Constitutional Whig. [volume], March 05, 1830, Image 1

About Constitutional Whig. [volume] (Richmond, Va.) 1824-1832

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By PLEASANTS & ABBOTT...
RICHMOND, VIRGINIA, FRIDAY MORNING, MARCH" r.
Vol. VII.—No. 12.
gflfjg Constitutional agftljio*
, WEDNESDAY HORNING, MARCH 3, 1830.
“THE IGNORANT PEASANTRY.”
Were we to decline complianco with the request
. made of us by the author, to give the following a
place, it might be supposed that wo feared its influ
ence upon the adoption of tho Constitution. This is
not so, and wc republish It, but protesting against the
fairness of its reasoning, and deprecating its spirit.
Augusta ought not to forget that the hand of Re
form was laid most heavily on the tide-water country,
and that she, and all her sisters of the Valley, and'
neighbors at the foot of the Ridge, have received in
actual power, all they were 'entitled to. The coun
try from Richmond to Hampton inclusive, had under
the old Constitution 16 representatives—under the
new it will be entitled to but 5. No other section of
the State has lost so much positive and relative pow- j
cr. It will be answered, that this was sheer justice ;
—that it possessed a great and acknowledged excess. !
W$ grant that it was so, but the fact nevertheless, j
• proves that the Convention did not regard exclusive- j
•ly, the East, in its distribution of power. As popu- j
lation at this moment is distributed, very nearly exact
justice is done to every part of the State, or if slight
injustice is inflicted, the extreme West only has re
ceived it—and that to an extent so very inconsider
able, that in practice, in actual legislation, it will not
be known or felt. If remedied, it might in some ca i
scs, increase the size of a minority,- or swell the num- |
hers of a majority, but it is hardly possible to con- '
ceivc that it would in a single instance, put a differ- j
ent face upon the practical legislation of the State.
Why‘then make it tho cause for rejecting benefits,
positive, ascertained, long sought, obtained with in- ;
finite difficulty, and which if now thrown away, may
never again be in our power? Is this prudent, wise, j
or reasonable? As for the great argument which the 1
enemies of the new Constitution principally justify j
their opposition by—that if they vote for it. they in a '
measure deprive themselves of the right of seeking .
immediate farther change, it docs not appear to our
minds sound or patriotic What is it but an admis
sion that the new Constitution is the best? It is lo
gerdemain—doing evil (for the rejection of the great
est good is doing evil) in the hope, the most improba
ble and remote hope, that good may come of it. Nor [
is the argument founded upon truth They do not tie
their hands from seeking further improvement- On
the contrary, they strengthen them against the next
contest. Every man acquainted with the history of
the struggle for getting a Convention, must know i
that the great difficulty was in overcoming the power .
of the litt'c counties who possessed a hostile and in- j
flexible majority in the Legislature, and for twenty- j
five years, successfully resisted the measure to which ;
the People were friendly during that whole time, or
for the greater portion of it. That difficulty, peculi-,
arly hard to deal with, because it had its origin in1
self-interest, is annihilated for the future. The small
counties are shorn of their supremacy, and the power
lodged where it ought to be, more in the people, and
less within county lines. This obstacle, so formida
ble, so ever present, will never again molest those
who may'seek Reform, and if it be desired to bring
• the State again into Convention, it may fairly be as
sumed, that the new Constitution removes a hin
drance to the effecting that object, which unrcmpved,
\yill5 with the experience lately reaped by the small
counties, forever defeat the call of a *sccond Conven
tion. Upon their own principles, and acting with a
view to obtain their own objects, it appears most:
clearly and irrefutably to our understand!.that
the enemies of the new Constitution are doing un
wisely, and suicidnllv, in opposing it. Wc have
acted with them, felt with them, and now sympathize
with them at the compromise of Principle by the late
Convention. J3ut the thing was unavoidable at the
time, and most surely, is not to be remedied by the
means they propose. Let us take what we can gel,
and trust to time, chance, exertion and justice, tor
the remainder.
L!!LL OF RIGHTS.
A declaration of die rights pertaining to the good people of
the different divisions of the State of Virginia, and of the
principles on which the new constitution or form of govern
ment, which lias been recommended to them by the convention,
was framed.
