Newspaper Page Text
«—,«cw*.y i »—'r <W»J-■•■Arj.p^f .
Ft it* t- K.M. < • i vr v'.kmtwins in this hIoney mark » •' \NI> IMMORALITY OF THE FRENCH i STOCK EXCHANGE-1.000 NEWS FROM POLAND, AND RUSSIAN FRONTIERS— ,T\TF. OF THE BELGIUM QUESTION-; t •( >V DEMNATION OF MONTRKL, HUM'S ! SFZ \NI» t APELI.E—M. 1>E .MONTBELLS) FA.MINI LET. i 4# •r, thr |;Vnf tf>r Jfernt’ng ('hrnn!r,r. F.mus, April ISth, ie:il. | Sir—It' I uni anxious upon any one point mure than . another, in my correspondence with tin* Morning ' Chronicle, i' is tint of preventing your readers from being deceived by any false statements as to our real j osiiion.* This trutli.tolling system is not always pop. til.,r with the readers of newspapers. I am "aivaro of tlii •, and yet pursue my own system. W lieu t- i'5i makes R^imr i.ause, 1 take delight in telling it, •■nd when truth makes against our cause, I tell llm truth .rom a sense of-<lu*y. In my two last letters I have cautioned you not to Iselievc in the various accounts which would reach von of the stability ot the late rise in our funds. I told you that the whole affair was a Stock Exchange iriok. I cautioned you not to he led :;..ir.:\ by the liction—and as I then told the truth eg Mile: m:r cans**, although the friends of liberty wore <• io!<>.1 to believe that tlm rise was solid und lasting, so now i will tell the truth when that truth is for our oav.se, in asserting that 'he fill in the Funds, which ha. . io- ceded to the rise, proves nothing against the. Revolution of July, nor against tlm credit of France, nor against the real value of the t.'overnnient Securities. From f.rst to Iasi it is an affair of the Stock Exchange. 'I he millions kr^jw nothing about it. Tlie millions are. therefore, not mtlucnccd by it. It changes no event, i tears-away no difficulty, establishes no proposition; hut v*. from first to last an immoral attempt to trille with ♦ ho credit of France, ami wWi the easily entrapped ••anfidcnce of the uninitiated; and iu an immoral, un patriotic, and infamous proceeding. Ynd now let me tirst ol*all .~t ite, that f believe I may with truth affirm thattlio Government In. been no par / to the transaction; that the Minister of France has.iut ’ -lit either his aid or the Public Treasury in any way v liatevcr to this proceeding; but that i' lias been a base attempt on the part of two contending parties at the Bourse to ruin each other, and to induce the public to place itrelf i;< their position by purchasing their stock a high price, which they bought i«t a much lower • me. It i.; clearly and distinctly a Stock Exchange o; !isj:ir:.cv. I mentioned to you in a former letter, 1 h it certain persons had conspired together to ruin M. * ' :vard and his party; and now M. Ouvard and his par ty, in return, arc conspiring to ruin those who brought Rentesnt high prices on the faith. <>f the rise being a real one. During the whole of these speculations nothing really is changed. Peace is by no means so probable, even as it was a week ago. The political horizon is still blacker, ami we are but yet in the ••ring of a year which will be marked with events of the most extraordinary momentous character. It is <mlv f.ir me to present you with the fhicluatmns of the last few d.iyfc at the Paris Bourse, in order to ‘■onviucc you of the gross immorality of these specula tions, mul to chow to you that tlio stocks are not al ways to be taken us an index of public opinion. For example: < hi \\ ednesday, bin April, the X'-ivc per t e:tts opened u- 7Gf. 50c.; closed at 7Uf.59e.—No dillcrencc. The Three per Cents opened al »7f. .5c-; closed nt •I7f. 87c. No difference. But on Thursday, 7th April, without any reason whatever for an alteration in prices, the Five per Cents opened at 77f. 25c.; dosed at 7Sf. -10c.—A difference from the day before of 2 per cent. The Three per Cents opened at Iff, 30c.; closed at lor. 50c,—Ditto. And on Friday, 8th April, again without any reason, the Five per Cents opened at 8if. 10c.; closed at Silt. 25e.—A difference of nearly 1 per cent without rea Tiic Tlirre per Cents, opened at 5lf.; closed at olf. ! 75c. A rijjti of 5 per cent, without raason* Again, on Saturday t)th April, the Five per Cents, i opened at 85f.; 125c.; closed at 871 5l)c.—a rise lrom | 1 Yiilriir’s; iirls,* j ,»f lliin 5 tier cent. Slid Vet with- 1 ed at. 57f, 50c.