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1 SPEECH OF MR. WEBSTER, - On Mr. Fool's Resolution IN SENATE—Ja*. 20, 1030. ^ (cOItTIKUED.) Ilut, after nil, this is not the point of the debate; F and I must bring tiie gentleman back to that which to tliO point. ‘ Kk'*i, '•<? The real question between me and hint, is where t has the doctrine been advanced, at the South or the East, that the population or the West should bo re tarded, or at least, need not bo hastened on account of its effect to drain olftlic people fiom the Atlantic States? Is this doctrine, as has been alleged, of Eas tern origin? This is the question. Has the gentle man found any tiling by which ho can make good his peculation? 1 submit to the Senate, that he lias cn tirelvfailed; mid as far as this debate has shown, the only person who has advanced such sentiments, is f n gentleman from South Carolina, and a friend to the honourable member himself. The honorable gen tleman has given no answer to this; there is none which van be given. The simple fact, while it re quires no comment to enforce it, defies all argument 10 refute it. I could refer to the speeches of another Sonihern gentleman, in years before, of the same general character and to the same effect, as that which has been quoted; but I will not consume the tuna of the S mite by the reading of them. So then sir. Now England is guiltless of tliopo-] 11 :y of retarding Western population, and of nil ca vy and jealousy of the growth of the Now States.— VVhatcvcr there be of that policy in the country, no part of it is tier’s. If it bus a local habitation, the honorable member 1ms probably seen, bv this time, where ho is to look for it: and if it now has received u name, he has himself christened it. We approach, at length, 6ir, to u mere important vartofthe honorvblc gentleman's observations Ismcc it d»cs n >t accord with uiy views ol justice w-j policy to give a vay the public lands altogether, cs more matter of gratuity, I am asked by tlichoti-J • •ruble gentleman on what ground it is, tli.it I'cow f-etit to vote them away in particular instances.*— How, he inquires, do I reconcile, with these profes sed sentiments, n»y support of measures appropria ting portions of the lands to particular rivers, and particular institutions in the West? This leads sir, to the real and wide difference ir. polit cal opinions between the honorable gentleman und my6clf. On my part, I look upon all these objects as connected with tbu common good, fairly embraced in ils objects; he, on the contrary, deems them all, if good at all, only local good. This is our difference. The in terrogatory, which be proceeded to put, at unce ex plains lltie difference. ‘••What interest.‘asks he,’ has fcjouth Carolina in a Canal in Ohio?” Eir, this very question is full of significance. It dovelopes the gen-j tleman'e whole political system; and its onswOr ex pounds mine. II re wo d fler, into cxln. I look up on a road over the Alleghany, a Canal round the Tails of the Ohio, or a Canal or Railway from the Atlantic to the Western waters, os being objects 1 irgc and extensive enough to be fairly said to be fur the common benefit. The gentleman thinks oth erwise, and this is the key to open Ins construction of the powers of the Government. He may ask, upon his system, what intciest lias South Carolina ma Canal in Ohio? On that system, it is true, she has, no interest. On tlmt system, Ohio and Carolina arc different Goverpjnents, and different countries, con nected here, it Y§ true, by some slight and ill defined bond of Union, but in all main respects, separate and diverse. On that system, Carolina has no more in terest in a Canal in Ohio than an Mexico. The gen tleman, therefore, only follows out his own princi ples; he dues no inoro than arrive at the natural con clusions of his <Jwn doctrines; he only announces the true resul's of that creed which bo has adopted him self, and would persuade ethers to adopt, when lie thus declares that South Carolina has no interest in a public work in Oliiu. Sir, we narrow minded peo ple of New England do not reason thus. Our no tion of things is entirely different. We look upon the States not as separated, but as united. Wc love to dwell on that Union, and on the mutual happiness which it has so much promo ed, and the common re nown which it Ims so greatly eontioutcd to acquire. In Our contemplation, Carolina and Ohio are' parte of the same country; States, unred under the* same General Government, having interests, common, as sociated, intermingled. In whatever is within the proper sphere of the constitutional power of this Government, we look upon the States as one. We dp not impose geographical limits, to our patriotic feeling or regard; we do not follow rivers end moun tains, and lines of latitude, to find boundaries be yond which public improvements do not benefit us. Wc who come here, os agents and representa tives pf those narrow minded anu selfish men of New England, consider ourselves ns bound to regard, with equal eye. the good of the whole, in whatever is v.thin our power of legislation. Sir, if a rail road or canal, beginning in South Carolina, and ending in South Carolina, appeared to me to be of national magnitude, believing, as 1 do, that the power of Government extends to the encouragement of works of that description, if I were to stand up here, and ask, what interest has Massachusetts iti a rail road in South Carolina, I should not he willing to face my constituents. These same narrow minded men would tell me, that they Imd sent me to act for the whole country, und that one who had possessed too little comprehension, either of intellect or feclino-, one who was not large enough, in mind and heart, to embrace the whole, was not fit to be entrusted with the intercot of any