Constitutional Whig. [volume], February 26, 1830, Image 4

About Constitutional Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1824-1832

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MR. HAY PTE’S SPEECH
tit the Senate of the United States, January 21,1830,
(cONTIJfUKO.)
The honorable gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr.
Webster) while he exonerates mo personally from the
charge, intimates that there is a party in the country,
w^o are looking to disunion. Sir, it the gentleman
had ftopped there, the accusation would “have pass
ed by me as the idlo wiud w Inch I regard not.” But
when he goes on to give to his aeerfestioua local ha
bitation, and a name, by quoting the expression of a
distinguished citizen of South Carolina, (Dr. Coopor)
“that it wartime for the South to calculate the value
of (he Union,” and in tho language of the bitterest
safeasor, adds ‘•surely then the union cannot last lon
ger than July, 1031,”—it is Impossible to mistake ci
ther the allusion or the object of the gentleman.—
Nov; Mr. President, I call upon every one who hears
mo to bear witness, that this controversy is not of my
necking. The Scnato will do mo the justice to re
member, that at the time this unprovoked and uncall
ed for attack was made upon the South, not one
wQrd had been uttered by me in disparagement of
New Englaud, nor had I made the most distant allu
.. sion, either to the Senator from Massachusetts, or tho
State he represents. But, sir, that gentleman has
thought proper, for purpose* best known to himself,
to strike tlie South through me, tho moat unworthy of
Ijor servants. He has crossed the border, he has in
vaded the State of South Carolina, is making war
upon her citizens, and endeavoring to overthrow her
principlcsand her institutions. Sir, at the threshold.
I will struggle while I have life, for our altars and
Cilr lire tides, and if God gives me strength, I will,
drive back the invader discomfittcd. Nor shall I
stpp here- If the gentleman provoke? the war,
ho shall have W4-. Sir, I will not stop at
the bonier; I will carry the war into the cti
ciby’a territory, and not consent to lay down my
atm}*, until I ‘shall have obtaiued “indemnity for
the past, and security for the future.” It is with un
feigned reluctance. Mr. President, that I eutor upon
the performance of this part of my duty. I shrink al
indst instinctively from a course, however necessary,
which may have a tendency to excite sectional fcel
iilg?>and sectional jealousies. But, sir, the task has
been forced upon me, and I proceed right onward to
the performance of ipy duty; be the consequences
what they may, the responsibility is with those, who
have imposed upon me this necessity.
T.ne senator from AlassacnuseUs Has thought pro
per to cast the first sione, and if he shall find, accor
ding to a homely adage “that ho lives iu a glass
house”—on his head he the consequences. The gen
tleman has made a great flourish about his fidelity to
Massachusetts. I shall make no professions of zeal
fy» the interests and honor of South Carolina—»of
that my Constituents shall judge. If there be one
S^jltc iu this Union, Mr. President, (and I say it not
in a boastful spirit)—that may challenge comparison
* with any other for an uniform, zealous, ardent and
ujic'alculatlng devotion to the Union, that State is S.
t 'aroliua. Sir, from the. very commencement of the
Revolution up to this hour, there is no sacrifice, how
cVer great, she has not cheerfully made; no service
bho has ever hesitated to perform. She has adhered
id ^ou in your prosperity, but in your adversity, she
has clung to you with more than filial affection. No
matter what whs the condition of her domestic affairs,
though deprived of her resources, divided by parties,
or surrounded by difficulties, the call of the country
hafi been to her as the voice of God. Domestic dis
eotd ceased at the soliud—every man became at once
reconciled to his brethren, and the sons of Carolina
vwc’re all seen crowding together to the temple, bring
ing their girts to the altar of their common coantry.
Wllat sir, was the conduct of the South, during the j
Revolution? Sir, l honor New England for her*con ■
<luct in that glorious struggle. But great as is the
praise which belongs to her, I think, at least, equal
honor is due to the South. They espoused the quar
rel of their brethren, with a generous zeal, which
<{ul not suffer them to stop to calculate their iuterest
in the dispute. Favorites of the mother country, pos
sessed of neither ships nor seamen to create commer
cial rivalship. they might have found in their situation
a guaranty, that their trade would be forever fostered
and protected by Great Britain. But trampling ou
all considerations either ofintereet or of safety,they
rubbed into the conflict, and fighting for principle,
periled all in tlio sacred cause of freedom. Never was
tjrc*e exhibited in the history ofthe world higher ex
•anrplcs of noble daring, dreadful suffering and heroic
rjgluranee, than by the whigS of Carolina, during
tli)it revolution. Tlio whole State, from the moun^
tvijns to the sea, was overrun by an overwhelming
farce of tho cuetoy. Tho Du'its of industry perished
oh the spot where they werb produced, or were con
stfm&d by the Toe. The “plains of Carolina” drank
up the most precious blood of her citirims! Black
•Mid smoking ruins marked the pfhccs which had been
f he habitations of heT children! Driven from their
homes into the gloomy amd almost impenetrable
a Vamps, even there the spirit of liberty survived, and
£fc/uth Carolina (sustained by the ex-ample of her
tempters and he* Marions,) proved, by her conduct
th&t though her soil might be overran, the spirit of
libr people was invincible,
% But sir, our couatry was soon called opon to engage