—a rise of nearly 5 percent. And 1’mnlly yesterday, Monday, 11th April, the Five per Cents, opened at 81)1". 25c.; closed at 8 If. 33c—a rise of nearly 2 per cent., and then a fall of 5 per cent,; and both rise and full without reason. And tho Thr#e*per cents, opened at 59f. rose to 59f. 90c. and felt to 55f. 25c., and afterward to 51f. 50c.—a rise from Saturday’s prices of 24 per cent., and thou a fall of 54 per ct. and without reason. Now I cull this immoral. Such rises and such falls tend to demoralize the public mint!—to encourage gambling with the public credit—and, if invented by t!ie Carlists and Royalists to injure and ruin France, is a scandalous and base manoeuvre, to which no honest jnan should lend his name, and from a participation in which every true patriot should stand aloof. To da)- every where a fail in the Funds is announced; and large bets .ire ottered that the Five per Cents, will fall to 7.'>f. and the Three per Cents, to 45f. in the course of the month! Well; and *vhat then? Will Frauen be the less rich? the less capable of mooting her difficulties, and surmounting them? .No I answer a thousand times No; I have devoted an hour to this subject, because I would disabuse the public mind of any erroneous conclusions it might bo led into, or dis posed to draw from these sudden and erroneous move ment-.: in tho prices of our Rentes. I shall not howev er, very often devote much of your time or mine to such topics—but I have done so now, in order that in the event of similar fluctuations your readers must not be led away or cajoled. If they have confidence in tho King of the French—in the French Charter—in our new order of things, and in the ultimate triumph of the cause of liberty in this country, our funds may be desir able as an investment. Iftlioy have not such confidence, let them retain their capital wherever it is already placed. Jlnt. under no circumstances in the present state <-f affairs, and of the immoral state of our Stock E.v < hange, should they ha induced to speculate iu these funds; for, although they l»n as wise ns Haring, or as wily as Kothshild, tin-y will in the end lose their capital and 1 ore their tempers. From this painful and annoying topic let us turn to one more pleasing-—I mean GOOD NEWS FROM POLAND AND THE RUS SIAN FRONTIERS!—Tho good news from Poland,) which I referred to in my last letter, has been officially confirmed. I told you that you might place confidence i in the reports which lind been spread, as 1 now tell you, on the other hand, you must receive with suspicion the intelligence of* a further victory alleged to hnvo been gained at Grosno, in which it is said, that the corps of Goo. Gcisniar has been destroyed, and 6,000 Russians made prisoners, and 26 pieces of cannon taken from the enemy. Fervently do I pray that such intelligence iiiuy be also confirmed—but at present re vive such news with suspicion. We have enough, however, of goto! news that is <• rtain and positive, to excite our satisfaction and joy. The reports from the head quarters of the Polish*Ar ; will have put you in possession, of the latest and correct information. X- ! only, however, have v e satisfactory intellb'ciirc from Poland, hut the nans v.-Jiich 1 gave with tronib. i ig in my lust letter, of an insurrection in Lithuania, ippc irs tu ho unquestionably confirmed. I' hasassuni • ! ; furious character. Tho Ofiicial Gazette ofRerlin . y no means favorable to ineflirrcetioii, ami by no mans unfavorable to the Emperor of Russia nn«i tho vise of d. spotism,) states that the Russian authorities el* Gcorgenhurg had arrived on Dir; 3’kh ult. n? Snj ilen »icn, alter having been obliged by the populace to eva cuate the city. I .t° depo* of army of Rosien had fallen in tlm hands of th:; insurgents. Letters from Tilsit of the 30th of March, announce that 2(J(» men of the Rus sian troops of infantry and cavalry had been obliged to seek a refuge in the Prussian territory, and were ex pected at Wislv.vick. Tims the Rus.'iao army will be driven from Poland, defeated in Lithuania, and compelled to retire to the land of eternal snows, but not, thank God, of eternal despoti-rn. - For from Finland, even from Finland wo hnv— cheering news Even the Finns, snr. * rounded, a- they nr<># by Swedish Lapland and! by the G :l;.h: of Finland and Rothinn, and shut' r.af fro n almrall iiil«Te<. ir. e with the world except > at Abo In r—''vev. ?!:•• I m». . anil lie Russian I inlanders) have e-;ugh* ♦'if : m.v je werd “liberty;'’j and tie- Emperor of ]. .; ;a, ir* tfie midst of his other v ( mliai i a; s*n< ms, has ‘wi 'a coiujHsih J to dissolve by lCuy :?1 Ukase, the six regiments ot ('urbinit-rs of Fndland, ;'«d tho Et.it Major of the (icnerul of the province’ Tl.o extent of the movements which has induced this decree we do tiot u* present precisely ifndor t-'nitd; hut the met is a volume, and may supply us with hope, until new t.tc'.s shall convert our liopi s into re alities. Poor Nicholas! nny lie live to s-c Russia di vided into Republics, or into small constitutional idee, live nioncrc.'.ics, with Chambers of Deputies and Sen. a* vs in each of those immense provinces, which are us vet governed **iu the iiu.r.o of the Lory!," by his most trusty and well beloved servant, the Emperor of All j the Uu. ian ! Do not despair! Though somewhat ad- | vanned in years, we may live to see the accomplishment i | of this ^vould-bc prophecy! ■ 'I’he btute of tho Belgian question is now attracting | universal attention, and must not bo lost sight of for a j moment. The Belgian Revolution wus jus*. The Belgian Revolution was the fruit of tho French Revolution. The Belgians were encouraged in their Revolution by promises horn Franco and the French (government, tram September to January last. Tho Dutciiy of Luxembourg, helongsfto Belgium. The French (Government stated that it would never allow any por'tou of Belgian territory to bo forced from it. i he French (Iovernment has signed a Protocol, which, if carried into ctlbct, would tend to rob Belgium ot Luxembourg for the sake and advantage of the Kino of Holland. The french (Government lias, nevertheless, repeated ly said that Luxembourg should not bo forcibly taken I away'from Belgium. Prussia and the (Germanic Confederation propose to take it away by force. Luxembourg desires to remain a portion of Belgium® It Luxembourg shall be separated from Belgium, it must ^>e wrenched from it by mere brute force. Inc Belgian (Government will not relinquish Luxem bourg without war. This decision is just, natural, and patriotic. (*oii. Boliiurd, the French Envoy at Brussels, has quarrelled with the (Government of Belgium about the question of Luxembourg, and lias arrived in this city. .M. Rogier has returned to Paris, to ask several ques tions, but the most important*.*; this—as the Belgians arc resolved not to relinquish Luxembourg, will the 1 reach (Government permit a Prussian army to compel the union of Luxembourg to Holland by force, and | against the wishes of the inhabitants! ii i raucu snail answer in uio negative, then Mel gsuni is sure ot* possessing Luxembourg. It’ France shall reply in the affirmative, then the Belgians must and will prepare to light with Prussia i'ur the independence of the Crand •Duchy. Though France will then have betrayed her, the Belgians will not betray themselves. ^ osterduy the Chduibcr of Peers was oceupicd with the torm of pronouncing judgment, par contumace, against Messrs. Mnnthcll, D’llaussez and Capclle, three ‘d the ex-Ministers of the ex-King of France, for hav ing signed the Ordinances of July last. Thu wholo proceeding was a question of form, except that M. Monthcll had forwarded his defence in the shape of a pamphlet, in which he admitted the part he hud taken —declared that all the measures pursued had been adopted by the consent of the Council of Ministers— protested against the power of the Chamber of Peers j to judge him—and expressed no regret at the death of the the citizens—no sorrow for the Ordinances, and no rc pcntuncu for having robbed the Treasury to pay the soldiers of France to fire on the people. To this me moir I invite your attention on another occasion. It is a proof ot the audacity ot the writer and the intentions of this party. i lie Chamber of Peers condemned the three ex.Mill 's10™ to perpetual imprisonment; to the loss of their civil rights; to the forfeiture of all their honors and ti tles, and to t;ie payment ot all the costs of the process. But the Peers should have done more than this. As these men have property in France, and us Charles X. ami his family have also property