Constitutional Whig. [volume], December 26, 1827, Image 3

About Constitutional Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1824-1832

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nju;oH>)' alUcucJ auu Us Ucsi meaMucs Uiivaiteuior
thoxnke of inero opposition, as it is glorious that a
vicious administration should be hurled from the exer
cise of power they abused. Were the calamity limited
to the present time, it would not deserve the interpo
sition of (lie people, but it is obviously destined to in
crease, with the increase of the numbers who as
plre to the first office of the Government. As these
multiply, as multiply they must, with the increased
population of the country, it becomes more and more
Impossible that they can all achieve what is the final
aim of all. Suppose for example, that (he 17. States
contained twelve Clintons and Calhouns—each pos
sessing great talents, numerous and devxlcd friends,
extensive influeucc—and each with his eye unchange
ably fixed on the Presidency, directing his influence in
the public councils and his popularity in the nation,
exclusively to the attainment of his ambitious views;
could less be expected than that the sword would be
appealed to? And yet is any thing more prohable,
Ilian such an event and Its nearness/
T here were many who foresaw that the Presidency
was the apple of discord, the strugglo for which was
to dissolve the union of the American States. Every
day’s experience, every thing we know of human na
ture, confirms the probability of the prediction. The
fierceness of the present contest, iTbut prepaiing the
people for one still fiercer. Whether Mr. Adams or
Gen. Jackson be elected, the President will hardly
be installed before those who aspire to succeed him
(and we may reckon upon four or fire candidates) will
marshall their forces for the ensuing contest. lu short
(be struggle-for the Presidency, is destined to be “ever
beginning, never ending," and one contest and the ex
citement it produces, only terminated, to give room
fpr another contest and for still higher excitement._
If the violence of no single shock overthrow tire Gov
ernment, (and the representation of a single state only
has to withdraw to dissever the union) yet the constant
succession of shocks must undermine tho fabric at last
Party rage, like individual passion, when it passes cer- i
tain bounds, must seek relief in violence and action, i
These truths strike all who look with an attentive
ere, at the progress of the National Goveruinent.—
The wish is general to find and apply a remedy in
fime. Few are so sanguine as to think that things can
go on as they are. There must be a change in the
Constitution, or the constantly recurring disturbances
occasioned by (he election of President—the bitterness
it infuses into the national councils aod into the rela
tions of the several states and even society itself, and
its fatal influence over public measures, must lead to
a deliberate separation of the States, as preferable to
wch an eternal state of confusion and disagreement,' or
to a violent dismemberment. But what change is the
question? Ambitious men will aspire to the Presiden
cy. No modification of the Constitution can regulate
their ambition within patriotic limits. Ambition will
lie ambition, and seek the first distinction, whether it
ha accompanied by the powers of a first Consul or an
.American President. Direst the first place of all pa
tfanage and wealth, yet at the first place, it will be
earnestly desired and eagerly pursued.
The question is surrounded by difficulties, and has
given birth to many suggestions. We observe with
pleasure, that propositions to atneud the constitution
touching the article of the Presidency, have already
been submitted to the Mouse of Representatives by l\Ir,
McDuffie and Gen. Smyth of this State. One a
tnendment proposed by the latter gentlemen, receives
mneb favor in public opinion, as far as we know it—yet
coming from Virginia, it is not a little extraordinary.
It is to make the president ineligible after the first
term. Mad (bis been proposed in the time of JcfFersoD,
Madison and Monroe, Virginia would certainly have
considered it highly offensive; bnt her line of presidents
being exhausted, it has become right and expedient
and some think republican to limit the eligibility of a
president to one term! As a Virginia piopo3ition,
Gen. Smyth’s amendment is obnoxious to this reproach
of Uliberality. Intrinsically it is entitled as wecon
ceive, to the approbation of the country. If adopted,
it will deprive the President for the lime being of all ,
motive so to dispense his patronage as to secure his
second election—a charge which is sure to be made, I
whether justly or not. It will increase the chance of I
each aspirant to succeed to the Presidency in his turn, I
and soothe him into awaiting that term more patiently! i
Lastly, and above all; it will prevent causeless am! '
unjustifiable opposition to an administration; for as the j
President will retire of necessity after his first term, it !
nan be the interest of none to thwart his udministralion; !
and render him odioti9 to the people. What is Gen. '
Smyth’s amendment, but an acknowledgement that Mr. {
Adams has been opposed merely for the purpose of'
preventing his second election, aud tliat the quiet and j
good of the country renders it desirable to remove the !