iu another revolutionary struggle, and that too was
a btrugglc for principle. I mean the political revo
Tution which dates back to’33, and Which, if it had
irot been successfully achieved, would have left ns
-uUne of tho fruits of the revolution of ’7 G. Tire revo
lution of ’38 restored the Constitution, rescued the
liberty of the citizen from the grasp of those who were
aiming at its life, and in tho emphatic language of
Mr. Jefferson, “saved tbo constitution at° its last
gTVp.” And by whom was it achieved* By the
Nouth sir, aided only by the democracy of the North
mid West
i come now to me war or HM2, a war which I won
rCmuinbor was Called in derision (while its event
wjfci doubtful) tbe Southern war, and sometimes the
Okrolfna war: but which is now universally acknow
>exJged to have done moro for the honour and prospe
rity of the country, than all other events in our hi:to
ry put togtuher. What sir were tho objeets of that
\var? “Free trade and sailors’ rights!” Jt wbs for
tiro protection of Northern shipping azid New Eng
land seamen, that tho country new to arms. What
fn ter oat had the South in that contest? Jfthoy had
ibU down coldly to calculate the value of their intenptu
involved in it, they would have found that tfrev had
r vCry thing to lose, and nothing to gain. But air,
with that generous devotion to country bo c-haractc
rtstic of the South, they only asked, *f the rights of
tfny portion of their follow citizens k$d been invaded:
abd when told that Northern ships and New England
f-tmmen had been arrested on the common highway j
of nations, they felt that the honor of their country I
Was assailed; and acting on that exalting sentiment ' i
“which feels a stain like a wound," they resolved to J
f>cpk in often war, for a redress of those injuries which I
it did trot become freemen to endure. Sir, Ihe whole I
Houthvafiimatad as by a common impulse, cordially <
united »*k declaring and promoting that war. South I
Carolina shut to your councils, as the advocates and j
supporters of that war, the noblest of her sons. How 1
they fulfilled that trust, let a grateful country tell. '
Not a measure was adopted, not a battle fought, not <
n victory won, which contributed in any degree to J
rhe success of that war, to which Southern councils <
and Southern valor did not largely contribute. Sir, <
sljicc South Carolina is assailed, I must bo suffered ; i
to speak it to her praise, that at the very momont | c
when in one quarter, we heard it solemnly proclaimed 11
“that.it did not bccomo a religious and moral people f
fo rejoice at tho victory of our Army and Navy," her 1
Legislature unanimously c
•'Rctolwtl, That we will cordially support the i
Cjovernmentin the vigorous prosecution of the war ! t
until n peace can bo obtained on honorable teims* t
and we will cheerfully submit to every privation that1 “
may be required of us, by our Govcrn'menf,*for the ! t
.accomplishment of this object.” ; t
South Carolina roaeemed that pledge. She threw c
nocn her Treasury to the Government. She put at j t
absolute disposal of the officers of thi. IL Rtfttcs! <
all that aim posscsstyl—her men, hex uiouev, uud her
arms. She appropriated half a million of dollars, on i
her own oeeouut, tn defence of her maritime frontier, j
ordered a brigade of State troops to be raised, and j
when left to protect herself by ber own means, never j
Goffered tho enemy to touch her soil, without lacing
instantly driven off or captured.
Such, sir, was the conduct of the South—such the
conduct of my own State in that dark hour **which
tried metj’a souls.”
When I look back and contemplate tho spectacle
exhibited at that time, in another quarter of tho Union,
when I think of the conduct of certain portions of Now
England, and remember tho part which was acted on
that memorable occasion by the political associates
of the gentleman from Massachusetts—nay, when I
follow that gentleman into the couuCtls of the nation,
and listen to his voice during the darkest period of
the war, I am indeed astonished that he should ven
ture to touch upon the topics which he has introduced
into this debate. South Carolina reproached by Mas
sachusetts? And from whom docs tho accusation
come? Not from tho democracy of New England;
for they have been in times paid, as they are now, the
friends and allies of the South- No, sir, the accusa
tion comes from that party whose acts, during the
most trying and eventful period of our national his
tory, were of such a character, that their own Legis
lature, but a few years ago, actually blotted them out
from their records, as a stain upon the honor of the
country. But how can they ever be blotted out from
tho recollection of any one who had a heart to feci, a
mind to comprehend, and a memory to retain, the
events of that day! Sir, I shall not attempt to write
the history of the party in New England, to which I
alluded—the war party in peace, and the peace.p^rty
in war. That task I shall leave to some future biog
rapher of Nathan Dane, and I doubt not it will be
found quite cany to prove that the peace party of
Massachusetts v/fere the only defenders of their coun
try, during the war, and actually achieved all our
victories, by land and sck. In the mean time, sir,
and until that history shall be written, 1 propose,
with the feeble and glimmering lights which I pos
sess, to review the conduct of this party, in connec
tion with the war, and tho events which'immediately
preceded it.
u win ue recollected, 6ir, tuat our great causes ot
quarrel with Great Britain, were her depredations on
Northern Commerce, and the impressment of New
England seamen. ‘Prom every quarter we were call
ed upon for protection. Importunate as the West is
now represented to be,on another subject, the impor
tunity of the East, on that occasion, was fhr greater.
