Constitutional Whig. [volume], November 21, 1829, Image 2

About Constitutional Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1824-1832

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v i KtVixi a ' cos v E?’ rioy.
Wnr.* fsDAV, Nov. 1U
"r. WILCOX i Jrlmssrd the Committee as follows:
Mr. CntiR-i vn. • \s there cun be no difference of
opinion about i 10 pfopriuty of niy presenting ai this
ti’n-. the rc.i lutiofi which 1 oltVred yesterday, but
* i ‘ sequentiv wit ludrew, I now submit to the consi-I
• rui n-t t.tc cjtniniticc, the following substitute tor j
'thir i r •- *'.itit ri of the Legislative Committee.— 1
(Here .Mr. feud his proposed resolution on the
' Object ul i1 e right of suffrage, which being report- i
c ' by liic t’ba-r—hc resume • in substance as follows:)
t* most —? i ndent Mr, from tiie various objections
which on yesterday came from every quarter, to the
resolut; t of th'- 1 .-giMative Comrni teo, that it meme
t he viewj of a \ *: v small portion of the members of,
this Convention. 1 have therefor? thought it proper
to rid the fcoinmiitoo at once of the labour and trou
bl 2 of innumerable amendments, and modifications of
that res dot ion, by placing before i* the subject of the
right uf suffrage, on its broad-st ground. Ini h to
march boldly up to the quo Minn, and meet it a! once,
‘iii-l pi*-?-cut'it ni such a shape that there will bo no
room tor the imputation of ambiguity, or insincerity.
Ibie fubst.it uto I propose, is short, 'plain, simple and
•'•as*. to be understood This proposition at least, is
r ot liable to the imputation uttered yesterday bv the
. -urdeman from Charlotte (Mr. Randolph.) of b eng
' i -make in the grass.”
To-scheme hero proposed for the regulation of
riolit of suffrage, is not open to tho objections
i ? esforday by the gentleman from Chesterfield,
ir L-igh,) to tho resolution of the Legislative Coni
. ft docs not exclude fr >m tho polls the ow
of small freeholds, wlr'- l it admits the payer of
• .. i i'ii' horse tux, who, an hough ho might oven
c i'O-holuer, under one oi those small tYcehold
. y-1 would be entitled to n vote whilst his latid
i s excluded- I he sub.->l:tnte includes both these
■'s. Nor is if open to tho objection of the gon
- man from Charlotte (Mr. It mdMph ) It aims no
b:ow at the rights ot the freeholders, for it in
es 'hem ali. -\or i it liable to fin? objections
o- I by the gentleman IV mi Spotfsylvama (Mr. Sta
!.) yesterday, against flic resolution fi»r which it is
•- tended to be u substitute. II- dwelt strongly and
on the difficulties attending any attempt to
l,,v a a pruperrv por annum,
i he purpose of measuring Ills right 'to #ote The
’ n mow proposed, looks not to property as the test
nmn > attaehm ’at to the community, and, therc
' 1 :V,,q? *b'- difficulties which must ever attend any
;mme ol property qualification It seems to he ad*
•u- I that the arbitrary limitation of the ri-ht of
TG to the ownership of any fixed number of
c t.j of hind, is absurd and unjust, because of the
nrerai-ty of the value of land. " It is therefore pro
*lv- m that the property of the citizen, either real or
1'■' ’ttai,or both, shall be valued, ami his ri-111 to
vh<{ hy value. This scheme would
^ V ‘i,bo I,abIe to objections, arising out of the
u line u I tv of carrying it into execution, and the fraud’
c negligence of the valuers.
Two qualifications seem to be required by the
ixth section of the Dill of Rights in every person,
.lufore he shall bo entitled to the ricrl)t of* BiiffraffO —
* And notwithstanding the acorations which this vcim
ra'J “ ifWtrimenfhaK undergone, in the course of our
past debates, I still feel disposed to take my text from
it, whenever I am about to discourse upon political
s-mjects, and matters of government. The first qua
lifications required by that instrument, is that the
»naii SiiaJ fun;..'h sufficient evidence of permanent
Common tufercst y.th the community—and secondly.
at lie r.m.l lurnish sufficient evidence of altnch
nent to the community. In other words, webhould
• ■ canv.nccdthat his int-rests and affections hind
’ im to ns. bc.oro -u- admit him to a^y share in the
p ’verumnnt of our state. ’1’iie que stion lien arises.
° what means can we asc rtain wliere h:s inter
' - TI1.I attachments are centered What tost, shall
j lM* requisites iiiill we demand, with
i ch til ! mail slia;l be cxc.ud >d from the oxer
C. • * or t>HS, th ■ most honorable, and precious of his
m.u : o l.igJu s’ And h-re sir, permit me to observe
th o not Withstanding nil the ridicule which has been
• t. upon the n itnra! riglits of man by certain gen
Leueu; notwithstanding the repented'denial of their
.*.• nee, except ::i Die brains of moon—struck re
'•/tuners. I still believe thaifnaturo or nature’:: Godra
r, has conferred certain original riglits upon uiun:
. :ul among them, none app-ar* to me more ch ar and
i niaole than tne right of appointin'1' our ou’ti
' eats. And this right may exist apart f om. and
‘•• tenor to, any regular social compact. Tne fact o
•v, having nuttiorised a certain ind.vidiial to transact.