here, let all be liable to the payment of the enormous charges which the country has been exposed toby the destruction of pub lic and private properly during the days of July. This would not be vengeance, but justice—wholesome and sal utary justice. I have a great deal more In say, but I must defer it till to-morrow. Your ob’t servant, O. P. Q. CHEAT BRITAIN. lie-opening of Parliament. The. ItritUU Parliament resumed their sittings on the 1—th. Some discussion took place in the House of Commons on that day relative to reform, in the course of which Lord John Russel made a disclosure of the change in the sentiments of Ministers in some impor tant respects, which greatly surprized the House. First, with respect to population, Lord John Russel acknowledged that t!io census of 1821, with what cor. rcetions hud since been obtained, was an incomplete and sometimes an unfair standard hy which to act in disfranchising boroughs, accordingly he gave a sort of notice, that whatever borough could make out a caso to the satisfaction of Ministers, that its population had been underrated, should be duly considered. The whole bill, the noble Lord proceeded to say, had been well considered by Ministers during the recess, and the! wording, in many respects, and some minor matters of detail corrected, which he should explain to the House on Monday; but he proceeded to say that with respect to certain notices of motions before the bougo, minis ters had deeply considered whether they coura not meet the parties with some concession, without abandoning the essential principle of the bill. On ono such point’ namely, the continuing to parties having a franchise by birth of servitude the privileges so derived, the noble Lord expressed himself eo vaguely as to bo by us unin telligible, but with respect to another, that upon which General Cascoyne has given notice of a motion, name ly, tlio alteration of the number of members in the house, ministers, he said, were prepared to comply with' the wish of the house, if it should be decidedly expressed against the reduction. lie concludod with reaffirming the constancy of the ministers to the principles of the! Sir L. II. Sugilon, ?.Tr. O. Bankes, and others, ex-' pressed their surprise at these alterations, and their doubts at tlio practicability of going into committee on londay, upon whet was now in so considerable a dc^rc" a new measure. ° A remarkable speech was made by Mr. Hunt, who i declared that the people were not for the bill. ’ What 'he people want is scot and lot franchise, and disap. pointed of that, they wore no admirers of this bill. >ie-' yerthclcRS, he himself would support the bill, because it made at least a certain inroad upon an abominable system. He repeated, and reitorated again and again ' amlfi the cheers of the opposition, that the people were not in favour of the bill. r The conversation was resumed on the 13th, but no. thing transpired that is worthy particular notice. On the 11th, the subject came up in the House of Lords and was discussed at great length. Among the speakers' was Lari Grey, the Prime Minister, who said,_The noble Marquis (of Londonderry) had reminded their | lordships of his (Earl Orey’s) pledge delivered on a for | mcr occasion, to the effect that ho would not consent: | fo compromise the principle of the reform measure, but! I would stand or fall hy it as originally designed. (Hear.) The noble Marquis had stated correctly his declaration.! He had said that he would stand or fall hy the princu pies of the bill now in progress in the other House of' Parliament; nnd for the satisfaction of the noble mar-! quis would then repeat, his declaration, that he would not consent for- himself or colleagues to abandon a sin.1 glc principle of that bill, hut. stand or fall by i» as it suc ceeded or not. (<Iheers.) When ho had, however,! expressed his determination to thus stand or fall bv the j reform bill, he liad also explicitly stated that it was the J principle of tluu bill which he would not for a moment compromise—be was not presumptuous enough to! imagine that there might not be defects of detail sus-' enptibie of improvement. (Hear, hear.) The principle: ! which ministers bad in view in bringing forward the ! measure, was to effect such improvements in the ropre- j sontatinn of tho people