I hold in my hands the evidence of the fact. Uero
are petitions, memorials, and remonstrances, from all
parts of New England, setting forth the injustice, the
oppressions, and the depredations—the insul’s—the
outrages, committed by Great Britain, against the
unoffending commerce atid seamen of New England,
and calling upon Congressybr redress. Sir, I Cannot
stop to read these memorials. In that from Boston,
after stating the alarming and extensive condemna
tion of our vcssolsby Grent Britain, which threatened
“to sweep our commerce from the face of t he Ocean,
and to involve our merchants in bankruptcy,” they
called upOn the Government “to assert our rights, and
to adopt such measures as>willsuppo. t the dignity and
honor of the United States.”
Prom Salem we heard a language still more deci
sive; they call explicitly for “an appeal to aumb,” and
pledge their lives and property, in support of any
measures which Congress might adopt. Prom J*fetb
buryporl an appeal was made “to the firmness and
jusiicc of the government, to obtain compensation
and protection." It was here, I think, that when the
war was declared, it was resolved, “to resist our own
government, even unto blood.” (Olive Branch, d
101.) *
In other quarters, the common language of that
day was, that our commerce and our “seamen were
entitled to protection, and that it was the duty of the
Sovcrnmem to afford it at every hazard. The con
uct of Great Britain, wts were then told, was “an
outrage upon onr national Independence.” These
clamors, which commenced as early as January, 1806,
were continued up to 1812. In a message from the
Governor of one of the New England States, as late
as the 10th October, 1811, this langnaga is held: “a
manly and decisive course has become indispensable
—a course to satisfy foreign nations, that while we
dekire peace, \yo have the means and the spirit to
repel aggrc^lon.” “ We arc false to ourselves, when
onr commerce or our territory is invaded with impu
nity." *
About this time, however, a remarkable change
was observable, in the tone and temper of those who
had been endeavoring to force the country into a war. 4
The language of complaint was changed into that of
insult, and calls for protection, converted into re
proaches. “Smoke, smoke,” (says one writer,) “my
life on it our Executive have no more idea of declar
ing war than my Grandmother.” “The Committee
of "Ways and Means," (says another,) “have come out
with their Pandora’d Box of t»xes, yet nobody dreams
Of war." “Congress do not mean to declare war—
they dare not." But why multiply examples. An
honorable member of the other House, from thecitv
of Boston, (Mr. Quincy.) in a speech, delivered on th'e
3d of April, 1812, says, “Neither promises nor threats,
aor asseverations, nor oaths, will make mo believe
that you will go to war. Thu navigation Slate* arc
sacrificed, and the spirit and character of the country
prostrated, by fear and avarice.’’ “You cannot, (said
the same gentleman on another occasion,) “6c kicked
into a tour.”
Well,sir, the war at length came,and what did we
behold.* The very oven who bad been for six years
clamorous for war, and for whose protection it was
waged,became at once etjunlly clamorous against it.
They had received a miraculous visitation; a new
Hjrht suddenly beamed upon their minds; the scales
fell from their eyes; and it vyas discovered, that the
war was declared from “subserviency to Francs'.”
and that Congress and the Executive “had sold them
selves to Napoleon,” that Great Britain had, in fact,
“done us no essential injur}’;” that “sho was the bul
wark of our religion;” that where “she took one of
our ships, she protected twenty;” and that, “if Great
Britain had impressed a fow of our seamen, it was
because she could not distinguish them from her own.”
Ami so far did this spirit extend, that a Committee
if the Massachusetts Legislature actually fell to cal
utlafioo, and discovered to their infinite satisfaction,
but to the astonishment of all the world beside, that
3,vly sura Massachusetts sailors had ever been
impressed. Never shall I forget the appeals that had
beea made to the sympathies of the South in behalf
of the “thousands of impressed Americans,” who had
been torn from their families and friends, and “im
mured in the floating dungeons of Britain.” The
noet touching pictures were drawn of the hard con
ation of the American sailor, “treated like n slave,”
breed to fight the battle* of his enemy, “lashed to
he mast to»ue shot at like a dog.” But, sir, the very
noment we had taken up arms in their defence, it was
liscovered that all these were mere “fictions of the
train,”—and that the whole number in the State of
flassachusetts, was but jci.f.vkx, and even theta,* had
>cen “taken by mistake.” Wonderful discovery!
fhc Secretary of State bad collected authentic lists
if no less than six thousand impressed Americans.
«ord Castlcreigh himself acknowledged sixteen hun
Ircd.—Calculations on the basis of the number found
n board the Guerricrc, the Macedonian, and the
ava, and other British ships, (captured by the skill
nd gallantry of those heroes whose achievements are
lio treasured monuments of their country’s glory,)
Ixcd the nnmber at seven thousand—and yet, it seems,
Uassachnsctla had lost but eleven- Eleven Massa
husetts sailors taken by mistake! A cause of war,
ideed!—Their ships too, the capture of which had
hreatened univorsal “Bankruptcyit was discovered
hat Great Britain was their friend and protector,
where she had taken one, she had protected (won- '
y.” Then was the discovery made that subserviency i
3 France, hostility to commerce, “a determination
n the part of the South and West to break down
he Eastern States,” and especially (as reported by a
'ommittce of the Massachusetts Legislature) “to
force tlic Buns of commerce to populate the tV l.Uer- i
nosa0* were tho true causes of the War.
