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DEMOCRACY, Til, COJYSTTTUTIOM, AJYD STATE RIGHTS.
By PLEASANTS & BUTLER.] RICHMOND, VIRGINIA, TUESDAY, APRIL G, 1824. ICTTlie CoNSTiTi/no.VAT. Wmo is published hcice a week, (Tuesdays? and Fridays',) at five dol lars per annum, payable within sic months, by all who are original subscribers, or become so in ninety days from the date of the 1st JVo., and in advance for all who subscribe thereafter. O* For advertising—fifty cents a square (or less) for the first insert inland 37 1-2 cenl\for each con tinuance.—The number of insertions must be noted on the M. S., otherwise they will be continued and charged accordingly. U* Advertisements from the country to be paid for in advance, or assumed by some responsible indi vidual in this place or Manchester. O* All letters to the Editors must be post-paid, or they will receive, no attention. E\g\vte,cttt\\ Congress. REMARKS OF MR- R. S. GARNETT, OF VIRGINIA. On the motion, Mr. P. P. Barbour, to strike out the duty of 25 cents a bushel on wheat. Jtfr. Garnett said such repeated claims to pro tection had been founded by the manufacturers, on the encouragement supposed to have been given to agriculture, that it was the interest of the agriclturists, who knew this motion to bo the merest fallacy in the world, to strike from the bill every item which purported to be for their benefit. With this view, he had moved the other day to strike out an item, on which, lie supposed, at some future period, a pretext might be founded for saying asm-all portion of a small section our country, namely, the fruit growers of Florida, had been protected. Had die known at the time that the bill contained a proposition for a duty on wheat, (a circumstance that had escaped his uotice, from his cursory perusal of it,) he should have struck at that game rather than the other, which was of infe rior importance. It was fortunate, howerer, that he did uot know it, as it was the meads of the motion being made by his worthy colleague, who was much more able to sustain it. This attempt to raise the price of wheat, IWr. C. observed, was one of the most remarkable examples of the progress of the American^ Le gislature in the science of political economy which had ever been exhibited. If It was not for the respect which he entertained for the gentlemen who composed the committee on manufactures, he should really have sup posed that the duty had been introduced mere ly ad captcinduin—to induce the agricultur ists to compound for the certain evil contained in the bill for the prombp of contingent good; but the respect he had for those gentlemen for bade the idea that they would endeavor to ac complish, by sleight of hand,|by legerdemain, and management, what they could not effect by the force of reason and truth. And, indeed, as this idea of raising the price of grain was not the only extraordinary thing in the theory ofpolitical economy which they had adopted, he had no right to attribute to them any other motive than the ostensible one. it was remarked, said Mr. G. by one of the most distinguished writers of the present age, the celebrated Malthus, that, to know what wc can do, and how to do it, is the most valuable species of information wc can possess. The next -is, to know what we cannot do, and why wc cannot do it. It \ appeared to him, that, in the present state of I our legislation, the latter information was more desirable thau the former; for, under the belief that we can do a good which we cannot do, we are about to do an evil which wc certainly can do. Under the belief that we can protect agri culture, we are about to ruin it. lie said un der this belief, because it had been repeatedly avowed, in the course of the debate, by gentle men, that they would us* support the bill but from a conviction that its pressure on the differ •ent portions of the country, and several classes of the community, would be equal. If it could be made to appear that Congress^c mid not effi ciently protect agriculture, gentlemen would be bound, consistently with their own declarations, to withdraw their support from the bill—and,that it could bo-made to appear, was unquestionable. • He laid it down as an incontrovertible position, that, with respect to all the great staples of agri culture, of which the country produced a suffi ciency for home consumption, and a surplus to export, the price was regulated by that portion of it which went abroad. Suppose a cargo of foreign wheat comes to one of the ports of this country, whilst the American merchant is ship ping domestic wheat to another country, and that it can bo sold here cheaper than tho domes tic wheat: Will not the merchant purchase it in preference to the domestic wheat, and ship it instead? And why will he? Became, getting it cheaper, he makes a greater profit on it. But dues not this prove that the ort-ner hi nsclf may make the profit* Will he bo stupid enough to permit the American merchant to make a pro fit which he can make himself.'