part. Sir, I do not desire to en large the powera of the Government, by unjustifia ble cops!ruction; nor to exorcise any not within a fair interpretation. But when it is believed tlmt a power docs exist, then it is, in my judgment, to be exercised for the general benefit of the whole: so far us respects the exercise of such a power, the States arc one. It was the very object of the constitution to create unity of interests to the extent of the pow ers of the General Government. In war and peace, wc are one; in commerce, one; because the author ity of the General Government reaches to war and peace, and to the regulation of commerce. I have never seen any more difficulty in erecting light hou ses on the hakes, than on the Ocean: m improving t!io harbors of inland seas, than if they were with in the ebb and flow of the tide; or of removing ob structions in the vast straetn of the West, morc’than in any work to facilitate commerce, on the Atlantic coast. If there bo power for one, hero is pow er also for the other; and they arc all equally foi the ! country There are other objects ^parently more local, or the benefit of which is less general, towards which, nevertheless, I have concurred "ith others to give aid, by donations of land, ft is proposed to construct n road in or through one of the new States in which this government possesses large quantities of land, i Have the United States no right, us a great and un ! taxed proprietor; arc they under no obligation to con tribute to an object thus calculated to promote the common good of all the proprietors, themselves in- ' eluded? And ovou with respect to education, which I is the extreme ease, let the question be considered. I Lnthe first place, as we have seen, it was made I matter of compact with these States, that they! should do their part to promote education. In the ! next placo, our whole system of land laws proceeds 1 on the idea that education is for the common good; ' hocatiso, in every division, a certain portion is uni-1 Jormly reserved and appropriated for the use of schools. And, finally, have not these new States sin gularly strong claims, founded on the "round alrea dy stated, that tho government is a great untaxed proprietor m the ownership of the soilT It is a con sideration ol great importance, that prohaWy tli- e t is in no pari oi tho country,or of the world, so great a call for the means of education as in thos" new 1 •States; owing to the vast numbers of persons within ! Wio*e ages, in which education and instructions are usually received, if received at all. ‘ This js the nat ural consequence of rccehcv of re*»!ement and rm M Increase. Tho eenffs of Sr at r. fhov, s fo-v great & proportion of (be whole population occupiea t tho classes between infancy and manhood- Tne»o ^ are the wide fields, and here u the deep aud quick i soil for the seeds of knowledge and virtue; and this ] 13 the favored season, the spring time for sowing 1 them. Let them be disseminated, without stint, i Let them be scattered, with a bountiful, broad cast. • 1 Whatever tho Government can fairly do towards-i these objects, in my opinion,ought to be done. j These, sir, arc tho grounds, succintly stated, on • which my votes for grants of lends for particular ob-, jeets rests; while I maintain, at tho same time, that j it is all a common fund for the common benefit. And, reasons liko tlictc, 1 presume, have influenced the' votes of other gentlemen from New England. Those ; who have a different view of the powcis of the go/- i eminent, of course come to different conclusions, on 1 these, i»6 on other questions I observed, when speak-j ing on this subject befbre, thut if we looked to any < measure, whether fur a road, a canal, or any tiling j else, intended for the improvement of tho West, it j would be found, that if the New England ayes were ; struck out of the list of votes, the Southern no« would always have rejected the measure. The truth j of this has not been denied, and cannot bo denied In stating this l thought it just to ascribe it to the constitutional scruples of tho South, rather than to any other less favorable or less cluuptable cause. But, no sooner had I donu this, than the Honorable gentleman asks, if I reproach him, and his friends with their constitutional scruples? Sir, I reproach nobody. I stated a fact, and gave the most respect ful reason fur it that occurred to Die. The gcntlc : man cannot deny tho fact; lie may, if he choose, dis , claim the reason- It is not long since l had occasion J in presenting a petition from Ins own State, to ac | count for its being entrusted to my hands, by saying, that tho constitutional opinions of the gentleman and his worthy colleague, prevented them from support ing it. Sir, did relate this as a master of reproach! Far from it. Did I attempt to find any other cause than an honest one for these scruples? Sir, I did not. It did not become me to doubt nor to insinuate that the gentleman had either changed Ins sentiments, or that he hud made up a set of constitutional opin ions, accomodated to any particular combination of political occurrences- llad I done so, I should have l’elt, that while I was entitled to little respect in thus que.