•Out lot us look a little further into the concoct or i
tho peace party of Now England, that important
crisis. Whatever difference of opinion might hove
existed as to tho causes of the war, the country had a
right to expect, that when once involved in the con
test, all America would have cordially united in its
support. Sir, the war effected,' in its progress, a u
nion of all parties at the South. Jiut not so u New
England. Thero, great efforts were made to stir up
the minds of tho people to oppose it: nothing was
left undone to ombarrasa tho financial opora:ions of
the government, to prevent the enlistment of troops,
to keep back the men and money ef New-England,
from tiro aervico of the Union, and to force the Presi
dent from his seat,—yes, sir, “the Island of Elba, or
a halter!" were the alternatives presented to the ex
cellent and venerable James Madison. Sir, the war
was further opposed, by openly carrying on illicit
trade with the enemy; by permitting that enemy to
establish herself oh the very soil of Massachusetts,
and by opening a f>ee trade between Great Britain
and America, with a separate Custom House—(Yes,
Sir, thoso who cannot endure tho thought that we
should insist on a free trado in time of profound
peace, could without scruple, claim & exercise the
right of carrying on a freo trade with the enemy in
a time of war)—and finally by getting up the re
nowned “Hartford Convention,” and preparing the
way for an open resistance to the Government, and a
separation of tho States. Sir, if I am asked for tho
proof of those things, I fearlessly appeal to contempo
rary history, to the public documents of the country,
to tho recorded opinions and acts of public assem
blies, to the declaration and acknowledgments, since
made, by the Executive and Legislature of Massa
chusetts herself.* „
bir, tho tunc lias not been allowed mo.to trace this
subject through, even if I had bceu disposed to do so.
Bui I cannot refrain from referring to one or two doc
uments, which have fallen in my way since this de
bate began. 1 read, Sir, from the Olive Branch of
Matthew Carey, in which arc Collected “the actings
and doings,” of-the peace party of N. England, du
ring the continuance of the embargo, and of tho war.
f know the Senator from Massachusetts will respect
the high authority of his political fiicnd and fellow
labourer m the great cause of domestic industry."
In page 301, et sey. 9 of this work, is a detail ac
count ol the measures adopted in Massachusetts du
ring the war, for the express purpose of embarrass
ing the financial operations of tho government by J
preventing loans, and forcing the country into a dis-1
hoaorablo peace. It appears that the Boston Banks!
commenced an operation by which a run was to be I
made upon all tho banks to the South, at the same
time stopping their own discounts, the efteet of which
was to produce a sudden and ulujost alarming dimi
nution of the circulating medium, and universal dis
tress over tho whole country; a distress which they
failed not to aitributo to the “unholy war.”
To such an extent was this system carried that it
appears from a statement of the condition of the Bos
ton Banka, made up in Jan. 1814, that, with nearly
$5,000,000 of specie in their vaults, they had but
£2,000,000 of bills in circulation. It is added by Carey,
that, at this very time, an extensive trade was car-1
ried ou in British Government bills, for whicli specie
was sent to Canada, for tho payment of the British
troops, then laying waste cur Northern frontier; and
this loo, at the very moment whon New England
ships, sailing under British licenses, (a trade declar
ed to be lawful, by the courts, both of Great Britain
and Massachusetts,) wero supplying with provisions,
those very armies destined for the invasion of our
own shores. SSir, the author of the Olive Branch,
with holy indignation, denounces these acts a9 “trea
sonable!” “giving aid and comfort to tltc enemy.” I
shall not follow his example. But, I -vifl ask, with
what justice or propriety can the South *be accused
of disloynlty,from tljat Quarter? It we had any evi
dence that tho Senator from Massachusetts had ad
monished his brethren then, he might with a bejter
grace, assume the office of admonishing us now.
When I look at the measures adopted in Boston,
at that day, to deprive the government of the neces
sary means for carrying on the war, and think of the
success, and the consequences of these measures, I
feel my pride, as an American, humbled in tho dust.
Hear, Bir, the language of that day—I read from pa
geeSOl and 302, of the Olive branch. -‘Let no man
who wishes to continue the war, by ac;ivc means, by
vole, or lending money, dark to rnosrnATB him
SCLF AT TUB ALTAR OX THE EAST DAY. “Will Foder
alists suberibe to the loan? Will they lend money to
our national rulers? It is impossible! First, because of
the print {pic; and secondly, brcaase of principal and
interest. Do not prevent the abuses of their trust from
becoming bankrupt. Do not provent them from be
coming bilious to the public, and being replaced by
better men.” “Any Federalist who lends money to
Government, mu.st go and shake hands with Jtunes
Madison, and claim fellowship with Felix Grttndy."_
(I beg pardon of my friend from Tennessee—but I
find he is in good company “I had thought it was
James Madison, Felix Grundy and the Devil.") “Dot
hitn no more call himself a Federalist, and a friend
to his coantry.” “Z7e will be called by others infa
mous, tfre.”
Sir, the spirit of the people sank under these ap
peals. Such was the effect produced by them on the
public mind, that the very Rgentsofthe Govern
ment^ as appears from their public advertisements,!
now before me,) could not obtain loans, without a
pledge that “the names of tho subscribers should not
be known. Here are the advertisements, the names
of all subscribers, (say Gilbert Dean, the Brokers!
employed by government,) “shall be known only to i
the undersigned.”