* Will he not ■carry his wheat himself to tho foreign market, ■and drive os out of that, before he c jmes in coin petion with us in our own? And will lie not, to ■avoid additional expense, go thither directl y, in stead of torching at our ports? It is self-evi dent that ho will; and, that tho necessary con dition of a competion, with us in our own mar kets, will be, our previous exclusion from tlie foreign market. A few straggling cargoes that may coine to this country, prove nothing to the contrary. The same was true of tobacco, rice, cotton, &c. With respect to cotton, even if the duty could be added to tbc price, which was impossible, it would be only a tax on the manu facturer to the extent of his individual consump tion. In the same way, it would pay back to the manufacturer the amount of the duty ad vanced to him on the raw article. Even with respect to sugar, and other agricultural commo dities, the production of which was limited by climate or other causes, competition, had a much more rapid effect in reducing prices, than it had in manufactures. Where the lands of the first Quality had not all been brought into cultiva tion, there was no limit to the increase of the supply, but tho quantity of labor that could he applied. By clearing the land, and rendering it more arable, the facility of production was increased—the same labor could proJuen more. It was otherwise in manufactures. Additional labor could not permanently diminish prices, un less it was accompanied by improvement in skill, In machinery, by augmented capital, or by some other circumstance that facilitated production, and enabled the same labor to produce more and these circumstances were generally of slow acquisition, never greatly exceeding the imme diate wants of society. The reason why com petition from mere additional labor could not permanently diminish the price of manufactures, was, that, if a great supply should be thrown in to the market and thus sink the price below the cost of production, the commodity would cease to be produced, and if this was continued for a riy length of time, the capital itself of the man ufacturer would be destroyed. With land it was different. Mere labor, without additional skill, increased the facility of production* But CyOD when an extraordinary .supply induced f»ie priccof its products below the cost of produc tion, and a ccrtaiu quantity of land thereby cea sed to be cultivated, it was not like the capital of the manufacturer, destroyed, but might be recurred to again, whenever a diminished sup ply produced a new demand. There was then no justice m considering the protection to ag riculture as an offset (o that of manufactures. It must, necessarily, be partial and temporary. A protection to a small portion of the country, which burlhcned the rest, was no excuse for burtheningthe whole. It was most extraordi nary to hear gentlemen contend, that competi tion diminished the price of manufactures, but that competition increased the price of agricul tural products. He should really like to hear by what ingenuity they explained these oppo site and contradictory efl‘ c ts. When gentlemen fly in the face ,of received maxims, sanctioned by the univcrsaJfcxperienc ‘ ol mankind, they cannot expect, whatever con fidence we may have iu their opinions, that we shall reccirc them with implicit faith*. When a statesman affirms that a measure will be fol lowed by a consequence, he shauhl be able to explain iu what manner the cause and effect are connected with each other. He should be glad to hear some attempt to shew in what manner the dut^ on wheat would raise the price. Until it was made, he should beg leave to differ xvitli gentlemen. It was not by any legislative quackery—by any hocus pocui of law—that this effect could be produced. He hoped the agri culturists would unite to strike from this bill every thing that was pretended to he for their benefit. The gentleman from ^Georgia, (Mr. Cobb,) had very liberally, (or at least very wise ly, for liberality implied sacrifice, and there was none,) oll'cred to give his vote to take c:Fthe du ty oncofton. He hoped, we should strikeout the duty on wheat; an l that, by striking it out, wc should shew atleisl one thing—ami that was, that.we were not opposed to an entire prohibi tion of—soft corn. The affairs of the agriculturists of (his coun try, said Mr. ft. have re u lied a im»-t eventful crisis. Lt behoved them to look well to conse quences in future. Never had a set of men been so indifferent to their own interests, and never had men suffered more from their own folly ^ Though possessing a numerical superiority, thqy had by their own injudicious policy, reared up classes hostile in their principles, and formidable in their strength. By the funding sj^tem, they had created a moneyed capital; they had given these capitalists a hank to increase their profits. That portion of the capital which took the di rection of manufactures, had been increased by a system, of protec duties, and the manufac turers had now .