piece of business for in •, does uel iiecHojarily implv
- y social compact with him, or any oilier individual
•• in\ race. Bat nl hough this right of appointing
oar agents exists in ma i ny nature, yet when he cn^
ers into society, Hint right becomes limited, and
• ught to be confronted, by a due regard to the iirer
r-at3 of tlint society, or if the gent lemen please, by ex
d.enc) . 1 liiate cud individual convoniency mu t
,j Id to tli3 good of the whole. We must fr'ive up
•;■• ,,rtIon c,r °yir fihtural iibcr.’y, m order to enjoy the
nt.ages of social union, anti be secured in the un
; bed enjoyment of those rights which are not
- > lured, and which th- necessity oft he case docs
quire ws to surrender. But sit, this surrender
not be required to on extent greater than is
r • ary and expedient for the good of tho whole
f. "lUtuiy. 1! you require the citizen to ye Id up to
0 .ernniont, a larger portion of his na ural- inde
noe and free agency, than is necessary for the
1 U tae community at large and its members
cular, tnon sir, you take from him that for
: 1 VO!l r;m,er I,lm 1,0 equivalent. The moment
. t Uie government more
.1 •. uni liberty than is requisite for the seen
1 community—you pass out of tho field of
irl enter up >n uio domains of tyranny.—
• . . .ceivo to l»c the true rule. And the nppli
if v. ill produrpQ very differont results, ac*
*■'»* “>• vntuo, inUdlig-nee and putiiotism of
) whom ii is applied. \Vrlir*:i applied to
;■ oid ignorant Italian, tho result will bo ab
iiirehj. When applied to llio more* virtu*
• : ‘lightened inhabitants of England, the ro
be limited monarchy. When applied
i u ’us, intelligent. and patriotic people
a. the result v. iil le; n five represrntativ>* re
ts -in tho admiiiistr.,,ors of pub ic affairs
rents of the people, and chosen by those of
. e .v u > ,iav>*. nr are supposed to have, a free
• i at it redI intellect, and on in! ere-t in, ami an
. nt loth-community. With regard to f(Ve
'vid.an 1 maturi'y ol intellect, [ have only to
. that it’ gentlemen do not already perceive
^ -eluding w.>men,children, paupers,
. 0 1 slave - from the pop.--, vain will he nnv at
. on «»v pir* c .nv me them ofil. The beams
i .on-day euii will l.c usele s to h.m who shuts
against the light.
• ; ecur to the question. what is the pror>er
• • "ane interest, ip, and attachment to the
*t is fluswert’d that properly, and e.spc
. n i-• nronorfy. i s/he on.y frn« end We test- •
• n fa son* • l' a- in s tha a nun can I
- niitry, or »:.{r --.:;i interest in its good gov
- in-owns a por'ion of its soil. It is
• ’i-„i h re io enter into a detailed hisiorv
> ml progress of the freehold ri2ht of suf
hi v ha-. I.*- n ably ned ep,<|iientJv p. r
;V fricrnl from Fr- deri-k ( Mr. Cook.) lie'
■' ir originated in despoiism. ft is my I
w 1 hat it is unjust and absurd in its J
that the provi, :on of f.roperty is the only!
v sir.il iie s< irify <»f property ucr ifio1
' ' ° g* verm cent, there might be sonu j
i.'ert.on. IP.it wlmn v.e know that the;
• gt*** governmt tf is to protect the citizen J
:•».« "» ' •»»'?; nf !'■ i» u» ry, but a so of!
pw-nir . til ? r!y i«.-r limbs, I iscJi rae or.-'
bat of speech and action, and 'heptir ui» «,f
i: ..—aBi and tha*. th.\-n nr . ■> p , -.f*i, nn,jI
votne of them of higher importance than property* ' *
vyo kcc -once the fallacy of the test. In ull these. “
the licit and the poor stand on a level—Mmy ore nil |,
equally valuable to both; or rather, the ’poor- arc t
more interested in the security of these rights, bo- n
cause the enjownent of these, furnishes to the poor t1
man Ins only d> fence, against the overweening influ I
once and power, which wealth confers upon the rich- y
and which wc know are too often tyrannically exer- i
cised. Hesidc this, however poor a man may be, S
unless he bo-an-absolute pauper, (and paupers are j1
excluded.) lie ot possessor- some property; and sir, the ^
poor man’s pittance is just as deur to him, us tit- rich
iivut s treasure because it is his all; uyo, and more
dear to him, because it is but a pittance, and there
fore more liable to be exhausted. Supposing there
!ore that, the iich and the poor have equal virtue,
(and 'his I imugin *, will not bo dented) the poor man
must, ami does take us great an uueiVst in the good
government of the country as tin- rich man.
l'i e truth is, that permanent residence is the best
evidence ot attachment to the community, and an in
ter si in its welfare. The value of land is too fiuc
tua’ing, and its tenure too uncesxain to furni-h this
evident?-*. It may be said t hat if a mm loses liis land,
u'i-1 i* pa-s-s in o oilier h-mus, that other persons will
!' >>se s this evidence, and will be entitled to the vote
nruj so oil through every mutation of property: bu*
il m ills it Would "--'-ill 1 Jl’i1 ils* ri;yht of SUilragO IS
in the land and not i.i the people! Suppose a vintin,
ons and in olligeiit unit to day possessed of a farm, up?*,
on which he resides with his wife and children, sur
rounded by a large circle of beloved friends and rcla
t>ycs- Every b dv will say he is entitled to the right
of suffrage Well; suppose that by one of those sud- 1
den reverses of fortune which, in the uncertainty of I
human a flairs, are continually occurring, he should be
depiivcd of his farm Uto next day; is he to be depri
ved of the right of suffrage? Hu is yet virtuous,'in
telligent, patriotic. II * lias yet in this State his re
sidence, his family, his friends, his ail that is left him.