Aa if those who crime rot ward to aid their country,
in the hour of her utmost need, were engnged in some
dark ujid foul conspiracy, they were assured “that
tbeir names should not bo known.” Can any thing
show more conclusively, the unhappy slate of public
feeling which prevailed at that day, than this simple
fact? Of the same character with these measures,
was the conduct of Massachusetts, in withholding
her militia from the service of the United States, and
devising measures for withholding her quoin o/Jhr.
taxes, thereby attempting, not merely to cripple the
rcsoorces of the country, but actually depriving the
Government, (as far as depended on her,) of al? the
means of carrying on the war, of the bone and mus
olo, arid sinews of war,—“of man and steol—tiro
soldier and his jnroni.” But, it seems, Alassachu
setts was to reserve her resources for herself—she
was to defend and protect her own shores. And how
was that duty performed?—Irt some places on the
const, neutrality was declared, and the enemy was
suffered to invade the soil of Massachusetts, and al
lowed to occupy her territory until the peace, with
out any efTort to rcucuo it from his grasp. Nay,
more, while our own government, and our rulers
wero considered as enemies, the troops of the enemy j
were treated like friends—the most intimate com- j
mcrcial relations were established with them, and j
* In answer to an address of Governor Eustis, denouncing !
the conduct of the peace party, during the war, the House of
Representatives of the State of Massachusetts, in June, 1823,
say: “ I he cliange of the political sentiment evinced in the
laie elections, form indeed n new era In the history of our com
rnonwealth. It is the triumph of reason over passion, of patri
otism over party spirit. Massachusetts has returned to her
first love, and is no longer a stranger in the Union. VVc rejoice
that, though, during the last war, such measures were adopied
in>*.!• is .State, as occasioned double sacrifice of treasure and of
life; covered the friends of the natron with humiliation ancl
mourning, and fixed a Main on the page of ourjiistory: arc
deeming spirit has at length arisen to take away our reproach,
and restore to us our good name, our rank among our sister
Mates, and our fust influence in the Union.
“Though we would not renew contentions, or irritato wan
tonly, we believe that there are cases, when It is necessary we
should “wound to heal.” And we consider it among the first
duties of the friends of our national government, on this re
turn of power, to disavow tho unwarrantable course pursued
by this State during the late war; and to hold up the measures
of that period as beacons, that the present and succeeding
generations may shun that career which must inevitably ter
minate in the destruction of the individual or the party who
pursues it; and may learn the important lesson.that, in all
times, the path of duty is the path of safety; and that it is never
'•aegerern to rs^ly around rite standard o . tr\r caorVry.*’ ,
* t
uiumUnued up lo the peace. At this dark period of1'
her national affairs, whore was the Senator from Mas- *
sachusctts? How were his political associates em
ployed? “Calculating tho value of tho Union!" .
Yes, Sir, this was the propitious moment, when our
country stood alone, the last hope of the world,
struggling for her existence, against the colossal j
power of X*reat Britain, “concentrated in one migh- {
ty effort, to crush us at a blow.-" that was the cho- j
sen hour to revive the grand scheme of building up j
“a great Northern cornedcracy,”—a scheme which,
it is stated in the work before me, had its origin os far
back as 1796, and which appears never to have been
•entirely abandoned. In the language of the writers
of that day. (1796,) “rather than have a constitution,
such as the anti-federalists were contending for, (such
as we now are contending for,) “the Union onght to
be dissolved;" and to prepare the way for that mea
sure, tho same methods wore resorted to then, that
have always been relied on for that purpose, exciting
prejudice against the South. Yes, Sir; our northern
brethren were then told, “that if tho negroes were
good for food, thoir southern masters would claim the
right to destroy them at pleasure." Sir, in 1814, all
these topics were revived—Again we hear of »*a
Northern Confederacy;” “tho slave States by them
selves;” “the mountains aro the natural boundary;"
we want neither “the counsels nor the powor of the
West," &c. &c. The papers teemed with accusa
tions against the South and the West, and the calTa
for a dissolution of ail connexion with them, were
loud and strong. I cannot consent to go through the
disgusting details. But to show the height to which
the spirit of disaffection was carried, I will take yon
to the temple of tho living God, and show yon that
sacred place ( which should be devoted to the exten
sion of “peace on earth and goodwill to man,” whole
“one day's truce ought surely to be allowed to the
dissensions and animosities of mankind”) converted
into the ilerco arena of political strife, where, from
the lips of the priest standing between the horns
of the altar, there went forth, the most terrible de
nunciations against all who should be true to their
country, in the hour of her utmost need.
“If you do not wish,” said a reverend clergyman,
in a sermon preached in Boston, on the 23d July,
T312, “to become the slaves »f those who own slaves,
and who are themselves the slaves of French slaves,
you must either, in the language of the day, cut the
connexion, or so lar alter the national compact, as
lo secure to yourselves a due share in the govern
ment.” (Olive Bfhnch, page 319.) “The Union,”
6ays the same writer (p. 320.) “has been long since
virtually dissolved, and it i3 full time, that this pari
1 of the disunited States should take care of rtself.”
Another reverend gentleman, pastor of a church at
Medford, [p. 321] issues his anathema. “Let him
stand accurcd,” against all, who by their “personal
services” or “loans of money,” “conversation," or
“writing,” or “influence,” gives countenance, or sup
port to tho unrighteous war, in the following terms:
“That man is an accomplice in tho wickedness—he
load3 his.*conscience with the blackest crimes—he
brings the guilt of blood upon his soul, and in the
sight«of God and his law he is a murderer."'