(Intended to have been prefixed to the new constitution, but
which, in the hurry and confusion of adjournment, (the mem
bers being opposed to a long session,) was accidentally omit
ted.)
1. That live negro slave-, of the cast are, and of right ought
to he, equal tc three “ignorant peasants” of the west—and
this ratio of equality is an inherent right in the negroes, of
which the “peasantry” have no right to divest them.
2. Tliat all power is vested in, and consequently derived
fiom, the people of the cast, including three fifths of the ne
groes. That the people of the west are a set of “ignorant
peasants,” and should at all times he dependant upon, and
under strict subordination to, the people of the east.
3. That government is, or ought to 0c, instituted for the ben
efit and protection of the people and negroes of the east; of ail
forms of goverumen', that is best which is best calculated to
secure the power in their hands, and is most effectually guarded
against any danger of participation by the •‘ignorant peasant
ry” of the west; and when any government shall be found in
adequate or contrary to these purposes, a majority of the peo
Elc of the State, counting three fifths of ttic negroes of the east, j
y way of off set to the “ignorant jieasantry” of the west, ■
have an absolute, unalienable, and indefeasible right to alter,
reform, or abolish it, as shall be deemed most conducive to the :
attainment of these gieat ends.
4. That no “western peasant,” nor set of “western peas
ants” are entitled to any emoluments or privileges under this:
government; but all officers, executive, legislative, and judicial,!
ought to be chosen by the peoule’of the east, (three fifths of the i
negroes present concurring,) from among themselves.
5. That the executive and legislative departments of govern-1
nient ought to be kept separate and distinct from the judiciary,
except that the two forme.r should have full power to supervise
the conduct of the western Judges, anti turn them out of office
incase they should prove refractory and raise constitutional
objections to the validity of any act of the legislature
tj. That the “ignorant peasantry” of the west have-no right j
to an uniform government with the people and negroes of the
cast, because of their “ignorance and poverty” The owner
ship of slaves, and the reciprocal attachments incident to that
“tender relation,” furbish the best evidence of cronm-m interest
with, and attachment to, the community, and therefore, those
who stand in this “delicate relation,” ol right ought to have at
leasttwicc as much political power as those who do not.
7- That of all means of defence in time df invasion, a disor
derly rabble of “western peasantry,” and more especially the
“Rockitwham Militia,” arc the weakest and most inefficient.
For the Wnro.
THE NEW CONSTITUTION.
The writer of this article, may be classed with
those, who have advocated an extension of the right
of suffrage, and he ha3 been a little surprized, to find
the advocates of the some principle, 60 generally sat*
isfie-’ with the 14th section, of the third article of the
inew Constitution, which declares, and regulates, the
I power and rights of the citizen, upon this vital prin
ciple of representative government. This section of
the Constitution, (with all due deference to the great
men who framed it) is as badly constructed, as lan
guage could well be, when formed into sentences,
and, considering the high privilege, which it involves,
it certainly ought to have been as plain, as language
could make it. _ The first objection which may be
urged to it is, that it does not carry, upon its face,
the acknowledged rights of the citizen, and before
these rights can be ascertained, we arc obliged to
look, first, to the new Constitution, then to the old,
-and lastly to our own laws, both in our colonial, and
sovereign character. This, will at once be seen,
when the first part of the 14th section, is examined—
It declares, that “every white male citizen of the
“commonwealth, resident therein, aged twenty one
“years, or upwards, being qualified to exercise the
“right of suffrage, according to the former Conslitu- .
"lion and luws,” shall continue to exercise the great
privilege of voting for members of the General As
scmbly, &c. Now, if a plain citizen should, ten
years hence, be called upon to say, what rights belong
ed to him, when he was about to approach the polls,
fur the purpose of voting, he would, in a doubtful
case, naturally look to the 14th section of the 3d ar- *
tide of the Constitution, and upon examining its
provisions, he would find himself compelled to look
back to the old Constitution, which in all probability,
will then be difficult to procure; and, if he should be
fortunate enough to procure it, he will there find,'
upon the subject of sdfirage, only this language, to !
wit, “The right of suffrage shall remain as heretofore !
exercised.” His doubts wilt then, not only, not be '
removed, but increased, becaus? he will not be able'
to understand, where he is to find the law, or laws,!
which regulated the right of suffrage, before tho old !