-tiouiiig oilier people's motives, I justified the whole world in suspecting my own. But how has the gentleman returned this respect for other’s opin ions? His own candor and justice, how have they been exhibited towards the motives of others while lie haB been at so much pains to maintain, what no body has disputed, the purity of his own? Why, sir, he has asked when, and how. and why, New England votes were found going for measures favorable to the West, ho has demanded to be informed whether all this di«l not begin in 1023, and while the election oj President was still pending? iJir, to these questions retort’ would be justified, and it is both cogent, and at hand. Nevertheless, I will answer the inquiry not by retort, but by facts. I ir»; tell the gentleman when, and how, uud why, New England lias support ed measures favorable to the West. I have already referred to the early hisiory of the Government—to the first acquisition of the lands—to the original laws lor disposing of them, nnd for goterning the’tcr ritorios where lliey lie; anil have shewn the influence of New England men and New England principles in all ^Jicse leading measures. I should not be par doned were I to go over that ground again. Coining to more recent times; and to measures oflcss "onera! character, I have endeavored to provo tha*t every thing of this kind, designed for Western improve ment, hus depended on the votes of N. England, all this is true beyond the power of contradiction. And now, sir, there arc two measures to which I will refer, not so ancient as to belong to tho early history of the public lands, ami not <su recent as to be on this side of the period when the gem Ionian charitably imagines a new direction may have been given to New England feeling, and New England votes. These measures, and the N. England votes in support of them, may be taken as samples and specimens df all the rest. in iuju, observe, Air. I’resident, in 1820, the peo ple of the West besought Congress for a redaction in the price of lands. In favor of that reduction, N. England with a delegation of forty members in the other House, gave thirty three votes, and one only against it. The four Southern States with fifty members, gave thirty two votes fur it, and seven against it. Again, in 182J, fubserve ogam, sir, the time,) the law passed for the relief of the purchasers of the public lands. This was a ineasura of vital importance to to the West, ami more especially the S. West. It authorized the relinquishment of con tracts for lands, which had been entered into at high prices, and a reduction in other cases, at no le68than 371 per cent on the purchase money. Many millions of dollars, six or seven, I believe, at least, probably much more, were relinquished by this law. On this biII,-N. England, with her forty members, gave more , affirmative votes than the four Southern States, with their fifty two or three members. These two arc far the most important measures, respecting the public lands, which have been adopted \vithin°the last 20 years. They took place to 1820 and 1821. That is the time when. And ns to the manner how, the gentleman already secs that it was by voting in solid columti, for the required relief; and lastly, as to the cause why, I tell the gentleman it was because the members from N. England thought the measures just and salutary^because they entertained towards the West neithcr'cnvy, hatred, or rnaliee; because they deemed it becoming them, os just and enlight ened public men, to meet the exigency which had arisen in the West, with the appropriate measure of relief, because they felt it due to their own charac ters, and the characters of their N. England prede cessors in this (Government, to act towards the new Sratcsin the spirit of a liberal, patronizing, magnan imous ptdicy. So much, sir, for the cause why, and I hope that by this time, the honorable gentleman is satisfied; if not, I do not know when or how, or why, he ever will be. Having recurred to these two important measures, in answer to the gentleman s inquiries, I must now beg permission to go back to a period still something earlier, for the purpose still further of showing how much, or rather, how littlo reason there ia for the 1 gentleman’s insinuation, tlrat political hopes, or fears, or party associations wero the grounds of these New England votes. And after what has been said, I hope it may be forgiven me. if I allude to some political opinions and votes of my own, of very little public importance, certainly, but which, from the time at i which they were given and expressed, may pass for good witnesses on this occasion. TAis Government, Mr. President, from its origin to the peace of 1815, had been too much engrossed with various other important concerns, to be able to torn its thoughts inward, ami look to the dcvclopc i inent of its vast internal resources —In the early part of President Washington’s administration, it was fully occupied with organizing the Government, providing for the public debt, defending the frontiers, and main taining domestic peace. iJefore the termination of that administration, the fires of the French Revolu tion blazed forth, as from a new opened volcano, and the whole breadth of the ocean did not entirely se cure us from its effects. The smoke and the cinders reached us though not the burning lava. Difficult and agitating questions, embarrassing to Govern ment, and dividing public opinion, sprung out of the new state of our foreign relations, and were succeeded by others, an^yet again by others, equally embar rassing, and equally exciting division and discord, through the long series of 20 years, till they finally issued in the war with England. Down to the close of that war, no distinct, marked, and deliberate atten tion had been given, or could have been given, to the internal condition of the country, its capacities of improvement, or tlie constitutional power of the Go-! yernment, in regard to objects connected with such J D. President, brought about an cn- j a most interesting state of things; it opened to tn other prospects, arid surtTested other improvement. The peace, ! tirely new and ■ -U. "I lulies; we ourselves were changed. anil the whole vorld was changed. Tho pacification' of Europe, liter June 1815, assumed a tir.n and permanent as >cct. The nations evidently manifested that they vere disposed for peace, some agitation of