intended to apply personally to him* The
gentleman from W ashington, (Mr. Crary) had
talked of blood. IS hen this country was bleed*
ing at every jiore, that gentleman turned away
his eyes—(Order, order, was called from various
parts of the House. The Speaker decided that
Mr. F’s observations vyerc personal, and yin of
oixler.)—Mr. F. said he stood corrected, but
contended that the resolutions were tlnprvre*
dented and Unnecessary. TheV were caiehia*
ted to disturb good feeling and good onler.__
What was tiie object of a select committee ?—*
That they might retire to their committe tvioms,
and discuss the subject alone. 1 f the object Was
to swarm into the Comrnttee room, to prbvcnt
deliberation, the object of tlie resolution *.• *
not laudable. Gentlemen seen) to apprehend
some jKiwder plot. Mr* F. bad no such app:e*
bension. He adverted to the publication oft.!*c
proceedings of the t drnmittee of nine, in the
Daily Advertiser, which he thought wet-e cal*
culated to produce an injurious effect, by eNet
ting, unpleasant feelings. Gentlemen had-. at
been refused admittance. Vj aetnal g- i, :.i- e
had been felt, and lie hoped the resolution wuuui
not he adoptciR
Mr. Crary rose oo'y to say m reply (o t a
geutieman iron) » m,wr, (Mr. Vlagg-V—aial !,e
would now yiy it once for all—that the dee la
lion, or insinuation of that gentleman, that, he
'Mr- Crary) was in any manner opposed *to ids
country m t> e late war with Great Britain, was
unqualf.t dly and vhaohttc ht FAI <SL
On motion of Mr. Warren, the House then
adjourned*
INTERESTIN’ G FkOiuMJUTf* AlVIJ-lR ICA.
The barque LcoqaH, ('rafts, has arrived ; t
Newport from Buenos Ayres. The Edit. ;s . £*
the Ni. Y» Gazette are indebted tc a mercantile
friend for the following highly interesting tx*.
tracts of letters from that pl&co, dated 4th of To
veinber.
Tiic last news from Peru, received two da vs
since, is very favorable to the cause of the f'a
triots. Our dates from Lima, are to the 10th
October. Bolivar arrived there on the 1st._
lie was received with great jov and constituted
Chief of t)»e Republic, with unlimited powers*
An expedition of 2900 men sailed from Cliili ou
ie ;iii ittstani to assist Peru.—Gen. ISt. Cruz
lad obtained a considerable victory over ; j
inanlsh General Valdez, near the BesOguardoi
Gen. St. Cruz was at Areqnipatflth a force, it
is said of0000 men.—La Serna the Victory had
evacuated Cusco in order to form a junction with
Canterac. In short, the affairs of the Patriots
had taken a very favorable turn, and there ap
pears to he little doubt but they will soon got
i id of the old Spaniards. A . soon as Bus takes
place a great trade will be opened at Buenos
Ayres. Flour lias been sold at Lima as low as
.£>» per ban d, on board ; it has got up howe j
^17. The conveution made herewitli the Span
ish deputies for a general aitmdice has not been '
.. tilled in Peru as might be expected from the
niosperous state of the American cause.
“The Indians have been very tioublesotne of
!ate here. They have made incii.sions in me
'Tovinee in vir. ions directions, dnviug oil the
cattle, making prisoners of the women, a id
•mtchering all the men the* can get lio.'d of.
rbe small bodies of troops stationed on the
'iers, have been attacked and defeated seve-tl
tunes by them, which bar render...! them n are
old than formerly.—Crowd-o; p. nple <rum af
ferent payts of the country have flocked to the
city tor protection. The" Indians mis- led on, ,t.
•s said, by some persons Loin here di.-.afieeted to
i lie government. They hav. indeed boeo».>
ormidable as to create a great deal of af .rin
<mohg all those who have any property in • ,e
country. The govo miner, t are taking etiergrt
ic measures to clear the Province of its barba
rian envaders, and will no doubt succeed, but
not before very serious losses are c/.j-^riet'Ced.
The Indians have the most deadly -hatred to 1*1
white men, and never spare them when Ink-n
prisoners. The principal chums of their late sue
>'gri-ai < -M-Hsion ot trontiers made
last year tiy thegovcn incut.
“For the last month (.here has been very seri
ous apprehensions in town of a revolution.—The
late invasions of the Indians have had a tenden
cy to increase the clamor against the govern
ment* The 6 per cent, stocks which w.-re at
h> per cent, have fatten to 40—and even fin's
price is nominal, no one wishing to purchase
during the present nnscttlcd time.—It i most
probable that a change in government will t.,ke
place at the next election (in the month of Mf cl,
next) if not before by violence; in either cos,, it
will certainly prove for the worse, and probaKy
involve the place once more in anarchy.
“The duty on Flour from the 1st oi' January
next will be as follows—*
When the price doe. not exceed £10 1-2 rer*
l»bl. the duty is 7 per bid; when .'ho price is
from 10 1-2 to 14 the duty is 5 1-4; when the
price is more than 14, the duty is 3 |-2.
The following is a list of the American vesv Is
since my last, Sept. 0.—Sept. 10. -hip Ihrima
Matilda,from Fh.ladclphia, with2600 hrJs.flour*
10th, br«g Arcthusa, from do o00 hrls. do »,«■>
aborted cargo, 35th 1m ig So . t h American, from
dodry goods; Oct. 0, scl.r. Mo, from Boston >
13th, brigs fjr*a, Hailv, Frazil, produce: l. ri,
Fettwick, Bio, wine, &c.; 24, s«l,r. Gleaner*
Boston, assorted cargo, .small valro.
The following j„ a list 0f American vessel
now here:—-S’.fjis < oncord, of PorMnou*h. p.|>
ing in mules; Ida, of Boston, to he broken up
Kinrna Matilda, BofferHain; brig* Josiph, \) I
, vajia,* with beef' iVlain, Gibraltar, ArcbVc-a
i Pliilad; South American. Havana, with hrtf*
Ursa Bailey. Gibraltar} Mexico, Brazil Cv
Fenwick, Boston, 3 or 4 weeks; schr. Gleam# •
Bntjzil ( oast.
A lettea received in Philadelphia from Bur nos
Ayres, under dale Not ewtier 6, quotes floifr
§34 per barrel.
“Flour is selling for to 9* Jollarson shore.
The last which came in (on the 25th ultA w
small parrel per the brig Sooth Caro'in,/. wr„, k *
wassokl at. 20fl<tlln r» sml ,ix rents per harr-J—
but in conceqiitHtce of no a" rivals since, it h-a
improved, and we think will keep up. Toe last
quotation from 1 ,nm yrns bi) t:> 64 <4oliar.-peV
barrel, Wtl At data*ad>.

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