Constitution was adopted, and if he could be inform- j
uj’uijuiis urancn oi uicsudjcci; lew, it any, could
furnish him, with Henning’s Statutes at Large, in
which book alone I believe, the principle is"to be
found at this day! The objection therefore, to the
first part of the 14th section of tiie 3d article of the
new Constitution is, that it renders this referencene-1
ccssary; instead of which, it ought, in my humble
judgment, to have detailed, all the separate cases
upon which, this great constitutional privilege should
rest.—“The next objection which may be fairly ur
ged is, that, under the old Constitution, the right of
suffrage was unequal, and which ought to have been
remedied under the new; but which is not remedied.
The first part of the 14th section, which I have alrea
dy quoted, confirms the right of continuing to vote,
to all those, who enjoyed this right, under the old
Constitution; and consequently the pot boi/ersof Nor
folk and Williamsburg will, under the new Constiu
tion, continue to exercise the important privilege of
voting for representatives, whilst the same class of
citizens will bo excluded from the exercise of the
same privilege elsewhere, I am aware that it will be
said that these persons enjoyed this right, under the
old Constitution, and it would not do to deprive them
of it under the new. There is nothing in this sen
timent when examined. The few persons in the city
of Williamsburg, and borough of Norfolk, who have,
heretofore, most nnjustly exercised this superior priv
ilege, bear but a very small proportion to the rest of
their fellow citizens, and, if the many could not be
placed upon equal ground with the privileged few;
then the few ought to have been placed upon the same
ground with the many.—There is no justice in this
inequality of rights, and the Constitution ought to
have swept away the distinction.
The next objection to the section of the new Con
stitution, now under consideration is, that it does not
extend the right of suffrage as far, as at first view,
it would seem to do. —Let it be properly examined,
and I think it will be admitted, that no great exten
sion of this privilege, will be found to operate in the
country, although it may be otherwise in the towns,
where buildings are put up on long leases; and I
think it ratiier unwise, to increase the power of the
towns over the great interests of agriculture.—The
extension of the right of suffrage, under tiie new
Constitution, goes no farther than this; or at least, I
think it will be found so, in its practical operation_
First, every white mule citizen, aged twenty-one
years, or upwards, who may be entitled to a reversion,
or remainder, in fee, expectant on an estate for life or '
lives, in land, of the value of fifty dollars, &c. sec-j
ondly, every such citizen who shullown, and be in the
actual possession of a leasehold estate, with recorded i
title, of a term, not originally, less than Jive years, of i
the annual value, or rent, of twenty dollars; and,:
thirdly, every such citizen who shall for twelve j
months, next preceding, have been a house keeper,
a head of a family, and in addition thereto, shall have i
been assessed with, and paid, a part of the revenue ;
the preceding year. These I believe, are the only i
cases, to which the privilege of voting is extended,!
under the New Constitution. Now how many ca
ses of this description will be found in the country?—
Under the first class, I admit there will be always, a
few, in every county and town, but, in the very na
tore of things, there cannot be many. How many
casus of leases for five years, wiil be found in the
country? Let every man look around him in his own
county, and lie will be very soon able to count them.
Lands arc not held in this way in Virginia; and the
instances are very rare. In regard to the last class
of enumerated cases> the most difficult points of dis
crimination, will bo always occurring. Who is to be ;
Denominated the head of a family? It frequently
iiappens tbh> two or more persons, live together and
work an estate for their common benefit, eacli hav
ing an equal interest, and possessing a common
right. Suppose the case of two brothers renting for
one, two, or three years un estate, and that the mo
ther and sisters shall live with them; which of those
shall be the head? f lfty cases ol this kind may be
supposed. What is to be Considered a faro 'y? Is a,
single man who has been more than twelve months a
house-keeper, to be called u family? If he has
slaves, will that fact make it a family? But suppose
the case to be either one way or the other, how ma
ny cases will occur in any one count)’?
It may be said that overseers will be embraced in
this provision, but when it is considered that over
seers are generally moving from year to year, and
frequently into a new county, it will at once be seen
that not many of them will be entitled to vote, even
if they had paid a part of the revenue of the pre-1
ceding year. But&whatis to be considered an asses-;
meat with a part of the revenue? Must the asses-,
ment bo bottomed upon an actual possession of the
property taxed, or may an individual cause himself*
to be assessed with tuxes on a horse or a slave, when
in truth ho possesses neither? These and many fnore
inquires may well uu made, under the hew provision
for exercising the right of suffrage, all of which
mignt have been rendered unit cessary by using plain
language, and pursuing the principles of plum justice.