the waves night he expected, even after the storm had subsided, >ut the tendency was, strongly aud rapidly, towards •ottlcd repose. • A It so Happened, sir, that I was at that time a mem ber of Congress, and like others, naturally turned my attention to the contemplation of the newly altered condition of the country, and of tho world. It ap peared plainly enough to me, as well as to wiser and more experienced men, that the policy ofthe (.Jove.n ment would necessarily take a start, in u new direc tion; bccauso new directions wotlld necessarily be given to the pursuits and occupations of the people. We had pushod our commerce fur ami fast, under tho advantage of a neutral ilug. Hut there were no** no longer fljga, cither neutral or belligerent. The liar vest of neutrality had been great, but wo had gathered it all. With the peace of Europe, it was obvious there would spring up in her circle of nations, a re vived and invigorated spirit of trade, and a new acti vity in all the business and objects of civilized life. Hereafter, our commercial gains wore to be earned only by success in a closo uml intense composition. Other nations would produce for themselves, and carry for themselves, aud manufacture lor themselves, to the full extent of their abilities. The crops of our plains would no longer sustain European armies, nor our ships longer supply those whom war had rendered unable to supply themselves. It was obvious, that, under these circumstances, the country would begin to survey itself, and to estimate its own capacity ol improvement. And this improvement, how was it tc be accomplished, and who was to accomplish it? \Vc wcr.c ten or twelve millions of people, spread ovei half a world. Wo were twenty four Stales, some stretching along the Game seaboard, some along tin same Jme of inland frontier, and others on opposite banks of the same vast rivers. Two consideration! at onco presented themselves in looking at this state of tilings, with great force Ooc was, that that greal | branch of improvement, which consisted in furnishmj new facilities of intercourse, necessarily rap into dil ferent States in every leaning instance, and woult benefit the citicons Of all such Slates. No ortt* StaU therefore, in such cases, would assume the whole expense, nor was lhe co-operation t/f several State: to be expected. Take the instance of the Delaware Ilreak-waicr. It will cost several tr ilhons of money Would Pennsylvania alone have ever constructed it: Certainly never while this Union lasts, because it i: not for her sole benefit. 1 hey enjoy the revenues derived from commerce, and the States have no abundant and easy sources ot public income. The custom houses fill the general treimury, while the States have scanty resource?, ntfcept by resort to heavy direct taxes. Under tins view of things, I thought' it necessary to settle at te&6t for myself, 60rne definite notions, with respect to the powers of Government, in regard to internal affairs. It may not savor too much of self commen dation to remark, that with this object, I considered the constitution, its judicial construction, its cotuni poraneous exposition, and the whole history of the legislation of Congress under it; and I arrived at the conclusion that Government had power to accom plish sundry objects, or aid in their accomplishment, which are now cotnmouly spoken of as Internal Im provement. That conclusion, s'.r, may have been right, or it may have been wrong. 1 am not about to argue the grounds of it at large. I s *y only that it was adopted, and acted on, even so early as in 1816. Yes, Mr. President, I made uj> my opiniotr, and determined on my intended course of political conduct oa these subjects, in the 14th Congress, iij 18! 6. And now, Mr President, I have further to say; that l made up these opinions, and entered on this course of political conduct, Tcucro Duce Yes, fir, I pursued, in all this, a South Carolina track. On the doctrines ot Internal Improvement, South Ca rolina, as she was then represented in the oilier House, set forlh, in 1816, under a fresh and leading bre« ze; and I was among the followers. But if my leader sees new lights, and turns a sharp corner, unless 1 see new light;, also, I keep straight on in the same path. 1 re peat, that leading gentleman from South Carolina were first and foremost in behalf of the doctrines of Internal Improvements, when these doctrines first came to be considered and acted upon in Congress. The debute on the Bank question; on the Tariff of 1816, and on the District Tax, will show who was who, and what was what, at that time. The Tariff of 1816, one of the plain cases of oppression and usurpation from which, if the government does not recede, individual States may justly secede from the government, is, sir, in truth, a South Carolina TaritT, supported by South Ca rolina votes. But for those votes, it could not have passed in the form in which it did pass; whereas if it had depended on Massachusetts votes, it would have been lost. Does not the honorable gentleman well know all this? there are certainly those who do, full well know it all. I do not say this to reproach South Carolina; 1 only slate the fact, and l think it will appear to be true, that among the earliest and boldest advo cates of the TarHf, are a measure of protection, and on the express ground of protection, were leading gentle man of South Corojina in Congress. 1 did not then, and cannot now, understand their language in any other sense. While this TarifF of 1816 was under dis cussion iu the House of Hepresentatives, an honorable gentleman from Georgia, now in this House, (Mr. For syth) moved to reduce the proposed duty on cotton. He failed by four votes, South Carolina giving three votes, (enough to have turned the scale) against his motion. The act, sir, then passed, and received on its passage the support of a majority of the Kepvesenta tives of S. C. present and voting. This act is the first, in the order of those now denounced as plain usurpar lions. Wc see it daily in the list by the sale of those of 1821*, and 1828, as a case of manifest oppression, justifying disunion. 