< dire 'l influence in the House, altogether disproportionate to their numbers and importance. No doubt, the considerations of public good which prompted their Representa tives to prosecute the prohibitory policy, were in many iustanccs, seconded by motives of indi vidual interest. The manufacturers were-not only indebted to the folly of the agriculturists, but to their own saracity and industry. No thing could exceed . e zeal and activity with which the had promoted their objects. It was almost inorcdiblc. Among other means, they appeared to have organized a corps of writers— writers whose productions, to judge by the fjuanlili/y absolutely rivalled the effects of ma chinery. These literary machines produced vast supplies of pamphlets, which, containing a jumble of patriotic notions, partial statements, and fallacious reasoning, were circulatedqrnlis —sent into tha rein >test comers of the country, by posts, by pedlars, and other conveyances, and often fell into the hands of simple farmers, who, having no opportunity to hear the other side, were captivated with their specious statements, and often made converts to a system which would ruin them. He had been told of a gen tleman in Virginia, who last year sent a parcel of wool to the North, to exchange for domestic cloth ; and, when the cloth arrived, the hale was opened, lie found in it twelve copies of the Re port of the Committee of .Manufactures, a book of 80 or 100 pages—no doubt thrown in g ratis, to makeup f.»r the additional cost of the cloth ; though (without intending to disparage the re port, the writer of which lie knew to he a man of abilities,) it might he questioned, whether the receiver regarded the present in the same light with the donor. But, the agriculturists, many of them, were really interested in manufactures. Tim dis bursement of money benefitted the farmers in the neighborhood, and produced an appearance of prosperity, which had been reiie ! on as an ar gument in favor of the system, though it was evident, that, this prosperity was at the expense of the great hulk of the agriculturists in favor of protecting duties, which had considered as inat ter ol surpriso. If you were to build palaces in stead of factories, a nl cn l6'.v the occupants with revenues drawn from other quarters of the conn- I try, the disbursements would benefit the far- ' iners, who were contiguous: palaces would be come as popular as factories, and we should no doubt, sec your table loaded with petitions, pourtraying, in very pathetic language, the suf ferings ol the occupants. Whilst the manufac turers had been unremitting and indefatigable in their exertions, the agriculturists had been, generally, supine and inactive. They had, in some places, organized societies, met occasion ally only—apa ir uitly rn ire to banquet than to do business The zeal of a few was great, hut the greater part of their members were indifferent td the political interests of agriculture. When they signed a remonstrance, they probably for got it before it reached Congress. After dis charging this task, they retired, reposing, iu fancy at least, on the laurels of victory ; and re mained perfectly quiet, until a new tariff arous ed them from their slumbers, and summoned them to a new remonstrance and another ban quet. Agriculture and its interests arc neglcc cd and despised. Agriculture the great source of our wealth like the militia, the great bulwark of our defence, makes, a figure in the 4fb of duly orations and toasls; but, like the militia, it is toasted, flattered, ar»d despised. Wo are a despised people—of which our whole legislation is a proof—but there were minor prooofs. Four years ago, a now committee l>ad been created, called the Committee on Agriculture. The circumstances of its creation proved, that it was not intended todovisc ways and means for the positive encouragement of agriculture, but to protect its political interests from encroachment The Committee on AMrmfactnrcs bail been se parated from that of commerce; had reported a groat tariff frhich had passed the House. The day after thin bill passed, it was, that a gentle man trout North Carolina moved to raise this new commit teo. The committee had been truly symbolical of the interest it represents. As the gentleman iVom New York, (Mr. Cambre had truly told the Houso, whilst thoother committees had obtained spacious apartments in which to hold their deliberations* that on agri culture had never, until this session, had an apartment at all; but bad been bandied about from one room to aootlipr^ and sometimes rn debtedeveu to the Committee on Manufactures, I their most deadly enemies, (he spoke of their principles,) fora place to sit in. And now they had room, it was more like a dungeon than any thing else. It had a single window looking to wards some interior part of the building, iuto which the sun never darted a ray. This might I be called a trifle—and a trifle it certainly was —but feathers shew how the wind blow*. This was not all. A majority of the committee were ill Tavor of the protecting duly system, no doubt honestly, conseient iously. Uut, whilst the manu facturers were provided with a committee, to prepare, organize, ami concentrate the means of attack, the agriculturists had no committee to prepare, organize, and concentrate the means of defence, lie owed it to justice to sav, that he had the best reason to believe, that the com position of the committee was purely the result of accident or inadvertence—aud inadvertonco to the concerns of agriculture tio, one had a tight to impute, ns a fault, to another, for all were equally culpable. Uut, if it were advan tage at all to have a committee, it was one which the agriculturists to change thei.' conduct, if they did not wish to be driven to choose be tween the alternatives of ruin and resistance. Hut the Speaker had told us, that he had known several tariffs to pass through the 1 louse, accom panied, iu every instance, with the predictions of ruin or resistance. Hut the predictions wore not verified : no re sistance had taken place, lie asked the honor aide Speaker, whether it was doing justice to his own liberality, to his owm philanthropy, to use this language ? Was it not cruel, was