I)o you suppose that his ‘attachment to his native
State, and Ins inti rest in' its welfare, is 1 ss now th in
before? Certainly not. lining now deprived of the!
all-commanding influence of wealth, ho is still more i
concerned in the procurement of equal and just laws, i
by which he n-* i all that is near and dear to him shall1
bo protected from oppression. j
... ->,u measure a man s rigJil JO vote bv I lie i-rtfue
; of his landed property? I low uncertain and unjust a j
, lest will his a!s.» be of a man’s attachment and inter- '
;e=r. Will you say that he shall own real estate of I
ilie \alu" ot twenty-five dollars, as was sugovsted bv I
one-gentleman? , Surely we all know that*? piece .iff
land which this year may be worth twenty-five dol-j
lars, may, by some of those causes which are produ- I
cing continual changes in the value of land and its!
produce, be next year reduced far below that value. — 1
, And yet you will next ear deprive the owner of his
, vo’c.ar hough he owns precisely the same land, which
this year conferred upon him the right of suffrage._
ill you dc.u'i do this you abandon your principle of re
I guiaUng the elective franchise according to the value
of a man’s landed property. And if you do this, a
man may always hold the same tract of land, thesamo
portion of soil, and yet have, or not have the rio-ht to ‘
vote, accord ng to the variations of the price of his 1
land and its produce. (
Upon your own principles, Sir, this standard is un- <
just You propose to measure a man’s right to vote ! *
by tll<* value of his land, and in the same breath you ! (
give to a man owning twenty-five dollars worth of (
land one vote, and to the man owning £25,000 worth ’ 1
of land no more, than one vote! Is tins just on your I«
own plan? But it may bo replied, that though the die- ‘
purity of fortune is great, yet the interest is the same; I£
that tin.ugh there is n<»t an equality of interest, vet 11
each has an me rest in the welfare of the State. ' If 1
this be so, then you do not measure a man’s right to ! 1
vote by the quantum of his interest—the existence of !
an *»torett ts sufficient. Agreed—Then lie who hasU
no property in the State, but resides here lias his fa
1,5,1 v ,u; ' ■-3,1:1 pursuing soin- business to pro
cure a .iv. iih I.id. isintnres di in the good gove-iunent
ot the community A man mnv own twen y five dol
lars worth ot prop<-rt\ in hi State, and yet car.-lit
Me >-r notiiiug about its general interests." Y et a mail i
who ha- not property valued at tvvenlv-five dollars, L
but who Him uli his relatives, friends, and assoc iates
in lie country ad in< affi tions concentrated in it°
weltare, would h deprived of hi? vote, and it would
iw given to the other, who happens to own a- much
property amounts to twenty five dollars in value.
Such u result ot your real property qualification,
if we an vein to Moveao.o property ns the basis of ihe
n- f of soli rage, it will be evident nt first sight, chat
1 ‘ sn,5j" ojjecnons api>ly to it with accumulated
force; ror we ah know that personal property is- if
P’-ssi.*.n) »rc uncertain 1 u its tcjiurf*, and subject t*>
gi ut.t and more frequent mutations in its value than
landed estate. In tact, whenever you attempt to
i ’• scribe such a standard,you will always find it im
peril.cm l id,nit that no perfect rule can be prescri
bed on the subject; but I confess I think tha general
rule too imperfect for practical application,The ex
ception- to which are more numerous than the ca^es
winch it includes. There can l>e no erfrd standard,
fciK 1 think, at the snmc time, tJu.t there can be none
found more worthy of adoption than residence, bear
ing arms, and paying taxes. Tito possession of pro-i
p rty furnishes not an exclusive, but a probable
dence ot attachment to the community, and mv pro
position includes nil the possessors of property who
reside here; and I presume gentlemen do nor intend
to permit non-residents to vote because thev may own
a tract of land here. But some period of residence
ni,1Sl It vvul not do to let every bird of pas
sage tiiat fiitsi firough our State enjoy the rio-ht of
suffrage. What shall that term of residence be?—
Gentlemen may differ in opinion on this subject, but
if appears to me that a residence in the State of two
years duration, docs furnish sufficient evidence of a
5, " ' eonwaue u resident of the :
r‘c~W| ar as outward acts cfin furnish such evi
,ctn5he- .!; eoi‘l*cnicn t unk U|18100 sh™1 a period, .
r ] ' ! am*s,ld *h*' resolution by inserting three or ,
four jears residence, or any other time, provided thev '
do not consume too much of the man's life, i„ ascot-'
taming fug intention to spend liis life amongst us. and !
thus deprive him of the right of voting during a con
sul Table port .on ol ins earthly existence, in order to
a-cert am that lie will exercise that right wisely dur- I
ing the remnant of his mortal career. All I think no
cessary m this case is, that we should bo satisfied Gf i
on present intention to reside amongst ua—tiiat he
hag cast in his lot With us; and for this | deem two!