1 put it home to the honorable member from South Carolina, that his own State \yas not only ‘art and part’ in this measure, but the causm causans. Without her aid, this seminal principle of mischief, this root of Upas, could not have been plant ed. I have already said, and it is true, that this act proceeded on the ground of protection. It interfered, directly, with existing interests of great vahie and f amount. It cut up the Calcutta cotton trade by the I roots. But it passed, nevertheless, and it passed on j the principle of protecting manufactures, on the prin ciple against free trade, cm the principle opposed to that which lets us alone.—Note 2, Such, Mr. President, were the opinions of mpor tnnt and leading gentlemen from South Carol>na,on the subject of Internal Improvement, in 1818. I went out of Congress the next year, and returning a gain in 1823, thought I found South Carolina where I had left her. I really supposed that nil things re mained as they were, and that the South Carolina doctrino of Internal Improvements would be defended by tho same eloquent voices, and the same strong arms, ns formerly. In the lapse of these six years, it i? true, political associations had assumed a new as pcct, and new divisions. A party had arisen in the South, hostile to tho doctrine of Internal Improve ments, and had vigorously attacked thnt doctrine_ Anti-consolidation was i te flag, under which this par-, ty fought, and its supporters inveighed against Inter nal Improvements, much after the manner in which the honorable gentleman has now inveighed ngainst them, as part and parcel of the system of consolida tion. Whether this party arost in South Carolina herself or in her neighborhood, is move than I know. I think the latter. However that may have been, there were thoso found in South Carolina ready 10 make war upon it, and who did make intrepid war upon it Names being regarded ns things * in such controversies, they bestowed on the nnti-improvc mcn» gentlemen the appellation of Radicals. Yes, sir, the name of Radicals, ns a tcrmofdistinctinn, ap plicable and applied to those who denied the liberal doctrines of internal Improvements, originated, ac cording to the beet of my recollection, somewhere be tween North Carolina and Georgia. Well, sir, those mischievous Radicals were to be put down, and the strong arm of South Carolina was stretched nut to put them down. About this tune, sir, I returned to Congress. The battle with the Radicals had been fought, and our S'otvh Carolina chompicrs of tf * iloctrioos of Iutenfkl Improvements ' hail nobly rnuin- i taincd their ground, and were understood to have achieved a victory. They Irad driven back the enemy ' with discomfiture, a thing by the way, sir, which is not always performed when it is promised. A gen tleman, to whom I have ulready referred, in this de bate, had come into Congress during my ubscncc from it, from South Carolina, and had brougnt with him a high reputntHon for ability. He enme from a school with which he had been acquainted, el noacitur a .went. I hold in my hand, sir, a printed speech of this distinguished gentleman, (Mr. McDuffie) “on intehnai, improvements,” delivered about tbo pe riod to which I u«w refer, and printed with a few in : troduetory remarks upon consolidation; in which, sir, I think lie quite consolidated the orgnments of his op poncnls, the Radicals, if to crush be to consolid ate. I give you a short but substantive quotation frdm ' these remarks, lie is speaking of a pamphlet, then I recently published, entitled “Consolidation;" and hav- j i ing alluded to the question of rechartering the form : er Dank of the United Stutes, lie says: “Moreover, in ! tho early history of parties, and when Mr Crawford | advocated the renewal oftlie old charter, it wascoti I sidcred a federal measure; which Internal Iinprovo I uients never was. as this author erroneously states. This latter measure originited in tho admin j istration of Mr. Jcirerson, with the appropriation I for the C umbcrland Road; and was {irst proposed, ! «f n system, by Mr. Calhoun, and carried through tho House of Representatives by a large liinjority'ofthc republicans, including almost every one of the lead ing men who carried us through tho late war." So then, Internal Improvement is not one of the Fe deral heresies. One paragraph more, sir— “ I lie author in question, not content with denounc ing as Federalists, General Jackson, ltfr. Adams, Mr. Calhoun, and the majority of the South Carolina dele-. Ration in Congress, modcslly extends the denunciation to Mr. Monroe and the whole Republican party.” Here are Ins words ‘During the administration of Mr. Mon loe, much has passed which the republican party would be glad to approve, tf they could!! Cut the principle feature, and that which has chiefly elicited these observations, iJ the renewal of the system of In ternal Improvements.’ Now, this measure was adopt ed by a \ ote of 115 to 86, of a republican Congress, and sanctioned by a republican President. Who, then, is tins author, who assumes the high prerogative of de nouncing, in the name of the republican party, the re publican administration of the country: a denunciation including within its sweep, Calhoun, Lowndes, 4nd Cheves; men who will be regarded a3 the brightest or namenis of South Carolina, and the strongest pillars of the republican parti, as long as the late war shall be remembered, and talents and patriotism shall be re garded as the proper objects of the admiration and gratitude of a free people!!” Such arc the opinions, sir, which were maintained by South Carolina gent'emen in the House of Rep resentatives, on the-subject ot Internal Improvement, when 1 took my scat there ns a member from Mas sachusetts, in 1023. But this is not all: we had a hill bcioro us,and passed it in that House, entitled “ An act to procure the nccess.ry surveys, plans, and estimates, upon the subject of Roads and Canals.” ft authorised the President to cause surveys and esti mates to be made of the routes of such Roads and Ca nals as he might deem <f National importance, in a commercial or military point of view, or for the trans portation if the mail; and appropriated thirty thous and dollars, out of the Treasury, to defray tlic ex pense. This act, though preliminary in its nature, covered the whole ground. I took for granted the completo power of lot r:ial Improvement, as far as any of its advocates had ever contended for it- Hav ing passed the other House, the bill came up to the Senate, and was hero considered and debated in A pril 1824. The Honorable member from South Car olina was a member of the Senate at that time. While the bill was under consideration here, a mo tion was made to add the followin'* proviso: / roviaeu , iliat nothing herein contained shall be construed to aflirm or admit a power in congress, on their own authority, to make Roads or Canals’ within any of the States of the Union.” The yeas and nays were taken on the proviso, and the honorable member voted rn the negative. The proivso failed. A motion was then made to add this proviso, viz: “Provided, That the faith of the United Stair* js hereby pledged, that no money shall ever be expended, for roads or cauais, except it shall be among Uic several States, and in the same proportion ns direct taxes-are laid and assessed by the provisions of the constitution. The honorable member voted again/ this proviso also and it failed. ' The bill was then put on its passage, and the benorabe mem ber voted\ for it, and it passed, and became a law iNow, it strikes me, sir, that there is no maintainin'* these votes, but upon the power of internal improvement, ° in its broadest sense. In truth, these bills for surveys and estimates have always been considered as test questions. They show who is for, and who against internal improvement This law itself went the whole length, and assumed the full and com plete power. The gentleman's votes sustained that sower, fn every form, in which the various propositions to amend presen ted it. He went for the entire and unrestrained authority without consulting the Stales, and without agrccim* to anv proportionate distribution. And now, suffer me to remind you Mr. I'icsident, that it is this very same power, thus sanctioned’ in every form, by the gentleman’s own opinion, that is so Plain and manifest a usurpation, that the State of South Caro ma is supposed to be justified in refusing submission to any aws carrying the power into effect. Truly, sir, is not this a little too hard?—May we not crave some mercy, under favor and protection of the gentleman’s own authority?—Admitting that a road or canal must be written down flat usurpation as ever was committed, may we find no mitigation in our respect for Ins place, and his vote, as one that knows the law* The Tariff, whicn South Carolina had an efficient hand in establishing, in 1816, and this asserted power of internal im provement. advanced by her in the same year, and as we have ; now seen approved and sanctioned by her Representatives in | 18-4, these two measures are the great grounds in which she j is now thought to be justified in breaking up the Union, if she ! sees fit to break it up! i may now saiely say, * think, that we have had the author ity of leading and distinguishing gentlemen fiom South Caroli na in support of the docdine of internal improvement. I repeat, that, up to 132-1, 1 for one followed South Carolina; but when that star, in its ascension, veered off in an unexpected direction, I relied on its light no longer. [Here ihe Vice Presi dent said—docs the chair understand the gentleman from Mas sachusetts, to say, that the person now occupying the chair of Ihe Senate, has changed his opinions on the subject of internal improvement?] From nothing cvei said io me, sir, have I had reason to know of any change in the opinions of the person filling the chair of the Senate. If such change has taken I P,ace> I rcgrei it; I speak generally of the State of Somh Caro linn. Individuals we know there are, who hold opinions favo rable to the power. An application for its cxercite, in behalf o( a public work in South Carolina itself, is now pending i be lieve, in the other House, presented by members from ihai”state. I have thus, sir, perhaps not without some teriiousness t.'f detail, shown, that if 1 am in error, on the subject of interna) improveinnnis, how, and in what company 1 fell into that error, if I am wrong, it is apparent who misled me. I go to other remarks of the honorable member—and 1 have i lo complain'of an entire misapprehension of what I said, on i the subject or the national debt—though 1 can hardly perceive how any one could misunderstand me. What 1 said was, not that I wished to put off the payment of tho debt, but, o'n the contrary, that I had always ruled for every measure for its re j duct ion, ns uniformly as the gentleman himself He seems to I claim the exclusive merit of a disposition to reduce the public I charge: I do not allow it to him Asa debt, ( was, i am, for paying it; Itccause it is a charge on our finances, and on the I industry of the country. But, f observed, that I thought I per ' coived a morbid fervor on that subject: an excessive an icty to nay off the debt; riot so much because it is a debt