Inducements to that species of opposition to au Ad- '
ministration
These would certainty be valuable results reason-1
ably to be ea.p-'U'-d from Gen. Smyth’s amendment.
But they leave the disease but half cured. Factious.i
and Ambitious men, would no longer have a motive to ;
run down a President to prevent his election a second ;
time, hut there is nothing in (he amendment to restirffn :
them from contending among themselves for the sue
cession, an.l inflaming the country as now by their con- !
flicting pretensions.
It has surprised us that it has never occurred to those
who have boen so long meditating an amendment to
tire constitution in the article of tbo Presidency, and i
thought so profoundly on the subject, to propose the an
nual election of that oOicer. as the most certain means of j
avoiding the dangerous excitement that now attends it. |
Why arc the people so much convulsed by the Pres iden
(ial election? Unquestionably from its infrequent oc
currence, and from the inflammatory electioneering ar
hfices of Presidential candidates, who from the length
oT the Presidential term see the necessity of grasping ;
within a given time the consummation of their ambitious ]
Impes, or of relinquishing them forever. An annual elec ,
lion would effcctunlty reach the disease—for while the j
office would thus lose much of its anti Republican and !
engrossing eminence, the people would be more fami- !
liarizcd to (tin ejections and our great men seeing there
was timo and opportunity for all to attain in succession. I
fhia supreme elevation, of Republican ambition, would
neither thrust their claiirf* prematurely forward, nor cm
deavmir to destroy each other’s fame and popularity by
base practices. Annually electing the President would
remove all the causes of the popular disturbances which
Cf>i? periodically., and it h 'u be feared will Ire2rafter
inucssamly, Lurcalmi the tranqm.ny auii ujium oj tin
American States.
These are some of the speculations of the day, and ap
pear to us to deserve the consideration of those states
men who have taken the amendment of the constitution
under their particular care. For our part we carry our
ideal on this subject still farther, and as the Presidency
of the United Stales, W.-13 erected for Gen. Washington,
«ve would since it has fulGllcd the end of its creation,
dispense with it altogether. We would have no su
preme office, no tbroue in disguise. We would elevate
no mao out of sight above the heads of his equals_
we would withdraw a temptation too strong sometimes,
for virtuoto resist, and which ambition will seek by ir
regular means, and dangerous practices. We would
lay the axe to the root, and since the ambition of lead
ing men is perpetually throwing the country into con
vulsions by attempts at the Presidency, and as human
wisdom can devise no means of regulating their passions,
guard against the consequences, by removing the ob
ject.
The following are the amendments of iYIr. McDuffie
and Gen. Smyth alluded to. Those of the former seem
in some degree, contradictory, for while he dispenses in
one. with the Electoral Colleges, by providing that the
people shall vote directly for President and Vice Pres
ident, he provides in another for distiicting the several
States. If the people are to vole directly for President,
why district the States? Why 'lave electors at all?
Since the Legislatures who must appoint the Electors
iu conformity to the will of the people, may as well
give the vole of the State at once?
Mr. Smyth submitted the following :
Resolved, That the following amendments to the Consti
tution of the United Suites be proposed to the Legislatures
of the several States, which, when ratified by three-fourths
thereof, shall be a purl of the Constitution :
1. After the third day of March, one thousand eight
hundred and twenty-nine, no person who shall have been
elected President of the United States, shall be again eli-i
bie to that office. *"*
-*• i he election Cor President ami Vice President, by
electors appointed by the several States, shall be held’ in
the tbiid year of tho Presidential term. If, on counting
the votes, in tho presence of the Senate and House of
Representatives, no person have a majority of the whole
number of electors appointed, that fact shall he published
by tho President of the Senate, and n second election for
President shall beheld in the fourt* year of the Presiden
tial term as follows: The voters in each State, qualified
to vote in elections of tho most numerous branch of the
Stnte Legislature, shall assemble, in the month of Novem
ber, on such days, and at such places, as the said Legis
lature shall appoint, and vote for one of the persons having
ihe twu'highvst numbers of the votes given by the electors
for President, and still living; tho officers conducting the
elections shall meet in each State, on soch day, ami at
such place, as the Legislature thereof shall appoint, ascer
tain the number of votes given therein for each person, and
certify who has the greater number, which certificates they
shall sign, and transmit, sealed up, to the Seat of Govern
ment oTtlic United Statct, directed to the President of the
Senate, who shall, in the presence of the Senate and House
of Representatives, open all the certificates, and the votes
of the States shall ther.be ascertained, each State having
one vote, which shall be counted forjhe pv.son having the
greater number of votes given therein; and a majority of all
the States shall be necessary to a rhuice. Should no per
son have a majority rtf the States, then, front the persons
last voted for, having the two highest numbers of States,
the House of Representatives shall, as theretofore, choose
immediately, by ballot, the President, the Representation
from each State having one. vote.