Again, under the old, as well as the new constitution,
parceners, owning an undivided interest of fifty acres
of unimproved, or twenty five acres of improved land,
though it be not worth one cent, have the right of
voting, yet, notwithstanding this right of the parce
ner. under both constitutions, there is another pro
vision, in the 14th section of the 3d article of the
new constitution, which declares that, any parcener
possessing an interest in, or shave of land, and hav
ing an estate of freehold therein, such share, or in
terest being of the value of twenty-five dollars, &c.,
shall be entitled to vote: and here the cnqtiirv, at
1
onco presents itself—suppose throe parceners shall
have a freehold estate in oae hundred and fifty acres
of land, assessed to be of no more value than fifty
dollars? shall they be entitled to vote? Under one
provision of the new constitution they will be entitled
to vote, but under another provision, they are prohib
ited—which principle is to prevail in this confliction
of language? These are but some of the difficulties
which seem to me to present themselves in constru
ing the section of the new constitution now under
consideration. But there is a proviso, which con
cludes tliis clause, that seems to me to be not only
unjust, but totally inexplicable. It is in thefcc words, I
“Provided, nevertheless, that the right of suffrage
shall not be exercised, by any person of unsound
mind, or, who shall be a pauper, or a non-commis
sioned officer, soldier, seaman or marine, m the service
of the U. States, or by any person, convicted of any
infamous offence.” I confess that I am wholly una
ble to account for the- introduction of soch a provi
sion in the constitution. Why should persons, who
are honorably engaged in the service of the United
States, after returning from a long cruise to their-na
tive home, fox the purpose of seeing their friends, De
prohibited from voting, in their native coujury,
where they have fifty acres ol land? Yet this is the
effect of the proviso—but under the old constitution,
they have the right to vote under such circumstan
ces; and by the first part of the 14th section of the
3d article of the new constitution, this right is se
cured to them; notwithstand the prohibition contain
ed in the proviso; and how is this collision to be
settled? ^
i consider the 14th section, of the 3d article of the
constitution, as the most important, in the whole in
strument, untL it is most sincerely to be regretted,
that it should have been so badly constructed. Whe
ther the objections which may be made to it, b( of
sufficient magnitude to induce its rejection, I leave
to the good sense of the voters to decide.
• AN EASTERN FREEHOLDER.
For ^he Wwo.
Gkntle.hen: Goncral Ilayne’s speech which is now
before the public, and which the Jackson men will ■
think the ne plus ultra of oratory until they read TVeb
Bter's, contains several passages which ought not to
escape remark. Speaking of Colonel Benton, the
orator says: “Sir, I will not be dragged into the de
fence of my friend from Missouri.”—-I confess vhen
I read this passage I felt not a little chagrined I
had always thought that our distinguished men from
the South, however mistaken in political views, were
honorable and high-minded men, and would scork to
level themselves with those whom public opinion had
pronounced to be far otherwise. If General HayDc
is really on terms offriendship and intimacy with Col.
Benton, then am I fiee to acknowledge, that actin'*
upon the trite maxim that a man is known by the
company he keeps, I for one entertain no very favor
able opinion of General Haync himself. It is true
that what one humble individual thinks, is a matte*
of no great consequence—but if I mistake not, there
are many, very many, whose impressions in this re
spect are precisely like my own. Colonel Benton’s
Senatorial robe cannot conceal the scars of a ground
ed reputation, and even the eloquence of his friend
from South Carolina, employed in his behalf, would
be more likely to tarnish the orator himself than to
whiten the hero of the famous Ekst room letter.