simply, as because, while it lasts, it furnishes one objection to disunion , It is a tie of common interest whilo it lasts 1 did not impute | such motive lo tho honorable member himself; but that ' there is such a feeling in existence, I have not a particle of , doubt. The most I said was, that if one effect of the debt was to strengthen our Union, that effect was not regreted by me however much others might regret it. The gentleman has not seen how to reply to this, otherwise than by supposing me to have advanced the doctrine, that a national debt is a national ■ blessing. Oihers, I must hope, will find less difficulty in under standing me I distinctly and pointedly cautioned the honora ble member not to understand me as expressing an opinion favorable to the continuance of tint debt. 1 repeated this can tion, and repeated it more than once—but it was thrown away On yet another point, I was still more imaceountably misun derstood^ 1 lie gentleman had harangued agaisnt “consolida tion” I told him, in reply, dial there was one kind of consol idation to which I was attached, and that was, the cossoups t!on op ora Union", and that this was precisely that consolida tion to which I feared others were not attached. That such consolidation was the very end of the constitution—the leading object, as they had informed us themselves, which its frameis had kept in view I turned to their communication, anrTread their very words—“tho consolidation of the Union”—and ex : pressed :ry devotion to this sort rf consolfat'-crt. I ra' J, in fcr.ni, t.mrt wuUed not to Hi® »li*l.u» degree, to augment ti,® lowers of tht|governm«nt; tl.at my object wai to preromL ot ° c.laige; and that by consolidating the Union, 1 understo*°d to more titan tl.« strengthening of .ho Union, and ,»rp«tuaSnt t Having been thus explicit; having thus read frr«J tm. • e^Wk, lira precise woU ..l.ieh I' own sentiment.*, it passes comprehension hn«£ I?.. & could understand me ns contending for an extension of'itn powers of the government, or for conrolidation, )n that oft sense, in which it meant an accumulation in tho 10118 verntiient, of the powers properly belonging to the States * **°* 1 repeat sir, that, in adopting the sentiment of th0 framnr. -.r the constitution, 1 read their language audibly, and word for* word, and I pointed out the distinction, just as fully as ,, now done, between the consolodaiion of the Union and other obnoxious consolidation, which I disclaimed. And »5! the honorable member misunderstood me. The gentleman had said that he wished for no fixed revenue—not a shilling If by a word he could convert the Capitol into gold he wouTd not doit. Why all this fear of revenue? Why, sir, bocause, as tho gentleman told us, it tends to consolidation. Now, this can mean neither more nor less Ilian a common revenue is a efcm mon interest, ami that all common interests tend to hold the union ol the States together. I confess, 1 like that tendency if Jim gentleman dislikes it, ho is right in deprecating a thiHin’o's fixed revenue. So much, s»r, for consolidation. ° As well as 1 recollect the course of his remarks, the honora ble gentleman next recuiicd to the subject of the Tariff. He did not doubt the word must be of unpleasant sound to tne and proceeded, with an effort neither new nor attended with cont tat button *° m° B?d ",,y vo,cs in inconsistency and oouUadK.lion. 1 am happy the honorable gentleman has fut nished me an opportunity of a timely remark or two on that subject. 1 was glad he approached it, for it is a question I enter upon without fear Irom any body. The strenuous toil of the gentleman has been to raise an inconsistency be tween my dissent to tire 1 arifT in 1324 and my vote in 182,v It is labor lost. He pays undeserved compliment to my speech m 18*4; but this is to raise me high, that my fail, as he would rane !,’nn ’o'8* may,bo die more signal. Sir, there was no jail at all. Uc> ween the ground I stood ou in 1324, and that 1 took in 10*3, there was not only no precipice, but no dcclivi 'l,kaS * c',®nSe of position, to meet new circumstances; i ic,.,rh|C.SaITe Cve 1 A pla,n ,ale exPlai"3 the whole matter. In 1810 i had not acquiesced in the tariff, then supported by South Carolina, lo some parts of it, especially, 1 felt anil expressed great repugnance. 1 held the same opinions in 1821 at the meeting in t- ancuil Hall, to which the gentleman has al tSnnd'.'T-,o“.,{1 the“> an.d ray now, that, as an original ques t,0.'u J',e autl,onty of Congress to exercise the revenue power with direct reference to the protection of manufacturers a mnn'd p3b 6 aul,“W fai[,nore questionable, in my judgmenr, than the power of internal improvements. I must confess, sir, ibal. in one respect, some impression has becu made on my 'Opinions lately. Mr. Madison’s publication has putthepow er m a very strong light. He has placed it, 1 miistacknow edge, upon grounds o? construction and argument, which seem impregnable. But, even if the power were rioiilnf.Vi „ {ace of the constitution itself, it had been assumed amUssedcd 2P±?zsrJs3r" ?*L“d «2 SSSS non; ,„d on .1,1, jragn.l, b, oilJ practice, 1 had refrained from expressing the opinion that the Tariff laws transcended constitutional limits, as the ecu tleman supposes. What I did say at Faneuil Hall, as far as f nntu rPinniiilinr uoin lUm it.'.*_ _ • •• 3 * now remember, was, that this was originally matter of doubt fill construction. 