a. After tho third day of March, one thousand eight
hundred and twenty nine, no Senator or Representative
shall, during the time for which he was elected, be appoint
ed to any office or employment under the authority of tiie
United States.
4. When the House of Representatives shall choose a
President, no person, who shall have been a member of that
House at the time of making the choice, shall, during the
continuance in office oCftlie President so chosen, be ap
pointed to any office or employment under tlio»nnthoiity
of the United States.
This proposition was read, and committed to the Com
mittee of the Whole on the State of the Union.
Mr. M’Dufue submitted the foliowing:
Resolved, that it is expedient that the Constitution of
tht United States be so amended at to prevent the election
of President ami Vice President from devolving on the
respective Houses of Congress.
Jlcsotved, ’1 hat the People of the respective States, en
titled to vote for the most numerous branch of the Legisla
ture^ ought to bw invested with the privilege of voting,
| directly, for the aforesaid ifiTicers; each fitam giving as many
electoral votes as will equal the number of Senators and
Representatives to which such Sate may be entitled in
Congress.
Resolved, That the Constitution ought to l>e so amended
as to provide some iinifoim mode by which the qualified
voters, aforesaid, shall give the electoral votes in the res
pective States.
Resolved, That it is expedient that the votes should he
given, in the respective Stales, by a general ticket.
dissolved, That the several State.s plight to be. divided
into Electoral Districts* for the purpose of votiii" for Pre
sident and Vice President.
Resolved, That a f ommittee be appointed to draw up an
amendment of the Constitution, in conformity with the
foregoing resolutions.
This proposition was read, and committed to the Coin*
inrtlec of llie Whole on the state of the Union.
The IJoose cf Representatives ofS. Carolina, have
directed an impeachment of Judge James for misde
meanours in office, and both branches by immense ma
jorities, have passed an amendment of the constitution
for the removal of Judges by a vole of the Legislature,
two (hi’dsconcurring.
This subject is particularly interesting to Virginia,
as she is about to call a Convention to amend her Con
stitut.on. and we are glad that the experience of other
States is pointing to the necessity of providing some
other check over the Judiciary, than that “less than a
scarecrow” as Mr Jefferson called it, an impeachment.
The Judges are the true sovereigns in Virginia, for of
all officers (hey only are irresponsible in fact. Under
the notion of making tbern independent, our forefathers
made (hemirresponsible; not even taking the English
precaution of liability, to removal by (be Jicpresenta*
tire3 of the people.
«J/r. Barbour*! Proposition—We lay before the rea
der the whole of the first .'ay’s debate in the House of
J.eprescnlatives, on Mr. P. P. Harbour’s plan to sell
the stock of the Government owned in (he V. States
Rank. Tho debate of (he second day, in which the
proposition was further supported by Mr. Barbour and
Mr. Fort of Geo. and opposed by diffbienl gentlemen,
containing nothing essentially differing from the first,
we shall not publish. On that .lay the vote on refer
ence was taken, and decided in (ho negative, ayes nine,
noes 174. The ayes were Messrs. Alexander, P. P.
Barbour, Daniel. Floyd of Va. Hort, Hall, Lceomp•
te, Roane, and Turner.