Passing over the various positions of Gen. Hayne’s
speech, which Mr. Webster has broken into frag
ments as easily as an Elephant would trample downa
mole hill, I will briefly notice what Jo me seems a
singular inconsistency in the southern orator. In
describing the great advantages of slavery in the
southern States, he represents, aud. no doubt, cor
rectly, the value of the whole domestic exports of the
United States for the ten years from 1810 to 1827 in
clusive, as amounting to $531,811,000, of which tho
three southern staples alone, cotton, rice, aud tobac
co, (Iheproducls cf slave labor) yielded $339,200,000-,
or about two-thirds of the whole. Notwithstanding
this flattering picture of southern prosperity—a pic
ture, which represents one-third of the population of
the country as monopolizing or enjoying two-thirds
of the export trade,—General Haync in The very next
breath when speaking of the “accursed tariff,” de
scribes it as having spread ruin and devastation in the
southern country, prostrating tbeir hopes in the dust!
Can any thing more clearly demonstrate the phrenzy
of these southern statesmen, than this unguarded
confession by one of them who is 6aid to be so wary
and sagacious, and highly gifted. VVhat but the deep
est infatuation could hurry men into such extremes of
folly and absurdity!
In complimenting Mr. Webster for bis celebrated
speech on the tariff'in 1024, General Hayne contrasts
‘•the clear, foicible, and convincing arguments by
which he carried away the understandings of his
hearers”—on that occasion, with “the narrow views
and wretched sophistry of another distinguished ora
tor”—meaning no less a personage than Mr. Clay!—
This Mr. Senator Hayne, who within a Bhort time
past was no better known on this side of tho Little
Pedee, than Nathan Dane is in South Carolina, is
modest enough to charge such a man as Henry >
Ci.AY with narrow I'iews and wretched sophistry. Pray
gentlemen, what will your readers think of this most
exquisite specimen of South Carolina oratory?
QUID NUNC.
THURSDAY MORNING, MARCH 4, 1830.
CONGRESS.
Saturday, in the Senate of the U. States, other pe
titions were received from Connecticut and New
Jersey, praying protection to the Southern Indians.
Some private business was done, and the census bill
for the present, laid < n the table, after which Mr.
Grundy occupied the balance of the day on Mr. Foot’s
resolution.
In the II. of Representatives on thesarae day, Mr.
Newton from the.Committee on Commerce, reported
a bill for the erection of Light Houses, and improve
ment of Harbors. The IIouso next resumed the
consideration of Mr, Condict’s resolutions respect
ing tho use ofnrdent spirits in the Army & Navy. Mr.
Chilton^fhe groat retroneber, cn that occasion, mad®
some very sensible remarks, which apply to the
whole scheme of Temperance Societies- The Tem
perance he said, which required a bounty in its aid,
was not to be called temperance, any more than
th evirtoe which required watching, deserved the
name of virtue. The resolution were^greed to.—
The bill for the relief of Mrs. Decatur was next con
sidered in Committee of the Whole. Mr. McDuffie
taking the field as its principal champion and warm
ly eulogising the illustrious name of Decatur, and
the memorable contest in tho Harbor of Tripoli.—
It was opposed among others, by Mr. Craig of Va.
Before a final vote was taken the Committee rose
and the House adjourned
In the Senate on Monday, the day was chiefly con
sumed in discussing a motion of Mr- Barnard of Pa.
; calling on the Secretary of the Navy fof information
; as to the expediency of dispensing with the Marine
! corps in the naval service. The resolution was
adopted, after which various memorials were received
and referred, when Foot's resolution was again taken
up and Mr. Grundy .poke until 3 o'clock * ithout
conclnding.
In the II. of IV Mr. Burgess presented a petition
from sundry members of the Society of Friends in iVew
Fpglandi in behalf of the Indians. Mr. Burgess
moved to print it, which occasioned a debate of four
hours length, one division of the House rejecting the
motion to print from feelings of tenderness towards
the States implicated, another insisting that if this 1
memorial Was printed, others on the "same subject!
should likewise be. Finally the previous question j
(which we observe is becoming very fashionable at!
Washington) was demanded by Mr. De Witt and sua- !
tamed, and the memorial ordered to be printed by a !
decided majority. As usual many petitions for and
against Sunday Mails were presented in both Houses.
Congress stands upon that subject, unmovod and im
movable.