yc:n< residence m the State, and one in the county
an .t lent. When you have a man’s person here. von '
v.i,., in genera], have hig property also: and thi-> f0
trotuer with every thing dear to him, will bind him to
the country, and deeply interest him in its welfare.—
L-t me put a case, Mr. Chairman, by way of illustra
tion. •'Suppose two m< n embarked on board a «lnp
the one carrying with him merchandise to the value
of t.-„ thousand don*-. and the other goes aboard
with nothing b it Ins wearing apparel. They launch
•? storms soon succeed to fair weather I
—tile bnlows threaten to swallow up tie shin it3 <
fnnrf,0-’ ®,,d cro'v’ 1 ®Hk whether the poor man 1
n tl.H hour of peril will not feel himself aa much m- I
teres ed in lh- preservation of the ship as the rich '
merchant It is true he has not the sXptmunlary ‘
tn'uT at18 ,m ,i,n’ and »"* present all is .v <
stake, and he will enter into every scheme, and use 1
e.crv exertion for the salvation of the ship and its I
contents, with a* much ardor, energy, and passion, as *
mt™?on! ,h°”‘ftn'Ju ITmV/ i91il P,,S8ib,c that the :
irit. rest of the poor sailor. ;n such case, can be Ie«a <
th.in that of the wulthy trader? The -me has his all ’
embarked—the other has no more. It se. mg to be <
generally ai.miffed, S,r. that men are ns much infiu- «
cored by hope and expectation a« by actual fruition ' I
An t„ n and perhaps truly, to b superior r
S n»'o rV,,f T ^ SM; the man vvh» comes into this r
‘ ‘ c ! "'f Witti the hope a ride'.ja?ctation that bv c
,!1- !»»'•««* or •.'•me profession or Nation, learned t
his firmly.and acquire n f. . n
t ' 'w harso t, In; ha'- i.i mv opinion an attach i
*'*! ' ,ms ^ t!,:< cwrum.nrty. s-hsh , |
a, ,o It r ri'i.i of suffrage. Utlun.-.h hr ha* „ Z 1
: oc cx,—»m i, n0 woold?therefore, have *
rung motive to promote tne gcitd government of the femte,
nd this arising from an interest and an attachment as strong
s that of the owner of property, lie would be anxious, to
ave a protection foY whatever property he might acquire; and
lis he would know he could only have, under a good govern
icnt and equal laws. Hut, Mr. Chaiintan, not only rlocs the
resent limitation of the right of suffrage prevent the increase of
opulalion by migration from other States, but it drives from
no bosom of the Ancient Dominion, many of her most valuable
Jits It may not be known to the gentlemen of the East, but
; is a fact well known to tlio-e from the Western part of this
date, that many valuable cit zeus have left their native JStute.
nil avail ng themselves of the facility oi emigration, presented
y that great river which washes the greater pail of our western
order, have departed to those splendid regions ol the West,
ihcic, id addition to the exuberant fertility of the soil, ami
• her physical advantages, they can enjoy the right* of free
icn. Yes, sir, your government banishes vast mi moors of our
oung men to tho Western States, where this odious restriction
lues not exist. Those .'tates in general, require little more than
esideuce as evidence of attachment and interest, so as to enti
le persong.to the right ol suffrage. The consequence is, that
nany of our citizens, virtuous, intelligent, imbistraius men,
orego all their aturehment to their native soil, their home, and
he scenes ot ihei<^*>uthi'ul sports, and pa-s away into some ol
hose \\ estem SraBivln'W they can enjoy the privileges apper
aining to freemen Upright ol nature, not by purchase. A1
hough a freehold ma'y be cheaply bought, they disdain to pur
;hasc that which is iif right their own already, but of which
hey are deprived by an unjust government.
Sir, there is a coititnual and an exterminating warfare carried
an throughout our wide extended Commonwealth. She bleeds
it every pure—And who are the parties to this desolating war?
it is tin? government against the people \ most unnatural
.vat! Every member oi the community driven out from us, bv
!lir operation of an Unjust Constitution, is as much lost lo us,
as if the bayonet or cannonball hail done its work upon him.
Yes, sir, it is a eruel • id exterminating war.
1 speak of Western \ irginiaV When I say, that if the State
were calle 1 upon to furnish annually her quota of troops to aid
Hie tienera) Government, in resisting the attack of all Europe
tomhined, it would not consume uur strength, nor retard our
population more, than does the restrictions imposed by nui laws
jpoutlie right of suffrage. Many a soldier goes to the battle
Held and returns again to his home, with its cum iorts aucf endear
ments,—but the voluntary exile—he who is compelled for con
science sake io rend asunder all the ties which bind him to his
native country, and like life lblgiin: Lathers of New England,
feck liberty in a distant land, never returns. Sir, 1 have known
respectable, intelligent, virtuous men—men who had been
ronored with seals on the benches of nur county courts—to
whom their fellow-citizens cheer fully confided the protection of
heir rights of property, and their personal rights—who were
regarded as the eiucient guardians ot the public peace, and
welfare—1 have known such, sir, prmihiied by your laws from
exercising tiro right of sufirage. Is tlitrc not something wroit*
in ail this? I have seen the respectable young men of the
joantry—the mechanic, the merchant, the farmer, of mature
age, of intelligence superior to one h&lf of the freeholders, and
;lowmg with a patriotism which would make them latudi at
■ wwir country,—i nave seen such com
nattrted to stand back from the poll*—to give way to the owner
>fa petty freehold, who presses forward, saying to hhn in effect,
'Away! I am holier than thou; itis is sacred ground, upon
vInch you have no right to tread." Ought such thin,*s to be?
Is it for the good of our country, thit such things should he?—
iurcly not. Mr. Chairman, 1 shall rot extend my remarks any
rarthcr. It was not my intention to enter into- u detailed enu
meration of all the evils of the preseit system of suffrage, or of
he advantages of that which I have tow the honor to submit to
iho Committee. My present remans were only intended to
tall the attention of the < nminittcc ti die plan l have proposed.