as the well-being of the country required—in fact, to adapt tho representation to the ! institutions; to the wants, property, and intelligence of the country; and Jtc would not consent to any alteration j in the provisions—not to say the principle—of that • measure, at all likely to intorfurc with this its great ; object. (Hear.) Asa means to this end, mini not ac i an end in itself, ministers proposed to disfranchise ccr- j tain boroughs incompatible with a pure system of rep. J ri sen tat ion, and therefore, they would not assent to any! modi,. ■ pion ol »hc means which might defeat the end w ,iu- i they had in view. (Hear.) ith respect to what ’ re nob:*1 marouis had oh rrv'. d touching a reduction cf 'iio luondicrs ot the uiiu c uo'.iso of I'amornc it, he begged tlicir lortlt^lii:T> to bear in mind, that that reduction for mwl no I’snotilUl portion of the measure—shat it was a question the merits of which were not involved in tho success or merits ol‘ the reform bill. It Was true that he and his colleagues did entertain an opinpn that such a reduction would he advantageous to t!»» public weal, that a fewer number would contribute t« the despatch ot public busiucs.:; but that opinion formed, ho repeat ed, no essential element of their plan cf reform; and therefore not to insist on its enforcement could not in fairness be construed into a compromise of the prinei jdo by which he pledged himself to stand or fall. (Hear.) • litis opinion of tho inconveuieneo of the present largo j number of tho House of Commons’ numbers, was not I ft now one of his. lie had often asserted it, more par ] tieularly when the act of legislative union with Ireland I was under the consideration of the ether House of | Parliament. On that occasion he moved, as an amend ! ment to the bill, that 100 members l>o t&kcn off the re presentation of 1‘lngland, to make room for tho 100 ! new members which Ireland was to send under its pro : visions, and the feelings of the majority of the house, • and the then (Jovcrnment, were far from being hostile | to his proposition, the chief obstacle to the success of I which arose from the principle of compensation to certain borough, proprietors in Ireland being recognized ! by the (Jovernineut. His opinion, then, as to the ad ! vantages of a reduction of the number of the Com ! mens, l-p repeated, formed no essential part of the re form bill, and was to be judged of on other grounds.— Then ns to some alterations which it was proposed to make in the details ot the bill, he wished it to he homo in mind, that they were so far from being opposed to its principle, that they only went to carry it into effect, ■ and were only s veil improvements as more correct in : formation suggested. Since the plan and objects of tj the bill hud first been announced to Parliament, minis, ters had obtained more correct, returns of tho popula. jtion of the boroughs anil towns which it would aifoct; i and the result would be a modification, in two or three ! instances, of the schedule A and 11; but, as he had bo fnr# s-ii.l, no iJogortuic from the principle ol'the mca ; sure. (Hear.) Tho noble marquis asked whether min isters meant to propose that the number of the Com mon.-' should he kept up to Gut?, the present number; and if so, how they meant to till up the deficiency which the disfranchising clauses would occasion. Ilts answer was, that, ministers would not originate any proposition to make good this deficiency. (Hear.)— Their individual opinions were, as he had stated, in favor of a reduction of the number; but if the House ot Commons should, contrary to this opinion, agree that the full complement, of G56 members were expe dient, he and his colleagues did not feel that, they should therefore abandon the bill of which this reduc tion was not an essential feature. (Hoar.) If the de ficiency should he thus filled up, lie was not called upon to say how it might be done so with advantage to the public. All lie would say was, that he would not con sent to its being filled up from schedule A; that is, from the boroughs proposed to he disfranchised alto, gather. (Hear.) Nor from schedule B, that is, from those boroughs which the bill would deprive of the power oi returning more than one member^ but only in such a way as- would conduce to the great object of the