The Indian question is growing into a dark and j
threatening cloud. While no man’s feelings are
more warmly enlisted in their behalf than ours, wc
Euspect that the memorialists from the Eastern, Mid- ‘
die and Western StntQ3, have taken op the question i
with too much prejudice, and iotemperance. We
believe the statement more than once made in a
neighboring print, that the opposition were using it
is an offensive weapon against the Administration, to
bo however, without foundation. The memorial- 1
ists are people of philanthropise and religious feel
ings, not only of all parties, but of all sexes, for '
imong the memorials is one from the ladies of Gin- '
cinuati, numerously signed. Possibly the conduct of
Georgia and Alabama, has been viewed with too lit- 1
tie regard to circumstances and precedents, and de- * \
nounced in too unqualified a manner—but the sympa- j <
thy felt for the Indians, so universally, and so warmly !1
seconded by endeavors to protect them against what j'
is believed impending oppression, i3 highly honorable j 3
to the American character. The proncncss of the j1
Representatives of those States to take fire at tbei*
slightest allusion to the Indians within their borders,!1
is not calculated to remove the public prejudice as to i ^
their feelings and intentions towards the Indians. I
—*“*— 1
ID* We find the story in relation to the interview ;
between Messrs. Van lluren and McDuffie, the sub- j
ject of frequent allusion iu the Northern prints, j
The lloston Palladium., in republishing the version !
which first appeared in this paper, otfirms that infor
mation from an authentic source at Washington,1
corroborates it. Meanwhile, the Telegraph, speak-'
ing os it would have the public infer, from the au- |
thority of the parties themselves, denies it. We i
neithor know nor care greatly, what the truth of the
matter may be. It was only important at first, as in
dicating what is already sufficiently known, that dis
spjitions between the two grand divisions of the
JacksDoihns at Washington were in germ This
fiict will scarcely be dispute^ The fear of cauxr.
qiTEocps alonp, restrains those two divisions from
coming to open and hitter extremities. Present
Onion is the result of temporary shifts, expedients mid
intreaties. These arc chiefly furnished by those inter
ested to preserve unity until the President’s nomi
nations are ratified, to effect which it requires that
nearly the whole administration force in the fS.ouate
shall concur.
We republish the following letter from the United
States Gazette as illustrative of Washington conjee- J
ture as to the state of things in the Senate, toachmg ]
the nominations. Of the many execrable appoint- i
ments made by the President—so execrable, that the ’
most violent party men refuse to justify them—so
execrable that the moderate supporters of the Admin
istration with one voice, would rejoice at their defeat
—Lee, Kendall, Hill, Noah, Swarlwout. Green, Dun- ,
lap, Ilenshaw, Dawson, Gardner, and fifty others !
just as bad—of all these, the Senate lias yet confirm-1
cd none, though parts of many days have been spent
in secret session. For some days there has been a
remission m the consideration of Executivo busioess,
for what causes, can morely be guessed at. It would
be a noble day for the U. States, were the Senate to
discntrarnmel themselves from personal party, take a
generous stand for the Constitution, dignity and honor
of the couT.try, compromitted by the character and
tendency of Gen. Jackson’s nominations, and their
motives from the circumstances, above all suspicion, j
rely for approbation upon that enlightened Poblio|
Opinion which never fails io timo to sustain and re
quite, honesty und independence.
From the Correspondent of the V. S. Gazette.
“WASHINGTON, Feb. 23, 1830.
Dear Sir—You will have seen that the senate
have agreed to rest a while from executive business.
The reason of this intermission is pefectly well un
derstood. The discussions in secret session, accor
ding to rumor (which by some subtle process finds its
way into the most hidden places, and makes there
| those discoveries which it delights in dealing out to
the world) have been very warm and of a very im
portant character, and the sentiments which ma
ny of the Jackson senators have disclosed on the sub
ject of some of the nominations, have so startled
the rest of their party, that it is believed that an
effort will he made, before the recommencement of
the executive sittings, to mduco the President to
withdraw such of them as, it is ascertained, cannot
pass. There may be some difficulty in accomplishing
this purpose, as the unyielding temper of the president
is Well known, as well as his strong disposition to sup
port those editors who, at so considerable a sacrifice
of their own personal reputation nnd political princi
ple, supported his claims to the office which he now
fills. But this difficulty will, in all probability, be
o vercome, by the suggestion that if he should refuse
to veilh/lraw. the Senate will refuse to confirm—and
ho will scarcely attempt to force his constitutional ■
advisers into any course which they are not desirous;
to adopt. Under these circumstances, yon may rea
dily suppose that there is much trembling among
some or the new deees. The ground on which the
nomination of Williams of New Bedford was re jected,
is presumed to be that the four years term of the for ;
mer incumbent had not expired; and that, as no j
reason of a sufficient character was given to justify :
his removal before the expiration of that term, noi
nomination of a successor should be confirmed. If this
■ presumption should turn out to be correct, there is l
cause lor dismay among another class of tlio nowL Bl
appointed; as many deserving officers of those who. ^
according to law, are appointed to office for tbur years} ^
nave been removed before the expiration of that time,
to make room for mere partisans, whoso iitnees fur
any office may be doubtful, but whose appointment
to offices in winch they must be entrusted with very
large amounts of the public money, ought to be well
weighed, as it involves such important consequentca
to Lie public interests, in case of any defection of
duty or mural delinquency.