■ t is a broad one 1 admit. I sulmil dm projet to gentlemen
Is a base on which they may build their schemes of suffrage.
It is open to amendment, and 1 have no doubt requires ametfo
nent. Such as it is, 1 submit my substitute to your considera
ion.
Mr. HENDERSON addressed the Committee in
mpport ol the substitute of Nr. Wilson ns amended.
-Jo expressed the gratificatioi he had fell on account
d the manner in which thi interesting question, re
:entiy under the consideration of the Committee, had
teen debated by the gentleman from Northampton,
Air. Upslmr,) and the gentleman from Ilanover,
Mr Morris.) II*- remarked that he felt pride in m •
ling the tribute of his acknowledgments to these gen
lomen, alike for their ability and eloquence, and or
heir courteous treatment of those who with himself.
lilfiTet] from ihem in opinion II** intimated nn ear
icst wish that the same temper might mark the de
late about’ to obtain upon the great subject now bc
bre the body. fc J
Mr. II said, before I proceed. Mr. Chairman, to
rouble the Committee upon the merits of the ques
mm under con-iderntion. I will briefly tulvcr to the
arigin and history ot the freehold suffrage in Virginia.
It is now,sir, 210 years since iho n.-s, mblnge of the
Brst House of Burgesses. Fiom to 19, when it met,
till 1077, a period of 53 years, the suffrage, with the
excep ion of a single year, was exercised^ bv all the
freemen of the Colony. During the excepted year,
it was iitn ted to housekeepers. In tie year 1077. af
ter the death ofthe gallant. Bacon, the’ freehold suf
frage was fi st introduce t, no* by any a-.;t. cf the Le
gislature, ofthe English Parliament,-«>r ofthe pcopl
of either country It was I he offspring of vetotl n,
terposition entirely, as h>*s been most aptly and f r* i
bly shewn by my friend from Prederck, (Mr. Cook* )
Yes, ir, euid Mr. H., it was the precious fruit of
despotism Charles II. one of the mo-.t odious and
profligate tyrants who ever wielded!he British scep
tre, transmitted to Hir William Berkeley, then Uo
vernor ofthe C"lony, nn instruction, signed by his
1 Wn r-yal hand, commanding him o permit none ex -
cent freeho ders,.to exercise this es imat c priv
lege. It is curiou- to observe tie refined spirit of
tyranny which reigns thr .ughort this document.
It commands Sir William not fo tcrmit the House
»/ Burgesses to meet more tian onre in two
years, to limit i's sessions to foureen days, and to
reduce the rnod'-rat* recompence or ih, ir services
which the freemen ofthe Colony lad cheerfully ac
corded to their representatives. L is obvious, .sir,
1 hat the policy and aim of this disf listing . diet was
to dishearten the |rc*>ple, to rfegrarb their agents, to
tnakc a mockery of their legislator! A fortnight
for the whole business of a new anc rising Colonyrby
agents who were to be humbled b* subsistin'*- upon
'tore and coarse diet." I askv Mr ‘Chairm;mT if. in
the face of these striking and grafhic facts, "entle
men can cover with the hoary nnntlc of antiquity
the monopoly which I assail? If ai abuse founded in
i flagitious and scornful disregard >f all decency and
right, aud fastened, at the point ofthe bayonet, upon
in indignant people, can clialleonp to itself the favo
ia.Lriu ui ui*. Htuur u iii Virginia in me nine
tcontli century? Having tlius, continued Mr. H .
stripped the argument of our opponents of til** intcr
jsf which it claims from the pretended revolutionary
origin of this usurpation, I respectfully invite the
Committee to follow me in the imperfect effort which
1 shall make to discuss it on its merits. I lay down these
principles as applicable to the subject. I deem them
:lear as day, pustulates in the science of politics. First
‘hat all Ike men of a society are enliiled to a voice
inf rattling its organic law. secondly, that a majority
jf these men has an undoubted right to decide what
that law shall be; thirdly that, ap a corroljary fr..m
the second proposition, this mnjori'y has <i legitimate
authority to prescribe teho skull exert ire Ike 'right <>f
uiffrage in the ordinary legislation of the society-, and,
fourthly, that to withhold the exercise of this ’right
from nny m»n in the society, except where it is ncecs
rftry for the common good, \b unjust and tyrannical.
1 do not think, said Mr II. that the truth of these
irincip’es, or either of them, will be denied in the
United States, save only in Virginia—Let us pro
ved to apply them to the subject of the presen de
jato I assume that there arc in the State of Vir
ginia 100,000 men having attained the ag<- of twenty
mey- a s, cither natives of the State, or hating resi
led therein for a reasonable time, and who are wil
ing to pay, ratcably v.ith their fellow citizens, its
axcb in peace and to fight, by their sidrs, m war.
"he real number is no doubt greater. I as
mrne it for convenience. I farther assume that, of
he 100 000, 19 090 are freeholders, and G0.000 non
rt cholders. This exposition of the subject shews,
it once its importance. Yes, Sir. on "the one hand’
rou Imve the political power, the political life and
leath of three fifths of the freemen of th<- Conunon
vealth; or. the other the order and stability of the
Commonwealth itself. I cm deeply sensible of tnv
natality to (Injustice (osuch a theme. But, impelled
y a sense of duty to mv constituents, whose metno
ial I have had the honor to present,and by a sacred
egard to the great principles involved in the issues of
or deliberations, I will endeavor to prove that nei
ber the lights of history, the results of comparison,
or the inductions of reason, demand, at our hands,!