One or two more quotations Sir, and I shall have
done. A Reverend Doctor of Divinity, the pastor
of a church at Byfield, Massachusetts, on the 71 h .ol
April, 181 i, thus addresses his flock: (p. 321) “The
Israelites became weary of yiolding tho fruit of their
labor to pamper their splendid tyrants—they left
their political woes—they separated—where is
our Moses—where the rod of his miracles? Whore
is our Aaron? Alas! no voice from the burning bush
has directed them here.”
"We must trample on the mandates of despotism,
, or remain slaves forever.” [p. 322] “You must drag
the chains of Virginia despotism, unless you d scover
some other mode of escape.” “Those Western
States, which have been violent for this abominable
! war, thoso States which have .thirsted for blood,
God has given them blood to drink." (p.323.) Mr.
President l cango no farther—the records of the day
arc full of such sentiments, issued from the press
spoken in public assemblies——poured out from the sa
cred desk! God forbid, Sir, that I should charge the
people of Massachusetts with participating in “these
s sentiments. The South and tho West had then, their friend*—
men who stood by their country, though encompassed all
around by their enemies: the Senator from Massachusetts, (Mr.
Silsbee,) was one of them; the Senator from Connecticut, (Mr.
Foot,) was another; and there were others now on this floor.
The sentiments I have read, were the sentiments of a party
embracing the political associates of the gentleman from Mas
sachtiseus If they could only be found in tho columns cf a
newspaper, in a few occasional pamphlets, issued by men of
intemperate feeling, i should not consider them as affordin'*
any evidence of the opinions even of the peace party of New
England. But, Sir, they were the common languarge of that
day, they pervaded the whole land—they were issued from the
Legislative Hall—-from tho pulpit, and the press— our books are
full of them; and there is no man, who now hears me, hut
knows, that they were the sentiments of the party, bv whore
members they were promulgated Indeed no evidence' of this
would seem to be required, beyond the fact that such senti
ments found their u-ay even into the pulpit of New England.
\* hat must he the slate of public opinion, where any respecta
ble clergyman would venture to preach, and to print sermons
containing the sentiments I have quoted I doubt not the piety’
or moral worth of these gentlemen I am told they were res-’
portable and pious men. But, they were men, and “tbey kiu
dled in a common blaze.” J
And now, Sir, I must be suffered to remark, that at this aw
ful and melancholy period of our national history, the gentle
man from Massachusetts, who now manifests so great a devotion
to the Union, and so much anxiicy lest it should be endangered
from the South, w as “with his brethren in Israel.” Ho saw all
these things passing before his eyes; lie beard these sentiments
I uttered all around him. 1 do not charge that gentleman with
any participation in these acts, or with approving of these sen
timents. But, 1 will ask why, if he was animated by the same
sentiments then, which he now professes, if ho can “an<*ur dis
union at a distance, and snuff up rebellion in cveiy'tainted
! breeze,” why he did not at that day, exert his great talents and
j acknowledged influence, with the political associates by whom
I ho was surrounded, (and who then as now looked up to him
| for guidance and direction,) in allaying this general excitement;
. in pointin'* out to his deluded friends the value of the Union;
| |n instructing tbem that, instead of looking “to seme prophet to
; read them ovt from the land of Egypt,” they should become
| reconciled to their brethren, and unite with them in the support
| of a just and necessary war! Sir, tho gentleman must excuse
I me for saying, that if tho records of our country, afforded any
: evidence that he had ptitsucd such 6 course then, if we could
■ 1)nfl >* recorded in the history of those times, that, like tho im
. mortal D'xtcr, he had breasted that mighty torrent, which was
| sweeping before it all that wasgre.lt and valuable Jn our polit
ical institutions, g jj]<c j,jni p,af| ftnod by his country in
opposition to his parly, Sir, wo would liho little children, listen
to bis precepts and abide by hi* counsel*
As soon as the public mind was sufficiently prepared for the
measure, the celebrated Hartford Convention was got up—not |
as the act of a few unauthorized individuals, but by authority 1
| of the Legislature of Massachusetts; and, as has been shewn by
, tbo able historian of the Convention, in accordance with the
l views and wishes of the party of which it was tho organ. Now, l
i Mr, r do not desire to call in question the motives of the cen- 1
| tlctnco who composed that Assembly, t knew mary of them ,
to be, in private life, accomplished and honorable men, andl .
doubt not there wero somo among them who did not pcrceivo j
the dangerous tendency of their proceeding*. 1 will oven go ; 1
further, and say, that, if the authors of tho Hartford Cor,ven- i 1
lion believed that “gross, deliberate and palpable violation* of I
the Constitution” had taken place, utterly destructive of their I
right* and interests, I should be the last man to deny their rights 1 •
to resort to any constitutional measure for redress.