it not to taunt us, thus to extract from our patience, forbearance, and long-suffering, an argument for putting them to a sliil severer trial ? What! because the mechanical pressure has not yet de pressed the spring to tho point of re-action, shall it be increased ? Because the degree of ten sion has net been sufficient to snap the coni, are further experiments to be made, iuorder toas cartnin its strength ? Political writers had fre quently predicted, that the national debt of Grant Britain would ruin the nation. Their predictions had not proved true—not that they were mistaken in supposing the national debt to be an evil ; but they had miscalculated the prodigious productive powers of the country, and its capacity to resist the evil. So the agri culturalists of the south, in predicting that the unjust and oppressive system pursued towards them, would produce resistance, were not mis taken as to the ruinous eli’ect of the system ; hut they had miscalculated their capacity of endu rance, in comparison with their sense of suffer ing—thcjr had underrated their attachment to the Union, compared with their ability to endure oppression. The Speaker would not undertake to deny, lliat the Southern Slates were in a ruin ous condition. What was the cause? Vain and visionary philosophers had speculated on these causes. Some had ascribed them to sla very, some to climate, ardeut spirits, tobacco, & to other fantastic causgs—but wc had alwaxs had these things, and hail somtimes enjoyed ve ry great prosperity ; these, therefore, were not the causes. It w as nothing more nor less than this ; the taxation of the General Government did not leave us income enough to appropriate to the improvement of the soil. Our jaw s had made the profits of capital greater than the pro fits of land and labor. Jt was this that had dri vairwur population into distant lands, reduced them to beggary, and spread desolation over the country. He admitted the influence of state le gislation, and the refusal of foreigners to receive our agricultural products. But what w as the instrument by which the state legislatures, jn the South, had produced the greatest mischief? It was banks. And what gave rise to them? The General Government had created a mo neyed interest in the Northern States. Banks were established for the benefit of the cspitalist; and, when the southern Slates adopted them, the argument was—at least he knew this to be the case as respected Virginia—that they were necessary, to avoid being trihutatries to the Northern banks. A-regardsoi:vexclusion from foreign markets, lie conceded that it was.insomo degree owing to the general pacification in Eu rope, which hail liberated a great deal of labor that had been then applied to agriculture ; but it was also, in some measure, owing to our own policy. By our heavy duties, we augmented the price of foreign manufactures ; diminished our consumption of them ; thus compelled the manufacturers to turn agriculturists, and they* complained that they would not receive our bread stud's. Why, the true remedy for this was to reverse our system, to retrace our steps, to cheapen manufactures, increase their con sumption, and thus to tempi agricultural labor to find more profitable employment. lie had no sort of doubt, that if, hya diminution of price, or by increased means of purchasing, wre could consume ciouoie use quantity oi foreign manu factures, ive should give a stimulus to manufac turing industry, which would attract agricultu ral labor from the poor lands to which it had been obliged to resort, for want of better em ployment, and thus, bv diminishing the quantity of bread stulFs, which were produced ala very great cost, below the domestic consumption, compel foreign nations rtgain to open their ports to us. After all, the General Government was the great causa caimans of our distresses. Bill tise Speaker had said, that, while flic South declared 1hat it would bo ruined with the tarilF, other portions of the country assorted, with equal confidence, that they would he ru ined without it, and that this was a government in which the majority must govern. Supposing the latter assertion lu be true, he asked whether one portion of the country had a right to save it self from ruin by ruining another ? If the smal lest members of the confederacy would be ru ined by a system of taxation, the federal govern ment would have no right to adopt it; for, in order to preserve the political relation of the states, the constitution, in granting the power of taxation, even for the great purposes of the common defence and general welfare, had pre scribed equality as the indespensahlc condition of its exercise. That this system wnnhl ruin the Southern stales, he was prepared to show whenever the general question earn:: to he dis cussed.