The speedy and decisive veto put upon this
proposition will tran.juili/.e the alarm produced by its
announcement. Mr. Barbour’s argument is exceed
ingly ingenious, its defect being, that it does not em
brace ail the views bearing upon the subject. He allow
cd for example, nothing to that confidence so essential
to the buoyancy of stocks, aijd docs not seem to have
perceived that lire withdrawal of the Government ns a
rnr'rrcr ?n tho Bank, fhncgb i; bad no t'bcr mc’ivc in
> uie act Hun io rcaijse a profit from iu shares, mu»i ne
cessarily produce some effect upon the general confi
dence in the value of Bank Stock and its duration as
a corporation. He regarded it only as a fiscal ope
ration, and they who asejibed secret and unavowed
political objects to bis resolution, seem to hare been
mistaken. We insert the views of a correspondent
on this subject:
“I heard n very interesting debate to daj% in which
your great champion Uarknur, and McDuffie, Chair
man of the Committee of Ways and Means, were the
principal “argufiers of the topic.” The topic was the
sale of the Government U. S. Bank Stock. The de
bate was interesting from the subject, but more to me
from its enabling mo as I tupposrd, to form some esti
mate of the relative powers of Barbour and Mc-Puffio,
who both stand so high for talent. I came on this
head, to a very Anti-Virginian conclusion, namely,
that McDuffie had much the best in the contest, and
that he has too a better noddle than Barbour. His
views are more comprehensive, he has more horison
than -Barbour. The comparison is not original |
with me—1 have seen it somewhere—I beg the author's
pardon for not quoting him—but Barbour fortifies and
defends a particular post with most skill— McDuf
fie marshals and rnonceuvrcs an army, comprehends and
combines with more power and judgment. Tho vote
was not taken to-day, but Mr. Barbour’s notable
scheme for ripping up the goose to get all the eggs at
once, will he knocked out by an immense majority. I
am of opinion, no secret political rod was intended by
it, and (hat it flowed from no hostility to the U. States
Bank; if there was any secret view, I am sure I can
not perceive what was intended by it, except what the
author of the resolution avowed. It is considered here
a crude suggestion and has given Mr. B. no addition
al fame, I believe I might say it has lessened his repu.
tation.” *
Georgia—threats nf resistance.—The last Milledge
ville Journal brought us a most important report sub
mitted to the senate of Georgia, by Judge Clayton, from
Hi© Joint Committee on the state of the Republic, in
reference to the federal powers of protecting manu
factures, and carrying on Internal Improvements. The
Report is certainly able; ive wish we could it
was equally temperate.
Tnc constitutionality of both powers is wholly denied,
and that idea asserted, which a distinguished member
of tbe last Legislature of Virginia, yielding to the re
monstrances of prudenco and moderation, was said to
have relinquished with difficulty—namely that te she
veral stales had the right of laying import and export
duties. As the reasoning of the Report iscuriousand
novel to us, wo subjoin this part of Judge Clayton’s \
argument. Affirming that the subject of protecting I
manufactures had been fully and directly before tbe
Federal Convention, and that ils advocates had been
unable to obtain more than the clause securing to au
Ihors aud inventors, (he exclusive right for limited times,
to their writings, and discoveries in the useful nrts,
Judge Clayton proceeds thus:
“But there is another section of the Constitution,
which when taken in connection with the history of its
adoption, places this question beyond all doubt; and for
tbe exposition of which, the committee are indebted
to an able southern writer on the subject of Federal |
Powers. It Is the following: “No Slate shall without j
the consent of Congress, lay any impost* or duties on 1
j imports or exports, except what may be absolutely ne- I
j cessary for executing i's inspection laws; and the nett !
; produce of all duties and imposts laid by any State, on j
; imports or exports, shall be for the use of (lie Treasury j
; of tbe United Stales, and all such laws shall be subject j
to the revision and control of tbe Congress.” Thqse '
■ 'y,1° 'yJ! consult I bo structure of this°claiise, in the !
j Journals of the Convention, will find that perhaps none
i other was i»i_.re disputed: and (Ml t» . o. » ditTncut
j object was intended, from that of levying * a (riding
j duty to execute inspection laws. What was that ob
ijecl?—It cannot bo discovered from the clause itself;
j and perhaps none in the constitution ha* been so often
! read without a knowledge of its true intent and inean
| ing. To grant the £l;«tc the piiviJege of imposing
J duties beyond wh~t is n*ce«sary for inspection laws,
j merely to go into :he National Treasury, seems to he
, perfecilv idle.
j “What benefit is it to he to the Slate?? Some was cer
; tainly intended, and fortunately, iheie is at hand a key to
j this mystery. It was to enable the States within tliem
I selves, if they desired it, to protect their own manufactures,
| by thu imposition of export duties on the raw nraterials, or
imposts upon foreign fabrics. VViiho.it this construction,
every body must at once perceive that the clause »s useless
and ridiculous, and is the only feature of the Constitution
without meaning or motive. But, happily for the interest
of the agricultural States, we have a cotemporaneons and
complete explanation of the object and inttfution of this
clause.’’