But, Sir, in any view of the case, the time when, and the rir- i '
cuwstanr.es under which that Convention assembled, as woll as
the measures recommended, render their conduct, in iny opin-'s
Ion,wholly indefeasible Let us contemplate, fora moment,; c
the spectaclo then exhibited to the view of the world. I will f
not go over the disasters of tho war, nor describe the difficul- ! <
ics in which the Government was involved. It will he recol
lected that its credit was nearly gone; Washington had fallen; 1 f
the whele coast was blockaded; and an imnseoce force, collec- ; S
ted in tho West Indies, was about to make a decent, which it: «
was supposed we had no means of resisting. In this awful i
State of our public affairs, when the Government seemed almost! »
to be tottering on its base, when Great Britain, released from ' t
nil her other enemies, had proclaimed her purpose of “reducing : f
usi to unconditional submission,”-we beheld the peace party of
J\tio England (in the language of the work hefotc us.) ptu*m , I
mg a course calculated to do more Injury to their country “and «
to render England more effective service,.than all her armies.” i I
Those who could not find it in their heart* to rejoice at our <
r«m*uA^nr5.K ,he*,n&’s Chapel in Boston for the! I
limner :L ?n'"bf>n9 , Those who could not convent to |
‘bcir dwellings far the capture of the Guerricre, 1
,.P v«'blc tokens oi their joy at the fall of Detroit
I be “lieacon fir**” of their hills -.ere lighted up. not for the
encouragement of their friends, but as signals to the enemy,— I
anri m the g.oomy hours of midnight, the very lights burned j
k 1 *'er.e **>8 dark and portentiou* signs of the times
inch ushered into being the renowned Hartford Convention,
ih\L°"V 1 ,!)n.m R *; *n''’ from their proceedings, it appear*
that fheir chief object was, to keep back the men and money of 0
” ; t HRJ’TVI from tho ferric* of tho Union, and to effect rod- f
1
ical changes iu the Government; change* that can never tc
effected without a dissolution of the Union
Let us now, Sit, look at their proceedings. I read from “a
short account of the Hartford Convention, written by one of
its tueipbers; a very rare book, of which I was fottunue enough
a few years ago to obtain a copy- [Here Mr- H. read from the
proceedings.*]
[7*o be continued.] •
* It appears at page C of “The Account,” that by a vote of
the House of Kepresentatives of Massachusetts,' (260 to 90,)
delegates to this convention was ordered to ha appointed to con
sult upon the subject “of tlieir public grievances end con*
earns,’’ and upon “the best means ef preserving their resour
ce*,” and for procuring a revision cf the constitution ef the
United States, “more effectually to secure the support and at*
tachrneut cf all the people, by placing all upon the basis of fits
representation.”
The convention' assembled'at Hartford, on the the 15th Dc*
cember, 1814. Oh the doit day h was
"Resolved, That the most inviolable secrecy shall be observ*
ed by each member of this convention, including the Secretary,
as to all propositions, debates, and proceedings thereof, until
this injunction shall be suspended or altered.”
On the 24th December, the committee appointed to pre*
pare and report a general project of such measures as may ba
proper for the convention to adopt, reported, among other
things,
1. “That it was expedient to recommend to the Legislature
of the States, the adoption of the most effectual and decisive
measures to protect the nmilia and the State* from the usurpa-t
t'rons contained in tlieir proceedings.” [The proceedings of
Congress and the Executive^ in relation to the militia and tho
war.]
3. “That it is expedient also, to prepare a statement cc»
hibiting the necessity which the improvidence and inability of
the general government have imposed uphn the States of pro*
viding for their own defence, and tho impossibility of tnelr
discharging this duty, and at the came time fulfilling tho requ**
siiions of the general government; and also to recommend to
the Legislatures of the several States, to make provision for
mutual defence, and to make an earnest application to tho
government of the United States, with a view to some ar
rangement whereby the States may be enabled to retain a por*
tion of the taxes levied by Congress, for the purposes of self
defence, and for the reimbursement of expenses already incut*
red on account of ihfe United States.” —
3. “That it ts expedient to recommend to the several State
Legislatures, certaiu amendments to the constitution, sir— *
That the power to declare os make war, by the Congress of -
the United States, be restricted.
That it is expedient to attempt to make prevision for te>
straining Congress in the exercise of an unlimited power to
make new States and admit them into the Union.
That an amendment be proposed respecting slave represen
tation and clave taxation.”
On the 29th'December, 1814, it was proposed “that the ca*
pacity of naturalized citizens to hold offices of trust, honor, or
profit, ought to be restrained,” &.c.
The subsequent proceedings are not given at large. But ft
seems that the report of the committee was adopted; and also
a recommendation of certain measures, (of the character of
which we are not informed) to the States for their mutual de*
fence; and having voted “that the injunction of secrecy, in re*
gard to all the debates and proceedings of the convention, (eg*
cept so far as relates to the report finally adopted) be conthnr
ed,” the convention adjourned sine die; but (as it was supposed)
to mce* again, when circumstances should require it.
Fram the JVtic York American, Keb. 20.
United States Bane Stock.—On the authority of the Dairy
Advertiser of yesterday morning, we stated that the United
Statea Bank shares had fallen in London from 27i 7«. to 25/.
15a.t and naturally ascribed the foil to the effect of the’ Presi
dent’s message, received in London between tho 2d and 8ib*
the dates of the two quotations.
We ar« satisfied, that these quotations were.erroneous, al
though made, as the Editors of that paper assure us, from ttij
London Shipping and Commercial List of 2d aud 9th. Letters
from London of the latest dates, quoto the sales of the United
States Bank Stock at, or very nearly the same price, as bsfore
the receipt of the message.