—The Southern states, said Mr. G. have been the victims of the }»olicy of this government ever since it3 commencement. They • have borne nearly the whole burthen of taxation. Tim funding, hanking, protecting duty, ami pension system, had all fallen, in their operation, on tho Southern states. I have xenrl some where of an African prince, who, whenever he wants to tax his subjects, takes a windy day, puts a cap lightly on his hea 1, goes out of doors, and, in whatever direction the wind blows the cap, the people in that direction are taxed. It appears to me, that, from whatever quarter the wind blows, the cap of the general government alwavs comes to the South ; whether it be from east, northeast—(he had forgotten how to box the compass)—but, whether it be from east or I any other point, norlhahmrl to west, it was the same thing. Wc were first ma le acquainted with this fatal cap by a hurricane called funding. It was brought among us soon after by another, called a bank—in both instances, to the great sorrow of all, except those wliofelt that it was an ill wind that blows nobody any good. We are now again threatened with its unwelcome rc visitation from two terrible tornadoes—one from the East, called a tariff, and the other from the West, called internal improvement, which meet ing in the same point, from opposite directions, might, according to the laws of mechanical phi losophy, koep the cap stationary, but a new im petus comes from the North, «Sc again gives it its old duedircction to the South.—These chilling and blasting winds that have come among us, warmed by the genial heat of the South, have returned, spreading luxuriance and verdure o verthe country, fertilizing and fructifying the land. But, if they come now, they come in vain ; the ro-vivify iug piinciple is gone, our sun is dimmed, "iir light is put out. The funner ol the South, like the silly sheep he shears, has suf fered tlccce after fleece to he taken from his back, until he har, no longer a lock of wool left to gratify the avarice of his shearers ; and he has now the melancholy prospect before lain ol being butchered and devoured, and that, too, without the usual privilege of being previously fattened. Because, like an old dray-horse, that now and then flings out his heels at his driver, to make a show of resistance, lie occasional! v grutnblc3 or remonstrates, he has vainly thought himself free. A few cracks of the whip have generally quieted him ; but if you co.-r.e to lav the whip on bis back—to apply the thong to his skin, I do not know whether heisquite prepared to stand this test of his humility. It is really ne cessary to put our shoulders to the wheel, unless vve mean to submit without further struggle. The time is come when we must ithcr •» do or die.” I have heard it said, that this is the wisest Congress that has been assembled for many ycars. It may be so ; but, if some of the pro positions that are now before it, such as the project for internal improvement—for crusading in favor of universal emancipation, and, last, though not least, for a new tariif, are adopted, it will not be the lirst legislature 1 have known, whose acts, at least in my humble judgement, were in the inverse ratio of its reputed wisdom. REMARKS or Mu. BAYLIES, On the proposition, to impose a duty on tallow. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. March 19, 1824. JVr. Ray lies, of Massachusetts, resumed his remarks, oil the proposed amendment, oflered by Mr. McKim, tostrike out of the New Tariff Bill, the proposed duty of4 cents on tallow. Air. Bay lies sai.l, that he fell somewhat discou raged by the symptoms of hostility which had been manifested, in some quarters of the I louse, to the object of the mcmoralists of New Bedford and Nantucket. As he had the honor to claim the citizens of one of those towns as constituents, he felt it incumbent on him to offer some remarks touching the memorials and the remonstrances, and, he trusted, u.. *,0111100511 our great cities bad combined the-, torces, on this question, that the interests of two humole and obscure villages would not be neglected, if he could make it ap peal that it was for the advantage of the nation that those interests should be protected. In the year 1819, Russian and American tal low was quoted', in the price currents; at from 13 to 15 cents. Sperm, oil, at that period, (and add for some time previous,( had been sold at 85 to 90 cents per gallon. Talloiv is now 7 cents per pound summe r strained oil, 37 cents per gallon, and winter strained oil 50 cents per gal lon-a reduction in price of about one half. In the year 1820, 1821, and the three first quarters of 1822, there were imported into the United States 10,270,740 lbs. of tallow—equal to 36 1,890 boxes of candles of 30 pounds each, or to the product of 219,533 head of cattle, or to 1,372,091 gallons of oil, which, if consumed in the United Slates,supposing the material ;>!rea oy here to hejequal to the necessary consump tion, would prevent ti»c consumption of the quan tity of oil, or the quantity of tallow, which he had named. The estimates of the memorialists would be found, upon examination, to be cor rect. - 1 There were, also, imported during that period, 321,83 pounds of tallow candles. The tallow-chandlers say, that the imported tallow is not used for the purposes of light, but that it is made into soap and exported. If this assertions he admitted to be true, what follows? Why, that the tallow of the country, which, otherwise, would have been used by soap markets, is deprived of its market by the im portation of foreign tallow; and the price being depressed, and no sales effected to profit, is ei ther worked up in soap in household manufacture, or for light, as the substitute of oil. Again, it is said, that the difficulties, in the oil market arise from the superabundance of the article. Why, sir, so they do; hut will not those difficulties be increased,if you increate, by importation, the quantity of an article already superabundant ? it cannot be denied that