1 he gentleman himself, I suppose, thinks there is no doubt about it, and that the laws are plainly aeainst the constitution. Mr. Madison’s letters, already referred to contain, in my judgment, by far the most able exposition ex! lam of this part of the constitution. He has *itisfied me as far as the practice of the Government had left it an oneii question. \\ uh a great majority of the Hcprcsentativcs'of Massachti. setts, 1 voted against tlie Tariff of 1821 My reasons were then given, and 1 will not now repeat them. But notwith stand.,.g our dissent, the great states of New York, l’ennsylva ma, Ohm, and Kentucky went for the bill, in almost unbroken column, and it passed. Congress and the President sanctioned a, and it became the law of the land What, then Se rve to do? Our only option was either to fall in with this settled course of the public policy, and accommodate ourselves toil as well as we could, or to embrace the South Carolina doc UlJlf*.a,?tl lalk °f nullifying tlie statute by State interference lhis last alternative did not suit our principles, and/of course, we adopted the lormer. In 1827, the iubiect came again be ore Congress, on a proposition favourable to wool and woollens. \\ e looked upon the system ol protection as being fixed and settled The taw of 1824 remained. It lmd gone into full operation, and in regard to some objects inteuded jX-U‘ Pcrdal)S mosl °f l*,em» had produced all its expected effects. ISo man proposed to icpeat it, no man attempted to renew the general contest on its principle. But, owing to sub sequent and unforeseen occurrences, the benefit intended by it to wool and woollen fabrics, had not been realized. Event not known here when the law passed, had taken place which defeated its object in that particular respect. A measu’re was accordingly, brought forward to meet this precise deficiency^ remedy tins pan.cular defect. It was limited to wooVaiut woollens. W as ever any thing more reasonable? If the noli cy of t.ie 1 ariff laws had become established in principle^ as the permanent policy of the Government, should^they not be revised and amended; and made equal, like other laws* a° ex® gencics should arise, or justice require? Because we had doubted about adopting the system, were we to refuse to cure its manifest defects, after it become adopted, and when no one attempted its repeal? And this, sir, is the mconsfs^cv so much bruited. I had voted against the Tariff of 1824— built passed; and ,n 1827 and 1828, 1 voted to amend it iritoohit essential lo.the interest of my constituents. Where s ^ consistency? Could 1 do-otherwise? Sir, does politic^ gjving negative votes? Does it re should do ,1, densome to my own constituents, in many respects, favorable in none? To consistency of that sort, 1 lay no clafm-aml theie is another sort to winch 1 lay as little-and that is a kin of consistency, by which persons feel themsclvel as nkich ?irtodjL,c™|,,op“i,,”n afm i,,‘“ The bill of 1027, limited, as I-have said, to the single obiec' in which the tanff of 1824, had manifestly failed in iurf&cr passed the House of Representatives but was lost here. We’ had then the act of 1828 1 need not recur to the history of a measure so recent. dts enemies spiced it with whatsoever they thought would render it distasteful; its friends took ft 11 WaSj ' asl amoun,sof property, many millions* toil )ee«? ,nvesled ,n manufactures, under the inducements of 1824. Events called loudly, as 1 thought, for fuThoTTzh J. tion to secure tlie degree of protection intended by that act I rn'ofe ,-I°J0te f°r SUch re6uIa,,on a"d desired nothin more but certainly was not to be bantered out of my purowe by a threatened augmentation of duty on molasses pm muftbe *”JLfor i!6 avrv'’e< of making it obnoxious The vote may have been right or wrong, wise" or unwise; but A £ lmle loss than absurd to allege against it an inconsistency with opposition to the former law. ■ ln Sir, as to the general subject, of the Tariff, 1 have littlo nrv„ to say. Another opportunity may be presented. I remarked the other day .hat this policy did not begin -ith us d New , "fi: v,h"K” u;,f„„?awe the Tariff uS,S£? place, and occasion for matting some charge against her The credulity of the public has been put to its capacity of false im pression, extreme relative to her conduct in this narticulL Through all the South durn* the late contest, Pf, was "cw England policy, and a New England administrator., that wT* afflicting the country with a Tariff policy beyond all endurance winle on the other side ot the Alleghany, even the art of 1828 itself, the very sublimated essence of oppression accordingio Southern opinions, was pronounced to be one of those blessings for w uch the West was indebted to the “generous South * 8 ’ With,large investments, in manufacturing establishments and many and various interests connected with and dt»ndent on hem it is not to be expected that New EogfendTanv more than other portions of the country, will now cons^m ?o any measure, destructive or highly dangerous. The doty of the Government, at the present moment, would seem to be to Drc1 serve, not to destroy; to maintain the position which it has^as hnh’rf f°T °nr’ * 913,1 fecl 11 an in'J'S|>cnsable obligation to hokl it steady, as far t-s in my power, to that -degree of proter bon winch ,t has undertaken to bestow. No morePo? the (TO BE COSTrXbED.) DR. WILLIAM JUDKINS* patent OINTMENT, FOR, fTh* c»rcof Whito Swellings, Sore Logs .. U,ccr.s'» Glandular Tumors and Swd Pa,‘Sprains and Bruises, Burns and Scalds, Old and Fresh Wounds, Inflamotion in Women * Breasis, Chilblains. Tetters, Ring Worm1: Eruptions, &c—for sale by orms» WILLIAM W. GRAY Governor Street, Richmond. takJSgf h j KlthO?^3,"'W N*tZ Shepheri^re ^art-' : ss.'sirT v-W** in tho 1 ' U<^,ns Jnmselff having long assisted him m the business—Having had occasion to pass thro’ ; Kichmoru], (on my return to Ohio from N. Carolina,! I remained with friend Gray two days, and assisted him in making a further supply of this Ointment which he can, with great propriety, offer to the public as being genuine, and made of the best ingredients i • THOMAS PATTERSON , mar I-ltd&ttc Of BcJImount Ccun?*Oh:o. W'