The derivation of (he right of the states to protect
their own manufactures from the clause of the consti
tution that “no state shall, without the consent of Cnn
J Srtf3S> la)' any irpposts or duties on imports and exports,
I except what may be absolutely necessary for executing!
I its inspection lines” will strike the reader as a ludicrous i
| abuse of the license of construction. It is clearly, a j
lease of Incus a non lucemlo!
1 Having furnished the argument on the two proposi- '
• tions, the report closes with the following menacing !
| language.
j “ The Committee are aware that the subject is far
! from being exhausted, but time would fail them to
j present all the objections which could be justly prefer
I red against the course of the general government. Less
i could not be said, for the subject i9 of sticb growing mag
nitude, and is producing sensations ofsuch just inqui
i etude among the people of the South, feat, they ought
to be made thoroughly acqointed with all its bearings,
and certainly can never be too often admonished to he
prepared for the worst events. The Committee arc
‘fully sensible that evory degree of moderation is due to
the question, upon which they have founded the pre
sent serious complaint; but they owe it (o truth and
sincerity to say, that it is their decided opinion an
increase of Tariff duties will, and ought to he RE3IS
TF.D 10 all and every shape that can possibly avert the
crying injustice of such an unconstitutional measure.
“Thev are constrained loo fo sav, that this Slate
ought to oppose in every possible shape, the exercise of
the power, on the part of the General Government,
to encourage Domestic Manufactures, or to promote
Internal Improvement. Thej will not ptclend at pre
sent, to recommend the inode of oprosmoix; but they
will recommend (be peaceable course of remonstra
ting with Congress on the subject, and of asking of that
body to pause before it proceeds any further hi me a
sures that must inevitably destroy the affection of some
of the Slates for (he General Government. It will de
tract nothing from the firmness or wisdom of the Con
gress to listen to the voice of State Legislatures while
it is considering the memorials of manufacturing com
panies.
“If to tho contempt of right, there should be added
the jealousy of partiality, it must be obvious to all (fiat
(here will be an increased account of unmerited ag
gravation. How long a people shall be permitted to
complain, or bow much they can be made to sufTcr,
j has always been matter of dangerous experiment, or
doubtful calculation; and knowledge acquired under
cithcir issue, has nover been without its certain and
severe regrets.—In conclusion, your Committee re
commend the following resolution ”
“Resolved, That 11 is Excellency the Governor be
and he is hereby requested localise the foregoingrcpoit
to !»e laid before Congrcs at its next session. And that
lie forward a copy of the same to each of flic other
States to be laid before their respective Legislatures
for the concurrence of such as may approve of the
principles '.herein avowed; anj m due tv-'lco Ic fho?a
wop may dissent ltom the same, that Georgia, a'S one
of tho contracting parties, to the Federal Constitution,
and possessing equal rights with the other contracting
party, will insist upon the construction of that instru
ment, contained in said mero-nr, and will suji.mit to no
other.”
Georgia then will RESIST a further increase of the
tariff in all and,cvcry shape; Uia» is to say BY ARMS!
She will “insist upon her construction of the constitu
tion, and will SUBMIT to no other!” At the very
moment that Georgia is thus uttering menaces, should
ilie General Government persist in the powers of ma
king improvements and increasing the Tariff, tho great
3ta,c of Pennsylvania by her Legislature, has recog
nized the legitimacy of both powers, and recommended
their further ose to congress. What is the general
government to do? Is the construction of Georgia, or
that of Pennsylvania, to be received as the true con
struction? If Georgia will take up arms to resist a far
ther encroachment upon her interests by an increase of
the tariff, muy not Pennsylvania whose interests are
equally involved, demaud that increase at the point of
the bayonet?
It is to be deeply regretted that any state should hold
this language to the general government. Of what pos
sible avail can it be, since acting upon tho known wish
es of their constituents, congress are compelled by
every obligation to increase the tariff, if a majority ol
the people of the United States wish it? Can Geor
gia expect to drive the majority from their purpose
by menaces? Why then resort to therti? The imper
fection of the constitution in providing no dernier tri
bunal for the decision of conflicting questions of right
between the State and Federal Governments is beco
ming more and more manifest.