We learn with regret, from a notice in the Daily Advertiser
Pjom.ng, that JYathanitl H. Carter, late of this city,
died at Marseilles on the 2d January He went to the south of
Europe in the hope-hardly that, perhaps-but for the chance,
of being restored to health; but the seeds of that fataL flatter!
mg disease, consumption, were too deeply sown—ancf the
harvest was death. Mr. Carter was a scholar and a poet—of
gentle temper, and wholly unfitted .by nature for the spbera
into which he was thrown, of a political editor. But heman
fully stood his ground; aud especially when conducting a paper
at Albany in the interest of the late De Witt Clinton, to whom
he was sincerely attached, be evinced great zeal and talent.
Latterly, the Statesman, -while under his control, meddler!
little with politics; and for some year or two past he had ceased
in a great measure to have any connexion with it.
• !?a!wr.will be sincerely lamented by many from whom
in life he differed—and by none more than by the writer of this
brief notice.
The venerable Col. Henry Rutgers died at Nei?
York on Wednesday morning, aged 85.
Lexington and OkxoRail. Road.—The Lexington Reportec
of ilia 10th inst. states that $310,800 were subscribed, oE rt»
two precedmg days, to the stock of the Lexington and Ohfrj
ganizC(*C COmpany' The comPaay was ‘o b® immediately or.
Arrival of Mr. Poinsett.—We are happy to announce (Tie
safe arrival of the Hon. J. R. Poinsett at New Orleans. He
reached that city on the 2d inst. m the U. S. ship Falmouth,
from Tampico. He is accompanied by J. Mason, Jr. Esrr
Secretary of Legation. »
sa A letter from Washington, published in the New York Post,
“Mr. C. Hughes, our former Charge at the court of the Neth
cr ands, is nominated to the same station which he formerly
ulleo, as Charge in Sweden.” J
Tho Committee on Internal Improvements, of the House oF
Representatives, have made a report on the subject of the Bal
timore and Ohio Rail-road, accompanied by a bill providing
for a subscription of three hundred and fifty thousand dollar!
to the stock of tho company.
At a recent sesssion of the Tennessee Legislature, an act wa3
passed abolishing the punishment of death for any offences
except murder of the first degree. 1
Horrid Fanaticism —On the 27th ult. Mrs. Lydia, wife oF
Henry Kerkimcn, of Exeter, Otsego county, N. Y% put an etui
to the existence of her child, three months old, by cutting its
throat with a razor, in such an effectual manner as almost to
sever the head from the body. She has been deranged at in*
tervals for nearly a yeat past; and her partial insanity j8 report
ed to have proceeded from a gloomy and despondent state pf
mind occasioned by imagining herself a reprobate, and the
sentence of perdition stamped on her eternal destiny.
MEDLEY wiTl Stand the ensuingSprmga^mv
stable, in the county of Chesterfield, beium
the same.place he made his last season, within one
mile of Moody’s Tavern, 18 from Petersburg, aDtl
22 from Richmond, and is now ready to serve marcs
at §20 the leap, $30 the season, payable tho 15th Ju
Jy next, when it will expire—$50 to ensure a mare,
payable as soon as she is known to bo in foal, and
one dollar to tho groom.
JUeMajis a handsome grey, 6 ycara old this Spring,
full 16 hands high—for form, strength, beauty, ap
pearance, performance and blood, admired and op.
proved.—lie has made but one season, when be
bad 114 mares besides my own. Mr. John D Kir
by’s mare Coquette was, however, put to him be
fore he made a season, and produced a very promi
sing grey filley, which is the only one of his goi
that has yet appeared; $700 in cash'Was offered for it
at 4 months old, and glOOO nsked—and asaddition
al evidence of the value of his family, I gold last fall
tho half of two fillies by Sir Charles out of Mcdiey’s
dam, Old Reality, one four and the other two years
old, for $2,500 in money. My overseer Mr fiBneb,
ray son George, and Arthur Taylor, all residing near
the stable, will attend particularly to all orders in nrv
ab*e"ce/ , .. ' W. R. JOHNSON,
Chesterfield, Feb. 0 c2m
MOjNSIEUR TONSOH*
V^HLL stand the ensuing season at Tre® Hill, near RWi
w r funnel, Va. His season to commence 1st Kebruar/
and terminate 1st July next. Ho will be let in mares at 50
c,?"ars, *caKm« which may be discharged by the payment
n» 40 dollars within the season Mares can bo insured at 75
dollars. One dollar to tho groom in every case.
Every desirable arrangement has been made for the aerom
moclatton of marcs sent to this horso. They win be pasturefl
gratis well fed with grain if required, at 25 cent» per .lay, and
stalled in nil bad weather. r
One of the subscribers will g|Vc his constant personal atten
tion to marcs, in order that thfy may be returned to their own
ers in good condition. VVe cannot be responsible for accidents
or escapes, but will use every exertion to prevent both
Monsieur Tonsoo.. a beautiful bay, fifteen' hands three inches
high, with black logs, main and tail He » finely proportion
erl, exhibiting beauty and power throughout his forrE. His
Mood, appearance and performance is equal, if not superior,
to any horse on th«s continent. Hi« colt, are likely, and hi
high estimation. THOMAS WATSON
-r .. .. . ABNER ROBINSON.
Tree Ildl. Jan. 23.___ Ifl—c8m
BACON, LAUD AND CIDER;
20,000
100 krfrg Of leaf Lard, in shipping order
10 M, of sweet crab cider, for mile from on boanl
of tho schooner Comet, in the Dock.
fob$5 t. WINSTON.