the cheapest light that can be used is that which is furnished in oil hence it would be good economy in the far mer to sell bis tallow, and to supply himself with oil; his tallow would then be brought into the market. But, if he was met in the market, with this prodigious 'quantity of foreign tallow , it is almost self-evident that the home tallow would be depressed, and a heavy loss would full upon the farmer. If the forei ,11 tallow was prohibited, domestic tallow, near a market, would be exchanged for oil, the tallow made into soap, and exported. Some candles would still be made and exported. The farmer would receive an increased price for his tallow, and obtain oil at a price affording him a cheaper light, and in this manner he would derive an advantage from the exchange. From accurate experiments, it has boon ascertained that sperm, oil, at one dollar per gallon, i- a cheaper light than tallow candles at If) 1-2 cent-* per pound ; and, of course, oil at 50 cents per gallon, would be cheaper than tallow candies at 5 t-2cents per nonrid. Oil, at the price at which it can he imported at a profit, is certainly a cheaper light than tol l»w, even at its present low prices; but (lie habits of a people are not suddenly changed; and as tallow is very low, compared with the prices two or three years since, the farmers would continue to use i(, and not readily change their light, as they would, if the tailow was higher. It would, in fact, he a saving to those who nce tallow candles, if they were obliged to use oil at double its present prico. This fact distin guishes this kind of protection from all other kinds. The expense is not increased to t'lC consumer, but lessened. A species of reasoning is employed by the tallow-chandlers, which must he fallacious. A i pound of tallow (say they.) is purchased in K»ts j sia, or elsewhere, imported into the United i otates. and pay- me cent du’y. 1< i= here* ;nan u factored into soap, exported to the West In dies, and exchanged for a pound of coffee; which, when imported into the United States, pays five cents duty; therefore, the pound of tallow pays six cents duty. Now, this mode cf reasoning, if not convincing, is at least convenient; but, it is something like that of the bor, in the story book, who counted his chickens before Ids eggs were hatched. Every passible case may be supposed: a pair of silk stockings may be pur chased in France far one dollar; imported into the l iiited States, pay 15 ecu's Jut;., he wptv ted to .Madeira. exchanged for a gallon of wine, i which, when imported, would pay a duty of one ; dollar; therefore, according to this reasoning, a 1 pair ot silk stockings, purchased for one dollar, would pay- jf! 15 duty. Any estimate cr cal culation, founded on such a basis as this, mav. and probably would, fail. It is said, by ilie memorialists of New York aud IJultiruore, that all tallow, for a long- time past, introduced into tills, from foreign countries, has been attended with a loss to the importer. It it lie so, it would certainly he for the advan tage of the importer if the importation was pro hibited. And if it be so, the prohibition of im portation would certainly be advantageous to the nation; for, if wc import at a loss, the loss is to the nation as well as to the individuals who im port. \V c buy of Russia much more than Wc sell to her. Therefore, that branch of trade is not to be particularly favored. The same can not be said of oil; tor, although the whale fishe ry may be prosecuted at a loss to the ship-owu er, and the seamen may be inadequately remu nerated fur their labors, yet the gam is the re sult of labor—of labor which takes from the ocean a mass of useless matter, gives it a va lue, brings it into active operation for the use and comfort ofinan, or asan article of commerce, or a mean of exchange. The loss is to the indi vidual who engages in the fishery—the gain is to the nation. The tallow chandlers say, that candles arc nearly pushed out of use by the excessive im portation of oil. ‘-It is (say they,) not probable that there is more tlia.ua tenth part of the can dles used in our country that there used to be and we judge from our own experience, that not one twentieth part the quantity is exported*™ They certainly must have been in the dark when they made this estimate. There never has been over 50,000 barrels of sperm, oil con sumed in one year in the United States. Of this quantity, after deducting1 for light housds, the lighting of streets, and what is used for woo and in manufactories, 50,000 barrels may be left for the use of families, shops, See.; allow G persons to a family, 10,000,000 of people give one million and two thirds of a million of families —those who use oil will average ten gallons to a family; 30,000 barrels will, therefore, supply but 90,000 families, leaving nearly 1,577,000 fami lies to use tallow candles; this shews that onlv 5 1-2 percent, of the families use oil, leaving 9*1 1-2 percent, of the families to be supplied with light in some inode; if the assertion of the tallow chandlers be true, most of our people must do without light. Equally are the} mistaken, (as I think,) as to their numerical superiority over the whale fisher men. During the last year there were, in the United States, abunt 150 ships employed in the sperm-whale fishery, and 50 in the right whale fishery; each of these ships was manned witli-42 hands—say -1100 