The decisive testimony of Gov. Cuius and Mr. Gil- j
mer, as to Mr. Jefferson’s opinions of Gen. Jackson’s
fitness for the Presidency, has thrown the Jackson '
editors into a perfect r*gc. They storm and rave
and endeavor to escape its point—in vain—hacret la
leri, Itlluttis ana tin. Tho true question which all
their ingenuity cannot “blink,” is not whether Mr. Jef
feison’s good opinion of Mr. Adams was not depreciated
hy his first message—Ural ft admitted—but if it does
not appear lha! he thought so indiitlren’ly of the O enl’s
fitness, that respect to Mr. Jefferson himself forbids
the supposition, that he c inl i ever have wishel to
8eehim President? That is lire question—and how
stands it? lie thought “a soldier might sooner be made
of a goose or a sailor of a cock, thin a President of Gen.
Jjc&son”—his near apMgach to success in the last elec
tion, alarmed 1)1 r. Jefferson lor the durability of the
Republic, ‘‘more than any thing that had happened
since the Revolution’’—his “habits, temper and educa
tion, disqualified him for all civil office”—his conduct
in Florida, and his aptitude to substitute his own will
for law, “proved him unfit to govern”—he was “a bull
dog that served well in tear, but tbat ought to be kept
chained in time of peace.” These are the recorded
and established opinions of Rlr. Jefferson of General*
Jackson——opinions ia their nature unsusceptible
of change, for they were founded upon acts of General
Jackson, which could not be chaDgcd. Still the zeal
of.Gen. Jackson’s friends call upon the public credu
lity to believe, that in the face of those most unequi- j
vocal expressions of his disapprobation, Mr. Jefferson i
favored tho present success of Gea. Jackson. Do i
they wish to degrade Mr. Jefferson in tluc opinion of!
mankind? Do they desire- to fasten ori'hls memory the i
charge of acting in diametrical opposition to his opi- j
i.ions? On the other hand, we are sensible, that
Mr. Jefferson !o»t the confidence in Mr. Adams wlu'oh!
Itad impelled hhn to pronounce him* “honest, able,
and learned—the best of the New Engh ad men.” Rut j
lid his disapprobation of Mr. Adams, rival bis abhorrence
Gen. Jackson ns Prcs’ulem? Are there any expressions
:lfl,is wl‘ich a* a’‘l Pfovc this? Thinking his first message
proved iiim an ultra federalist, must i>« not still have pre
fcired an u.tra federalist (much ns he detested ope) to a
man so personally dangerous anil eminently unfit to govern,
as ho thought Gen.- Jackson?
It ought not to be thought strange, that tho friends of the [
Administration have appealed to Mr. Jefferson's opinions.!
What is ir tnn tho greatest compliment that they could pay !
to his memory? A distinct acknowledgment on their pan,
that his opinions ivere entitled to (he greatest respect ar.il I
». ..c.c ,3 .nc wain «n principle in mu courser j
As to Mr. Jefferson's latter opinions of Mr. Adams, we '
have no objection to their publicity. Ret them ho laid *
before the public, and iet it decide, from comparison, which *
he thought the greater and which the lesser evil—Adams
or Jackson.
\\ itStnSfiTOJI CORRESPOSOF.KOF..
“You ask me how the new speaker presides? With
out the affection of too much dignity—very handsome
ly, nud gracefully. Not with the irresistible grace and
ease ot Clay—he has not his inexpressible manner
which chained your attention—but next to him, be is
the best speaker—that is he can its off the thing better
than any other I ever saw. His appointments of com
mittees you can judge of for yourself. Ail the impor
tant committees have Jackson majorities. This I think
was reasonable. They had the majority—they got their
spcaker--and according to party usage all tho world'
over, they were-entitled lo what he gave them. There ;
was much laying of heads together about i T, and if the I
complexion of committees was no; dictated to him, he
was probably, very strongly advised. Randolph's ap
pointment of chairman of wars and means was thought
r'1t7'r preposterous, br.r it was only h fetch to make
McDuffie chairman. The speaker knew he could not
serve.