:*• tremendous sacrifices which gentlemen cufirc uu
i make
The hirtery of tineieBt tinr\J Pir, continued Mr.!
II. will give us very lit*ic cul in tho developement 0tf,
ttiis subject, us has been justly observed by my vene- !
ruble colleague, [Mr. Monroe.] No gentleman will
point us to any nation ofantiquity except the Grecian
and Roman republics. There man attained to great
er excellence m arts, in literature, and in arms,' than
under institutions less tree. Greece, the mention of
whoso name, awakens so many classic associations,
and the memory of whose recent woes makes the
heart bleed with sympathy, can afford us no ma
terial aid The subtile, but versatile Athenian, ea
geily catching the strains of that eloquence, the
charm of succeeding ages and deciding by acclama
tion, in proper person, great questions of public
concern, is no example !<>r us—1{ rue luid the foun
dations of her power in violence, and completed it
by itice-Bant war. Her victorious generals, laden
With the spoils ol conquered nations, and dragging at
thcirchariot wheels the kings of the cnrtii,^rfford a
j poor illustration of tin* principles of representative
: government. And the American turns with disgust,
from a half civilized people, who sported in the
j srreans of the gladiator weltering in his blood, while
he bent hi-sinking eye towards his native lulls
The able and eloquent gentleman from Chester
| field, (Mr Leigh,) referred us, the other day, in the
, discussion of a kindred topic, to France nn l England.
; We were counselled by that gentleman to take war
j mng from tho French Revolution; and the govern
ment of England was extaliej as resting An liberty
and law.—Law, Sir, is to be found every where.
No country in Europe exhibits the disgraceful picture
of property insecure. The spirit of the age forbids
it. The revolutionary horrors of France were set
before us in bold relief; and we were earnestly pre
moni.-hctl noi to act them over again.—Let us follow
out this parallel.—The kings, nobles and priests of
France, for a snccession of ages, governed the people
by an oppression so intolerable that they rose, at
length, in their strength, and shook off their detested
tyrants as the lion dues the dew-drops from his mane.
—Grief and rage drove them to excesses revolting
to humanity. Now, Sir, what is this but social con-,
fusion, and misery produced by the injustice and
cruelty of the Aristocrats of France?—Had they
been just and moderate, these horrors would never
have occurred. V, e seek to confer upon the body of
the people their rights; and wc are gravely, and most
pathetically uro-ed not to do it because the tyranny
of the feio in France, and the sufferings of the w.-ny
led to social convulsion. That is, as 1 take it, oppo
site causes produce like effects; or do uot relieve the
people of Virginia because the oppression of those of
» .ui,^ lcu tu uiuuu-mkb. in mis logic l cannot
subscribe. And, after all, what is now the situation !
oi that beautiful country? A representation of the
people, the establishment of the trial by jury, a free j
press, and a vastly more equal division of property
proclaim that, in the great temporary evil, much las
ting good has ilowed from the Revolution.—The
Jesuit no longer tramples on the man. Happy
change for this gallant people! Let not the brilliant
and ravishing description which Burke gives us of
the unfortunate Marie Antoinette beguile us into the
belief that any argument against our principles can
be founded on the story of her sorrows, or of those
of her country.—For England, said Air. H, I liavo
great respect She is crowned with too much glory
not to awaken our admiration; and has too much
in common with us not to attract our sympathies.—
But is England, in truth, a land of liberty? Are the
; people happy? Is her government a lit model for our
imitation? Do not those who wield the power of the
country, the privileged, few, lavish its resources with
wanton prodigality, while about two millions of the
people are on the poor lists, and as many more, on
the confines of pauperism, eke out a bare subsis
tance by a degree ot toil which makes life i'sHf a
burden.-'—A single ecclesiastical character in Ireland
, receives annually, and chiefly, too, from those who
differ with him in religious belief, more than five
times as much us the salary of the President of the
United States, while hundreds of thousands of the
people are huddled, like beasts, into mud-huts, half
naked, und subsisting on potatoes, often, too often,
scantily supplied!—A man dares not in England, un
less lie is wortli £100 a year, shoot a hare on h.s own
land. Yet England, renowned and dr. ailed, has
(lower beyond any nation over which the Sun holds
his course; a glory which Princes and Potentates
may envy. But this power b.-longs to the few; his
glory is the propertyof her leaders; and she owes a
debt of 1,500 millions of dollars.—From such a
Union oi wretchedness and splendor, of’ injustice
and oppression Heaven preserve the laud of rnv
nativity! • "
L t us, said Mr. H., turn our eyes towards our
>.wn country. —Of the 24 States that form our IYd
. ral Family, Virginia alone has the freehold suffrage
throughout. In North Carolina freeholders alone
vote for Senators, but, as if to atone for this political
sin. sh. permits \ free-negraes to vote for members of
the "House of Commons.”—In New York, also,
there is a singular anomaly; for the free negro, there,
is the only manof whom the freehold qualification is
required.—Lyery other citizen, without pecuniary
j qualification, is allowed to exercise this privilege, so
dear to freemen.—The effect is that, of 24 States
spread over the wide bosom of our happy country,
Virginia, and Virginia alone, prescribes and brands,
with vttcr political opprobrium, the far greater part
<f her sons. In Alassachuselts, New' Jersey and
Connecticut, a moderate pecuniary qualification is
demanded and in S nth Carolina a tax of three
shillings is required. In the other 19 States no pe
cuniary qualification is esiablished, although some
two thirds of them impose as prerequisite to the ex
eicisc ol suffrage, the payment of such taxes as may
be assessed —I appeal to the members of this com
mittee. to the American world, if property m not ns
safe, and social order as effectually sustained in the
other Sta'es in inis Union as in Virginia? Look to
S. Carolina, to Louisiana, every where around you._
Ask Ohio, the daughter of yesterday, now an empire
in herself, if property is safe within her confines? If
social ord- r be not inviolate?—Her population. I mean,
Mr. Chairman, her white population is now greater
: than that of th" renowned and once powerful Com
I inojtwealth of Virmnia.