seamen in the whole. The whole population, directly interested in the whale fishery, cannot be estimated at less than 30,000. The tallow-chandlers say, that “imported tallow is not fit to be manufactured into candles for exportation, or for home con sumption,” of course, it can make no difference to them, so far as the manufacture of candles is concerned. Cut, they say “an increased duly will prevent its manufacture, and limit the ex port.” 11 is evident that they wish to keep down the price of tallow, and therefore their interest is at variance with the interest of the growers of rattle. Should it be admitted, that all the evils which the tallow-chandlers apprehend would he real ised, yet they find a remedy in the drawback, and the allowance of the drawback reduces (he protection to whalemen to almost nothin';. I do not know but that I ought to move that th ■ se - tion which allows the drawback should be stick cn from the bill. i uey ootain, by Hint section, » , per cent, of the duty on the export of the article. I am a warelhat muoh may be said about the frauds which may be practiced on the revenue—I do not pretend to deny but that frauds may be com mitted; every article embraced in the bill is lia ble totthesame objection; if the whole commu nity arc rogues there is no question but that ma ny frauds may be successfully attempted; but if these tallow chandJers are, what they represent themselves to be, (and I do not feel disposed to question their assertions,) but little danger on this score is to be apprehended—if they arc not, they ought not to receive the benefit of the draw , back. An increased duty on tallow would more im mediately promote the interests of the growers of cattle; by the farmer, the effect would he felt at once, while the benefit to the fishery, though equally sure, weald he more remote. The interests of the whale fishery, and of ag riculture, are inseparably connected; this con nection will clearly appear, if the following cir cumstances are considered. Nothing is used in the con.-tmction of the whale ships but what is obtained from tho farmers, with the excep tion of iron, duck, and cordage. The timber is obtained from the woodlands of the firmer. The plank arc sawed at his mill-. | flii teams are employed in the transportation of j the timber and plank—a transportation frequent* j ly of twenty, thirty, or forty miles. A ship go j mg round Capo Horn requires from 100 to ISO i barrels of beef and pork, 150 barrels of flour, a I considerable quantity of peas, beans, cheese, ] butter, rice, corn, &c.; supplies not drawn from I a small territorial space, but from a wide coun i try. Staves an 1 bard pine-boards for heading ! arc obtained almost exclusively from the South, I particularly from Goorgia and the Carolines, j In the construction of the ships the se rvices | of a numerous class of mechanics are required, viz: Ship-wrights, ship-joiners, caulkers, riggers, block-makers, sail-makers, blacksmitlis, boat builders, painters, fee. All these media: lies are fed 1»3' the farmers. Another branch of mechanical industry, not much required in oilier vessels, is in constant re quisition for the service of the fishery, viz: that of coopers, in manufacturing the casks neecssa ! ry to contain the oil which is obtained in the j whale voyages. The manufacture of iron hoops for the casks has already become a great and profitable I branch of manufacturing labor. Twelve hun dred tons arc said to bo annually required. Numbers of coasting vc-iscls arc constantly j employed in rbc servi"o of the whale ships. , First, in bringing from New York and thcsf-ale? further foofh thf tlonr and prov ;• :«ns for feed in" the crer.-, an-! in the transporting the oil a hvM the coast to supply the light-houses, and tlinowns and cities on the-Atlantic. ilcinp, iron, **nd duck, pay high duties to the revenue, as also the molasses, sugar, tea, coflee, I liquors. &.c. which are used for ship stores, i 'T'he mind, in pursuing the busiuc .s created i ov this fishery into all its ramifications, is lost in ' utter astonishment at •baling such a vast varie I tv of interest* to he involved in it, and su» lian j equal diifasion of its benefits; not enriching mo I r.opolists, but bringing plenty to the door of the j filmier, the mechanic, tlie manufacturer, and the merchant; not payii g a miserable stipend of monthly wages for the toils, the dangers, tire sufferings, the sickness, aud the live s of ournc* ble-hearted ami invaluable seamen, but admits ting them to share the piofits, as well as the dan gers, of their long and adventurous voyages., Tlie oil is hit vi I in certain proportions the shipowners,muster*, iimty?, seamen, and woys. Tlie interest is common, The profit is common. The los3 is comm n There is certainly no branch of navigation or manufactuics which, according to the capital employed, requires so much labor ns this. The memorialists of New Bedford and Nan tucket expect no relief, unless it shall appear, alter a lull examination, that it would he for the national interest that they should be received. Every da}'* experience proves that it is to out* navy wc must look for the protection of our commerce. That navy, to be cflicienl, must be manned by young, hardy, and "dive seamen. Asa nursery of auch seamen this fishery is invalua ble. Every whale ship lakes from six to nine green hands; and, after one voyage, returns them finished seamen, made