“I do not at pesent see sigp3 of a very boisterous ses
sion, and I think the Jackson men, quieted by their
majority in both houses, arc disposed to keep as cloie
to the shore as possible, until the great battle is fought
next fall. Of the result of that hallle they prctcud j
to entire confidence—morn I guess than they feet. 1
am confident too. New ymk is safe for at h ast 24 out
of 36—tint is as certain as such speculations can be;
rely upon it Pennsylvania is not sure, and her course
will be decided by the tariff question here this winter.
“Clay i3 in bad health, and 1 am afraid will bo instill
worse from tho nature of bis complaint, before lie gets ‘
better. I do not believe in hi9 going to England, and ;
all is guess who is to go, Webster ought to be the
man, if Gen. Jackson’s advice bad been so far fob
lowed as “to exterminate the Monster, Party.” Pick
ermg s complaint of the proscription of the frdera ;
lists, is reasonable. What is a federalist now a
—anfl in wlrat does that abased animal differ ’
from a Republican? After much study and observe |
tion, f profess I can see no difference now. though
it was plain enough in former times. The war >
with England finished the distinction between the old j
parties, and henceforward “all were federali«t«, ail
were republicans.” In a country of liberty and equa- j
My, a name ought not to canonize or drrUizc a man.
He ought to be employed according to virtue, talents!
and love of country, pu* Jackson rr ill “set all to;
rights I *f j yccc ’*
| T)»c Ohm I .eg loiulurc met at Cuiomhui on ii.c 3id
j iost. To tho House. King (Administration.) was elm
sen Speaker, 40 to 28, oxer Irvine (Jackson)—four abv
fen'., 3 administration.
Irt (be Senate, Whcolcr (Administration) 20, L.ueas
(Jackson) 12—four absent here too, and 3 out of the 4
Administration. The Administration ticket is txrtc
Tto to prevail in the State by 10,000 majority.
We bare been pressed fiom various quarters, to re
publish Iron) the Fredericksburg Arena, a very able
article on the subject of the Chancery Courts, signed
Wythe, and we lake liberty to invite the attention ot
| tho General Assembly to if.
—
j On Monday, in the Mouse of Delegates. Mr. Minor
offered a resolution for branching tho Court of An
peals, (why not branch tho L,cgisb;iure too.') wh;c!l
was adopted, and Mr. Dyer and Mr. Lewis, resolutions
for reducing the pay and mileage of members of the
General Assembly, which on motion of Mr. Crrf;',
were indefinitely postponed, ayes 83, noes G7._Oh
motioo of Mr. Woodhottsc, the House adjourned over
to Wednesday.
Wc have not room to-day for a sketch of the Proccedin
It is understood the Convention Dill will pass t'.’.n
Senate by a majority of two voices, possibly more"_
and we tender our congratulations to the friends of Ilia
measure, in anticipation. That which Iras been at
tempted for forty years, thanks to its enemies, np less
than the untiring zeal of its friends, is wo bclievo.jjow
ready for accomplishment
Bank Stock at~ Auction.
0> Saturday, at one o’clock, .it the Coffee House,
will be sold. 49 Shares of Farmers’ Dank Slock’,
and 10 Shares of Virginia Dank Stock, for cash.
Dec ‘2fi-gt_JAMBS 11. LYNCH
Administrator’s Sale.
ON Monday, tlx* 14th day of January next, 18Ci 7
shall offer for sale, to the highest bidder, at the' .
residence nf James Cocke, dec’d, in the county nf Pow
hatan, 13 or 20 negroes, belonging to the ertate i.f sai*l
Cocke, consisting of men. women, boys and girls, ninar"
whom there is a fine carpenter, some very likely women!
and girts; all the household and kitchr'ti furniture, stork of
horses, cattle, sheep and hogs, tho crop of corn, fodder and
; shucks.
Terms—For all stmts of ten dollars ar.d under, rr'i
will be required; all sums exceeding fen dollars, a rradii
will be given until the 1st January, 1829, the porch Vis
executing bonds with approved security, with interest in :.i
the date until paid; ‘‘on the punctual payment of each
bond, the interest will he icmiMed.”
On the same day and at the same place. I shall offer for
sale, ro the highest bidder, the trart of hi ml belonging to
the estate of said James Cocke, dec’d lying on James
P.rver, adjoining the lands r,f William Walthall, John (5.
Darnel and John l'.Cockc. Terms made known on Ilia
<,ay by ARMISTEAP A. GREEN.
Adm'nr of James GocKe, d: ■,
Powhatan County, gt’.ih 1)pc. K'2~. ft
NEW GOODS.