| Af * r ail. Fir, what is required of th<* voter? Sim
I ply the capacity and the will to choose good public
■ a^'nts The gentleman from Chesterfield, before
j a bided to, in treating by anticipation of the question
n ov under debut--, denied that men who laboured
were able to perform this duty; and intunnted that
1 even he, acute and accomplished ns he ig. was so en
• grossed with professional pursuits, as not to leave him
| ictHire for the study of political science. Sureiv tho
j same remark would apply to the other classes of so
I ci' ty; for, l»y t lie fiat of an overruling Providence,
we arc doomed to earn our bread by toiling in our
several \orations. aShaJl wc enpt tin? government,
then, into the hands of the idle and worthless?
I leaven forbid! Bu if d e.* not refjnire in • rder to
t e |>rope exercise of the right of ,-uff ig , that, the
nh/.-n t.e a master of political sc ience. \V. ro it
oth rw sc how many vo ers would you have?_Fj; ,
tfi “pea an ra ’ ar** competcn the performance of
o > •• Al who know men a d ar< v« rsed m
Mictr conco ns, in 'he various walks of life arc
nwif 1m individual f limned education, o i.-ciire
! churn'’ter With eyes.it once sti ady and clear un
C'igrossed by books, wide awake to the world i/lultnd
tb m. they acquire and digest that every day know
! lodge, tlmi prevailing and disci iminuting common
j .sense, which ennb'e hem to-elect t h- ir public font
tionaries w ith judgment—Sir, wchave a very pretiv
ante helical litv written by a sweet poet who was a
ver. lazy fellow. “Those who think must gnve.n
those w'lio t'il ’ Nothing is so apt to delude a man
and cxposi him to error in politics ns poetry and
metaphor. Tecy lead him to make sense yield to
sound, principles to flourishes of rhetoric.—There
ived in the last age another poet, and he will live for
countless ages to com**. He invigorated Ins under
standing, and sharpened his perceptions by labor.
You will recognise in this description the low-born
hut ingh-souled. and enchanting Horns. He was a
flax-breaker.—His contemporary and acquaintance
Alexander Wilsron, to whom the republic of science
owes so much for In* iuimitabio work on Ornitho
logy, was a peasant loo—Yes, Sir, I myself have
soon Horn, a weaver by day, a poet nt uirrllt
Benjamin Franklin too was of the- peasant
olass. lie labored hard for his daily bread
Gentlemen abhor abstractions Let them learn, then*
front those illustrious peasants this practical truth
that moderate labor inspires sound sense. I ask the
Committee to test the correctness of my position hv
inquiring how the non-freeholders in our sister States
have chosen their representatives in the Federal Con
gress, as compared with the wiser freeholders of our
nanve Stale? Lowndes, of South Carolina, James
r.,°£d’ ol Massachusetts, Rufus King, of New-Fork
U tlham Pinckney, of Maryland, cum multis ulus'
were, or are, the peers of the fiist talents that Vireil
ma has sent forth. And now, Sir, are not Webster
and MeDujhe, and Berrien, without naming others,
additional living examples of the truth of my propost
.1011. Sucti fuels speak volumes. It were a most un
gracious consumption, of the valuable time of this cn
[ight. ncd and honorable body to attempt, by any erl
aig.-d scope ot argument, to prove tha> a man loves
his Dirth place as he docs his mother, with an ardor
that no tunc can eflace, no circumstance extinguish
Sacred love o: country, and ineffable attachment to the
natal spot, are those the offspring of a churlish in
terns ; or can gold.pure base them? Sir, the landless
peusaiit clings to the rocky clifls on whoso summit he
sported m tho'halcyon days of his boyhood, as the
ligaments o Ins own heart bind it to his bosom. Away
then With tin- idea of the gentleman from Spotsylva^
n v" ^\r' ,^trinard») tl,at “ twenty five dollar frcehold
cr, a whole commonwealth of whom Stephen Girard
could create without impairing materially his resour
ce. has a stronger, a morr elevated, or more endur
ing attachment to his country, than the man I have
faintly attempted to describe.
But, continue.; Mr. II. gentlemen have denied the
piopnety ol permitting a man without property to
vote equally with the rich man, hecaje the latter
11 .'FV", ,"vco":lno" st°'k his fortune, as well as
all that class of rights strictly denominated personal.
In.,t1ll®,first Ploce; l*«w is this position to be reconciled
with the concession that a man who has twenty-fivo
dollars in land shall vote? If one man have $100,000
and another $25, the ratio is so very inconsiderable
as u, withdraw from the argument of my opponents
the greater part of its force. Examine this bAincli erf
the subject in its true lights. A man without pro
perty stakes his liberty, his life, his reputation, his
happiness, and his right to acquire vrooerbi. Whilo
wo surround properly with 6o many fences, and guard
it with so much solicitude, shall wc not duly appreci
ate the right to acquire it? Shall we not. in the em
phatic language of Napoleon, preserve for it -‘the
open theatre?" Again, if the rich man brin** in lb
property, does he not create the necessity of°an cx
p-nstve government? It is mainly for his property
tun law is piled upon law in your S.atnte book, and
that the onerous labors of your judiciary are demand
ed. II.*, too, engrosses the honors and emoluments
incident to the operations ot government. It is rarc
y that you incur expense in making or administering
law for the cutzen without property, and still mort*
rarely does be sharem those distinguished and inter
esting functions. How stands the account in War*
Are wars waged for the interests of the poor? Do
vei«paSS'a?S pron?pt or tbpir Possessions invite them?