so, sir, by the long and continuous voyage, aud by the sober, cor rect, and steady discipline which universally prevails in these ships. They are returned with untainted morals, anti with qualities peculiar and great; yes, sir, groat. It requires uo or dinary resolution to unfurl the sail to the winds of heaven; to separate from persons and objects made dear by association, connexion, and fami ! Iv tiej; to abandon for years the face of eivili zalion—their ship their world, with nothing a round them hut the wide waste of waters; “Their march upon the mountain wave, rhftr home . pon the deep. It is by long' -eparation from accustomed as | social ions that inn acqirrc that habitude of thought and of action, which qualifies them for the employment to which they are destined. The seamen nurtured in this employment are the hardiest, the boldest the most adventurous, the most enterprising' in the world. Without ques tion, they surpass all others. The nature of their employment stimulates and strengthens quali ties the most rare, and the most valuable. It is not by creeping along our own coast, or dodging into a port in the West Indies, or f et formiug a fair wcalhr-r voyage to Europe that: seamen arc made. In this fishery the very bovs are fashioned into heroes: they are inured to dan ger in its di est form. The man who can steer a boat upon, or strike a harpoon into a whale, cannot be a coward; courage is as necessary to him as the air to life, and not nuty corn age but coolness and presence of mind. Nurtured on the ocean, he is familiarized to Sts daggers; no circumstance can disconcert, nd disasters in timidate him. The horrors of sea fight have no terrors for the whaleman; he is constantly en gaged in fights, which render the puny efforts of hostile man but sport to him. Some of these seamen were in the Essex, and was the gallaut commander of that illfatcd ship now present, lie could tell you sir, that,during that liorriblc scene r.t Valparaiso, when he stood on his deck knee deep in blood and carnage, when his men w’ere falling in masses around him, until, to use the words of Mr. Madison. “ humanity tore down the colors which valor had nailed to the mast”— he could tell you sir, that, during this disastrous time, during this scene of horrors, he found no braver spirits in his ship than the whalemen of New England: A gentleman mini \cw York, (Mr. Cambre leng,) in a speech with which he favored this committee, a few days since, on the general mcr i its of tliis bill, has appropriated the splendid eu logitim pronounced In- Edmund Burke, in tho Parliament, in 177-1, to our ancestors generally, I and to our commerce generally. It was hardly j liiir in him, hostile as lie is to the interests of tho wlialemcn [Mr. C’ambh long denie ' that he was hostile to them. Mr. Baylicscxprcsssd his satisfac tion to find it so, and continued]—I say,sir, that this beautiful effusion of eloquence was elicited from Burke on the subject of the whale fishery, when that fishery was confined fo Nantucket and New Bedford. It will well bear repeating^ and with the indulgence of the committee twill repeat it. M'. Bay lies then read an extract from BurkcV speech on conciliation with America: “As to the wealth which the colonics have drawn from the sea by their fiisherirs, you had all tnat matter fully opened at you rbar. “You surely thought those acquisitions of vai no: for they seemed even to • xcite your ci.vyt and yet the spirit by which that enterprising em ployment has been exercised, ought rather, ir» my opinion, to have raised your esteem and ad miration. And pray, sir, what in the world is equal to it ? Pass by the other parts, and look at the manner in which tho people of New F.n gland have of lafo carried on the whale fishery. Whilst we follow them amongst the tumbling mountains of ice, and behold them penetrating into the deepest frozen recesses of Hudson’s Bay and Uavis'-’s Srails ; whilst we are looking for them beneath the arctic circle—we hear that they have pierced into the opposite region ofpn lar cold; that they arc at the antipodes, apd en gaged under the frozen serpent of the South. Falkland Islands, which seemed loo remote and romantic an object for the grasp of national am bition, is but a stage and resting place in the progress of thoir victorious industry. “Nor is the equinoctial heat more discou raging to them than the accumulated winter of both the poles. Wre knew that, whilst some of them draw the line, and strike the harpoon, on the coast of Africa, others run tho longitude, and pursue their gigantic game along the coos* of Brazil. No sea but what is vexed by their fisheries. No climate that is not witnessed to their toils. “Neither the perseverance of Holland, nor the activity of France, nor the dexterous and firm sagaoitv <>f English enterprise, ever carried this most perilous mode of hardy industry, to the extent to which it has been pushed bv this re cent people; a people who are sti'l. as it were, in the gristle, and not yet hardened iufoLhc bone of manhood.” Thus did that most illustrious statesman speak in the Brit ish Parliament, of this fishery i:i 1774, when it had not attained, in any degree, to its present magnitude, whether considered In iC1 fcrcnco to capital, tonnage, number of seamen, or the length awl duration of the voyages. The 1 flight of an imagination which seemed to pervado ! the whole circle of ftnan existence, d‘d nn-.