TIE subscribers ha vc recently received a large a*C£L* '■
to their previous large stock of
* DE7 «JO0£>So
The filling} 7ig is a part of their assorGftctlf
Worsted bareges, l#eautiful colors
Plain Gro de Naples
Watered do and figured
Clack, white and colored French satins
Clack India do and satin levantincs
Colored and white floretices
Double chain black do
Real ami imitation Italian lustrings
Clack India floretices, a wide article and die rip
Clark senshaws and sarsnets
All kinds-funcy handkerchiefs, as figured silk, J
gauze, barege, gro de etc, nu-riuo, inii:.i- . L’or Ia<lTcs
tien do. cashmere, iiniiariou do. \
German twilled, Spittlclield, R. more, ) r.
company and common bandanna, £ For 6uliUfcUh}«
A*i kinds do for boys, children nud servants
I inen cambrics .and line,, cambric Itamlkeicfnelj
Fire side drawls
Merino and cashmere do
Nankin and-Canton era,.:
Black Italian cravats ,
Colored do. a new article
All kinds ersva ting, colored and v hi-..
4 I’’5'? 1an<l 6-4 bobb'net, f.,r veils a ml <ires*t <
riiread and bobbinet lares and edgin- <
All kinds muslin#, as plain, figured °a...l t a mho red boric,
pinin, flguied and t.rmbored mull, plain an.l tainLuetl
Swiss
Striped and plaid and herring hone do
Garment, furniture and can.hric dimities
Beautiful inserting and all other kinds TRNVL5IINGS, ns
gimps, cords, plushes, laces, quillings, silks, Sic. Sic.
and Branuabno trimming, for pelisses and riding dres
ses, a beautiful article
Ladies’ short kid, horseskhi and silk GLOVES
Misses’ tin
Ladies’ long white and colored do
Misses’ do
Gentlemen's walking, riding ami dress gloves
All kinds ladies’, gentlpmcn’s and children's IIOSIFPV
All kinds RIBBANDS, those for belts ami bonnets ver«'
elegant J
A large assortment cambrics, calicoes, Girritsaian pleads
-arinn plaids for cloaks, and infeiiorrin. for servant*,
dresses
Camel’s hair camblet for ladies’and gentlemen’s cloaks a,
new and beautiful article
Combazets and Bombazines
Cloths and caasimeres of every (test nation
Bang-up cords and velvets
Silk and tabby ,jo
Cassir.ets of all color?
Silk,swansdown,tnilinett.Valencia and 51arsrillesve>tines
drown and bleached domestics of all widths nt.d finalities
Do checks, bedticki: gs 1
Linsey woolsef* a...I kerseys, for sevants" cloth'iim
O/.nabnrgs and ticklcnhorgs ofall qualities
CAHHETINGS fc RUGS, of the latter uu decant atsort
ntent n
Ins.), Orrmnn and Scotch «hretines, some rf which 10*4
\vi(ic (width without .^am)
Shell and Brasilian tuck, side and bent combs
A la,p arsnrtmcnt „1 iiJISII LINENS, Superior grtsa
b.encb and exceedingly cheap
»* bite, red and green flannels
Spotted do for Children
Merino rlotli* f„r do
r>, 7, B, 9, 10, 11, 12, in and 14-4 rose BLANK FYl'S
.0 to 5 point do
NAPT COTTONS, under market price.
m * vnriety of other articles not arrived, nil of
wlurh have been purchased at the lowest market pricer,
. mr m,lr 1 rr, and tvilj he ottered at smaller advtineps
than customary, in consequence nf the lateness of tlm s.-a
_„_WILLIA M N EA I.E St CO.
IN I'llt: Lll'Y OF im;HM<JNO,
On Dip 1G//* January, 1328,
THR Dismal Stvamp Canal Lottery, No. j|, wili r ,
drawn, when the sum of £>9,310 will be dis-ribufrd ht
the following manner:
1 <>f $15,000
5,000
2,500
2 1,75°
J 1,500
1.036
'1 1.000
° T’00
1° 4.50
A- 100
40
46 , 30
, rr- &*«• kc. ftC.
r e ! L°.!i ’1,b'V-Ilalfti SO-Quarlcrtl 2 ,
for Sale at the MA VAOtns' Or r,rK, £gle
VATES (r M’lNI YRE.
'