measure—the giving the property and intelligence of the country its due shares of representations. (Hear.) The noble earl repeated that, he and his col leagues were determined to stand or fall by the princi ple ot tho bill, and that lie should lie prepared to show that the intended alterations in its details implied no abandonment of that principle. [The discussion terminated for the dav without anv result.] ‘ J Ill Croat ILritiin the Parliament hid rp-asssmblcd, ! ^nd the question ut reform was ag tin under incidental discussion the Ministers had in some dcrec modified the details, without altering the principle of this bilj._1 Mr. Hunt astonished all parties in the House by dcdlar- j »»£ that the bill was not approved by the people—as not going far enough in giving the right of suffrage— Ireland was in a most disturbed state—rebellion and murder had openly appeared. It is said, by the London Courier, that the ex-Royal family of France will shortly leave England, in conse quence of certain disclosures of the plans of some of their agents. Spain is mentioned to bo their destination. Mr. Jeffrey, the Lord Advocate, having lost his seat for the Scotch boroughs of Forfar, Dundee, &.c. took i his seat on the re-assembling of Parliament for Mai ton.; ! Melton is a borough of the Furl Fitzwilliam, for whieb Sir James Scarlett sat. The noble Earl’s family being in favor of the Reform bill, and Sir J as. Scarlett against , It, ho resigned his seat for Malton, and then made a ' vacancy for the Lord Advocate. Mr. Ilennctt was expected to intreduce a bill disfran chising all the present electors of Liverpool, in conse quence of tiie corruption at the last election. The in telligence of this project excited much fooling in Liver pool, and two meetings had been held of “the Uribcd” and “tho Unbribed.” At the latter, only about 1“5 at , tended. • Mr. O’Connell and Mr. Hunt disagreeing on t!io sub ject of the Reform bill, have been abusing each other roundly in the 1loupe of Commons. Mr. O’Connell found fault with Mr. Hunt for his declaration that the people of several popular districts, whom in The recess ; lie had addressed, were, without exception, opposed to the bill— and spoko of Mr. Ii. as a pretended reformer. —Mr. Hunt retorted, and charged Mr. O'Connell with negotiating with the government for office and compro mising his principles for a place.—Mr. O’Connell in re ply s lid “ho was not surprised at this attack, for lie was frequently attacked by Tories, and the lion. Member • fur Preston had become a Tory!” lie added,—As for the Honourable Member for Pres* ) ton, he courted his hostility, for ho could no longer rc. cognise him as u brother Reformer. lie was quite re* dy to make a present of him to the Tories, and a lump , ieg pennyworth they would have of him [a laugh.] He . did not say that the Honourable Member had sold him : self to the Tories, for he did not think that they would ; buy the Honourable Member, but he seemed to have courted the otter of purchase by giving earnest of what he was worth [a laugh.] He saw in the proposed mea j sure a means of getting a great practical good, and he i did not scout it liiic the Honourable Member, i To tliis Mr. limit made this frank reply:—Ho had not charged the Hon--arable and Learned Member with any thing; he had only insinuated, when the Honoura ble and Learned Member was insinuating against the Honourable and Learned Member lor Wevmouth, that he was trafficing for seats in Parliament—that he (Mr. O’Connell) was the last man who should accuse another of latticing, for lie himself had trafliccd for the law. llcforc, he had only insinuated, then he would boldly tell him, in the face of the House and the country, that before the close of the’ last session of Parliament he ! (Mr. O’C.) had trafficked with the Marquis of Anglesey for that scat on the Ilcncli which was now occupied by Mr. Doherty. Thcro would linvo been no agitation in Ireland if Mr. Doherty had not got the situation, in stead of the Honourable and Learned Member. Mr. Hennett was the go-between, in this negotiation. * * ->ir. u i osneix would not hare taken uny notice of t lie observations of the Honourable Membor for 1 reston, had he not introduced the names of the Mar <Iuch of Anglesey and of Mr. Bennett, as lie waa quite fum that ns to