One most impoitant fact baS been established dtirine the re
Mw?t|LUOLCUed,"SS "‘ sc,crV‘ *Ci-i‘m 11 has been established iJ,at
i Tr"'”?1;-0 senate cannot be made to act in a
jihatanx; ihat the discipline of the party there is not so perfect
that every senator can tw made to surremter all his own person
al fee togs, all bis moral convictions of right and wrong, till his
2 “ "f conscience, all the prejudices of education and
hah" at the shrine of a party idol: and this having been estab
lished, the cement which has held the party together is loos
comiiienced * ev,denl tliat tl!L‘ 'vork of separation has actually
There is much talk here nn the subject nf an i iterview which
ook place between Mr. Van IJnren and Mr. M'Dutlie; the latter
11.',ltUd “t ,h;° M’crelur-V’ °her his denial of its ex is
tence, a letter which the secretary had written to South Caroli
*» regarding the views which he entertained as to the next
«S’nT,.,,erC?,VC.thm :fel**grapb denies the truth of tlm
statement, but the time has gone by when the denial of that
paper could effect the validity of any statement in the estima
tion of any free and intelligent mind. I can only sny that th*>
circumstance is the topic of general conversation here, and *
thus it js general) credited —'1'hat Mr Van Horen and his
Iriends should bo anxious to check the effect which such a dis
closure must have on the public, cannot he wandered at hut I
presume that the patties in this case will not follow the exam
pleof Mr. Laton, and issue a contradiction in the fbnnal «buru
jf a card.
KTCJov. Troup has returned to Washington. Eve
1 GiANCKitv-In Louisa county court, February 8th
f ?,830: *[ei'ry Lawrence, executor of Sarah Wood}
lec’d. pltf.fagainst
David Michie and Sally big wife, Lucv Richards,
«olly Mullins, James Michie, Jonathan Micliie, John
Michie, \\ illiam Michie, Bezeleel Brown and Betsey
lis wife, r.dmtir.d Brmvn and Theodosia his wife, Van
:y Micliie, Polly Michie, David Michie, Frances J.'Mi
due, Sarah Michie, Robert J. Michie, Martha A. Mi
:,!‘e»-Micliie, George Micliie and Elizabeth his
vtfe, Robert G. Willis and Eliza his wife, Robert Mi
diie, Matthew Klichie and Sally his wife, John Micliie,
Joseph Michie, Jenetta Micliie. Sally Micliie. James
klichie, Nancy Payne, Peter McArthur and Mary his
v *fe> Ludlow Uramhay and really 11is wife, N«incy Mi»
•hie, Nancy Goodman, Asa Smith and Frances his wi£c,
fames Goodman and Maria his wife, Michie Maupin}
.arkin Stamper and Emily his wife, John Gates and
’oily lus wife, Thomas Stagncr and Nancy his wife,
fames Maupin, Fontifcnc Maupin, Patrick Maupin, Wil
iam Martin and Sally his wife. Richard Davis atul Patsy
ns wife, Susanna Michie, Jam.-s Michie, Joel Maupiir
tnd Polly his wife, John Michie, William Micliie, pa_
nck Michie, Nancy Michie, James Michie, William
Michie, John Michie,-Merewethev and Patsy lug
wife, John Downing ami Polly his wife, Oliver Cross
ind Nancy his wife, Sally Smith, John Wood, Thomas
\\ ood, administrator of David Wood, David Michie
Tames Michie and Frances Michie, Robert G. Willis
idministrator of James Michie, deceased, and James
Michie, jr. administrator of David Micliie, dec’d. dfts.