. , : 1 he ambition of the great men of Rome
r.ised her armies to invade Britain, allot overrunning
tho fairest portion of the Island, they returned to cn“
joy their spoil leaving the highlands unconquered.
Tlie pout and hardy Caledonians boasted that their
gallantry hud rolled back the tide of battle; £ut Gib
bon says more truly, that the proud Eagles of Rom
scorned to perch on the n-ked hills of‘the land of tho
mountain and the flood." Sir, the cottager is always
the instrument and the victim 01 war, but he is ne
ver its author, and seldom shares its glory. Let not
wealth, then, complain that it is taxed for its own in
terest, and its own protection and honor. But Sir
property, as has been well said, baa influence. It
confers knowledge and gives facility for improvin'*
the Virtues of the heart and the graces of the tnn-°
ner- I Ins is power, concentrated, legitimate, rcsist
PSS,.P°,\ver' ?v?.r.ha8 bco»- and will continue to
till time sh*:ll be n<> more.
Gentlemen intimate that the enlarged and liberal
suffrage will engender tumult at elections, and im
part to the populace habits of dissipation. Have you
not now mirth and irregularity and riot nt vour elec
tion^ \\ hat real evil springs from this sourei3 There
gentry dunk wine and the lower classes alcohol—
This is n subject of regret, but no- an adequate cause
. >r disfranchising the one or the other A celebrated
man m England, remarked that, it was better the No
bleman's coaches should be bespatt-red by the mob
than that the people should be mude slaves. And it
j is b< tter that cultivated taste be offended here, than
I that three fifths of the body politic be powerless_
1-or these transient inconveniences, a perfect remed"
may be found in the creation of moderate election
! di.-tncts.
Mr Chairman, we have one small, but conspicu
ous example of tho correctness of the doctrine which
i have tne honor to maintain, in Virginia itself; and
gentlemen, justly tenacious of the character of our
ancient Commonwealth, ought to weigh it. Tho
borough of Norfolk is entitled, as we all know, to a de
ogate in the lower House of our Legislature. In that
borough, potboilers and mechanics, who hare served an
apprenticeship, are invested with the riHit of suffrage.
How. sir, have they exercised it? Look at their re
prescmation on this floor. One of those who exem
pli*} their political fitness, in war the defence, in pcaco
the ornament of the Stnte, is here no longer It
s'r* an, indisputable fact that the Borough of
•/Vor/b/fc has been represented in the Legislature
with an ability and patriotism which do honor to the
Cny itself, Wei Ic it is a living and a constant proof at
the rapacity 0f th„ non-freeholders of Norro'k —
And are not the non-freeholders of the county of
f rede rick ns competent ns they arc? Is there any
rl.mg in the air of a city which gives light and
purity to its populace, when citizens oPcorrcs
, ponding grade throughout your wide confines arc in
... ..u.KJiet-B or siecpecun impurity? VVc have
been taught to believe that the multitude in cities
was more depraved and more liable to political
delusion than that dis persed over the surface cf
t i“ country. Allowin them to be no woise than
their I cl low citizens of Norfolk, time, the best instruc
tor, establishes their claim It is vain to contend that
we are happy, and therefore, that no amendment
would be proper. Suppose the Si ate were governed
bv an absolute monarch, whose character was a.3 be
nign na that of a Trojan or Antonine, and who made
them happy foi the time, would not the citizens ce
F°rt their political right* as the sole security for the
continuance of their civil immtinilie*? Woiild they
be content to hold thir comfort and peace, and all that
is dear to man upon curtesy? If not, ought the vast,
mass of citizens, the subject ofour present debate, tore
ro"171 content, because not actuallyopprc**cd? Oimbt
ihcy not lobe placed in p predicament which would en
ahJe H.cin t-. guard them-.-Ives from possible nppre--.
.» on? Hm Hjr, I respectfully insist that the non-frcehol
<h-rs°t Virginia have be- ii politically wronged, and
that they are .-o now. Pe nnt me, since we are
v.iuly called upon to point out. a solitary instance of
misrule, to name a few simply byway of example,
cs >me of them will demo strat.o the injustice done to
those who do rot vote; all of them manifest the im
somid policy of the representatives of those who do.
Tots is on invidious task. I enter upon it wit h no
Mir * °f r'£ro,& P™*- I'rofcssi
onsarcofhttle use. 1 will proceed with the argument.
In Jlenmg s Salutes at large, vol C. P. 433 audio
the same book p 532, may he found two Acts
of Legislation which w ill M nc to exemplify in a
;Asr;,t'T,d-r,,ich radvan^. i win „n
ti , bn fly, the l«st. It provides that all the p oplc
hf l mr|>"‘tr>n 8lmI1 i tl‘<- arduous an,P peri
lous military duties incident to their circumstance*
excep certain official dignitaries, and owners of
tnVfi,r nUh ,T,1C °*jir,al charset era were compelled,
. . 1 nr nnd rqnjf.mcvU as a eiibs'jwitc for
, !r P- e-rvi. cs; but the overseer of the opu
* . "23 neither compelled to fjht nor to pa .