It i/decreed and ordered, tliat this cause be referred
to Master Commissioner Leroy Chandler: and it is fur
ther decreed and ordered, that said Commissioner do
audit, state, jtnd settle the exccutor^haccnunts of the
said plaintiff on his testatrix’s cstate^Snd that he stale
any thing deemed pertiuent by himself, or which any
party interested may require; and that he divide the
said estate among the several distributees entitled
thereto, and make report to this court.
eppy. Teste, Joa>- Huntjui, c. r, f.
The parties interested io the foregoing decree are
hereby natijCjHl* tliat I shall proceed to audit, state, and
tettle the accounts, and divide the estate therein
named according to the directions of the said decree
at Louisa courthouse, on the lolli day of March, 1830*
a-hen and where they are requested to attend. ’
February £27, 18^0. Lkisov Cua^uleii, jr. c. e. c.
mar 4—w3vv
Lrfiiid and Negroes ibr Sale.
HAVING resolved to remove to the State of
Ohio, I now offer for sale my Tract of Land
n the county of Lancaster, containing three hundreff
md eighty-seven acres. This tract°is situated on
ndian Creek, a fine, bold water-course, abounding
n oysters of the finest size and flavour. Fish of
:yery description, common to the Chesapeake, are
la tight here in the greatest abundance. Sheopshead
ire taken in three hundred yards of the divellinff
louse—a cove in less than one hundred yards of the
mansion, is particularly appropriated to tho raisiim or
oysters, in which there is now a good supply ’T’ho
dwelling hotiBo contains two large rooms, u chamber
and passage on the lower floor, and four rooms on tho
second. The out houses consist of a barn, stable,
carriage-house, corn-houses, an excellent kitchen,
smoke house, &c. There is, from this situation, a
beautiful view of the Bay, distant miles. Tho
land is equal to any in the lower part «.f tho Northern
Neck, level and now' laid off Into four fields, containing
seventy acres each, one of which is in clover,. This
tract is certainly the most desirable one in this section
of Virginia, at a convenient distance from 3 places
of religious worship, the courthouse and the mills,
and about 2 miles from Kilmarnock, i, rising ami
flourishing little village. A tract ro: ain ng about
the same quantity of acres, c; i al t>e purchased on
fair terms, irnme-iialely adjoining mine, and which
was once a pari of the sum- farm—the t«o rnakui"
an estate of seven hundred acres Intending to sett lo
in a non slave-holding Snue, I will dispose of twenty
Negroes on good terms, (if the purchaser will not
separate the families;) seventeen of them arc as likely
and valuable at their ages, as any in ihc State, con
Rifling of 3 men, 4 women, b bovs nnd b girls.
.Should any gentleman about Richmond or Washing
ton, wish to purchase, I beg leave to retcr them for
more disinterested information as to the land, to Mr.
Chinn of the Virginia Senate, Messrs I,eland and
Dnndridgo of ic House of Delegates, and Mr. J.
Taliaferro of Congress. My address is Indian Creek,
near Kilmarnock, Lancaster county, Va.
RALPH EDMUNDS."
P- S. So remarkably healthy is this farm, that I
have not had an occasion to call in a physician but
twice for 3 years. ]^
fcb 5 _ tv4t*
Cheap Seasonable J)ry Goods.
The subscriber offers the following articles at
he annexed low prices:
-1 4 Ginghams, at Is. Od. per yard
Good light colored Calico, In do.
Ladies Cotton IIosc, fine, 2s. a 2s 3d. per pair
Go. do. common, Is. Gd do.
6-4 Jackonott,superfine, 2s Gd per yard
Plain and figured Swiss, various,low
6-4 Cambric, fine, 2s 3d per yard
Palmyrines, 3s.; Gro dc Fine, 3s. Od. do.
Ladies’ Mitts, I2£ per pair
Cotton Florentine, low
Also, various other articles, equally low.
„ JAMBS A1 SMYTIf,
mar 4 eo^t_ Opposite the J?oll Tavern.
TO clerks:
A Young Man, well qualified to discharge the dti
Jlm. ties of a County and Superior Court Clerk, is
desirous of a situation. Letters addressed to A. B.
Bowling Green, Caroline count?, will be attended *6.
feb ?5—*.Yf?/