them, the charge was* unfounded. Ah far a? Mr. Bennett was concerned, he said, unequivo y* wns totally without foundation. As to the Marquis of Anglesey, the Honourable Member pro bahly Knew nothing more of him, than that he had seen lii'ii ride about the streets on horseback; and he was sure, that as to him tho charge was unfounded. As to himself, he would assort, that since that House had been constituted, a charge more completely unfounded never had been made. The Honourable Member must not shift his ground. Mr. Hunt, again:—With regard to the Honorable Member for Waterford (Mr. O’OonncB,) he repeated lit there had been propositions for a place seat to /ord Angle ary by that Honourable Member, not on I V’'i'V‘ °r- t!irro timcs‘* nml hc (Mr. Hunt) if they had been successful, there .,?Vo J**n r‘° ■filiation in Ireland. He did not ,,*' thlB of bis own knowledge, 1mlhc had seen Mr. Bennett, who was acipniiifcd with the whole proceed v^.'t . '/f!r',,’r r for Waterford called on the Horf. . . .mher for Mnymouth to allow his case to he brought before Parhar.ient. Was the Member for Waterford "n,,,'r '!,r;r' proceedings of his to brought he fore the Ho,,,k? J et him rail for an inquiry, and hc .jaVoVn ®11,dbo nhle,.he thought, Jo produce abundant ill n c o. t.ie transactions to whir!, hc alluded. H< could name two Member of that House who were pre Mr. O’Connclt in corielistoni—Tlio Hon. r.fc.nler 1 sreston had charged him with having negotiated | \nlli the government for a place, but lie bad nut pro tended to say, that lie (Mr. * •’Connell) was, a party to nuy of these negotiations. If .'Mr Ucti net said that lie (Mr. O’Coneoll) had any knowledge of, or connexion with, negotiations of that kind, all he could say then was, that Mr. Bcunott had given utterance to that which was totally pntftic. He believed, however, that Mr. Hon net, when he heart! of the assertions of the lion, member for I'roston on this subject—ami hear of them ho should on the first moment when his residence was ascertained; so that a letter could reach him—ho be lieved, lie repeated, that jUS Beil net would bo quite ; ready to contradict what lu^Rieen attributed to*hiiii liy tho member for Preston. He (O’Connell) did believe that Mr. Bennot had made such a statement; but it lie had, then all that could l>o said was, that (Bennett) hail calumniated him, and not tho member for Pres ton. T lie markets for bread stuffs were less active, -anS former prices with difficulty were obtained. Mtefgmowls I'u va rf atf. Tdo rn # it"-, «. IK tty %* S. 1 Ik* attitude which Mr. t'aliioim and hi:* p;irtizans have assumed in reference to General Jackson, since the publication of the “ Correspondence,” has been dis ingenuous towards the country, ami unworthy of can did men. W ho lias demonstrated the unsuitablcncss of t.enl. Jackson? Mr. Calhoun. Wlio has affirmed Uiat he was the “ victim of a political intrigue,” a mere pup pet of Mr. Van Buren’s? Mr. Calhoun. Who have ex pressed their disappointment in his supposed “justice, magnamity, and firmness” and asserted that he was go verned by a secret and “ malign influence,” exacting from them concessions, which as men of honor, they could not make? Mr. Calhoun’s most prominent friends. Can Mr. Calhoun and his friends then, as patriots and honest men, consent to confide the destinies of this na tion, the regal powers of the Presidency, for four years more to such hands? Impossible. But, what is still the language of the Calhoun party? Do they conform their conduct to their known opinions to thoir I sentiments solemnly addressed to the public?_ jThey do not. They still cant of the Hero, and I (he Republican party. It is time to change this I language, and they themselves are becoming sensi. j k*c iC (’an Mr. Calhoun and his friends support Ithe re-election of Gen. Jacksoi^. Will they? They i net^icr can nor will, and it is sheer duplicity to pretend it. The Telegraph begins to assume a bolder, more manly, and more worthy tone. It is war between Cat houn and Jackson—war •> to the knife’s blade”—it is in vain to deny, impossible to conceal it. Let the friends of Mr. Calhoun therefore, at once assume the attitude of undisguised, open and honorable opposition. Let i them lorcgo their hold on Gon. Jackson’s skirts. Let them cease to feed the President with sugar plums with ono hand, and stab him under the fifth rib with tho oth er. Lot thorn unite with the old opposition to free the country from the rule of gfannyism and the “ malign influence,” assured that co-operation will inevitably lead to success, and that whosoever shall bo the suo««s. jsor, tho country must gain and cannot lose. W^re i happy in directing attention to tho following article from the U. S. Telegraph: Wo havo before us a h-iter written by “a republi can Member of the New Turk L- g siat.ne..’’ " •it Albany* • xi March. ;n whiu-s ho that u w \t-cre ,u.d, by some of Mr Van Duren’a friends. iha> no was lube n-umoa'.eu us a candidate for the Vi< I residency on Gon Jackson’s imkc’; and ih-t sum of thorn went so :nr as to. sav, th.-t in ease of :h- r. - electiont f Gea Jackson, with ftjr V»n Ilmen, as Vice President, the former would retire to the He my«eC and leave the magician in possession of the robes of cfii:e, bs well ns t c powers of the executive. J bat Mr. Van Boren hus long enter— Umcd a hepo of smuggling himself iulo the I’rer.i uency. we have bviiev-.’d, and public!,ly sia'ed. II; friend.-; A. organs have r.ot denied his intention of be ng ‘ cinciJate lor tin: Vice Presidency—,*>:> -a from it they have labored to force Mr. Calhoun anu is j ‘r'cndjto pledge themselves lo tin urcnditioi nlsup port ol the re-election ol General /ackson, and tIiu to promo C the e!cv ui* n ».f Mr Vau Curen. Tun this is the purpose of (he article before us, is palpa o°,o rt,ir ,a2ent® Mr Van Buren churged in March, 1.. JO, that Mr. Calhoun intended lo be u ciuidid..»e in | opposition, and they would not torture a denial o his intention thru ;<> !j» a candidate, mto a pi- dge t j support now the rc-chcton of General Jackson > -is relation between C-*n. Jackson end .Mr Cal houn ims been materially changed, since M.-ircn , tb'JO, and it may be possible. that Mr Calhoun oanm t Wi h propriety a ihai suppor: lofhc r.-docnon i'i General J icas.-n, which it. was his intention t g.. e in 1*530. General Jackson cannot be r -elec led without the suppor- of ins o/d friesdi, and we r grcl. to see that those who have his confidence ti-c ilomg all in ihrir powerto s-p-trete him from them 1 he induct merit to Um rc election of Gen. Jack son was n desire to preserve Hie Union, and maintain the ir-tegrfty ••fifie^R.-'pullicen party. I! it shall be come apparent Unit those are lo he sacrificed o pro mote he uii'.’rior Schemes of Mr. Van Burcn, it is manifest that On Jackson will no longer be im candidnte of the Republican parly, but ofMr Van biiron and of tho “circumstance* of 1959 Ti.s correspondent of the U. States’ Gazette, has often proved his penetration and sagacity. Ilis last letter corroborates the rumor that a pamphlet is forth* coming from tho dismissed portion of the late Cabinet, which will rend tlie veil thrown around the causes of its dissolution. There has been a general demand for the development, and public opinion will compel an expose, sooner or later. When made, the weakness nml imbecility, if not the dotage of the President, will he so clearly manifested, that his party will withdraw him from the canvass. The opinion that he himself will retire, either at tho conclusion of his term, or as many think, before, appears to be gaining strength and currency, in various parts of the country. LETTER FROM •WASHINGTON. No. CXCVI. ,, . , „ Washington, May IB, 1831. i ou h ive before this time seen and formed your own opinions on the subject of the letter of Mr. Branch; and you have doubtless hoard, that something is in pre paration for the press from Mr. Ingham. It is tiic ge neral expectation here, that the latter production will make its appearance in the course of the present week, and that, whenever it shall appear, it will complete the prostration of the other portion of the Jackson.party. You can scarcely conceive the efTact which has been produced by the avowal of Mr. Branch, that his dismis sal, as undeserving of a seat in tho cabinet of General Jackson, is ascribable to his refusal to accede to a posi. ’in;i which could not be acquiesced in without a sacri fice o! honor. The allusion is well understood here, and the general impression is, that the publication of •Vir. Ingham will render it intelligible to every one, whether within ojr beyond, our pale of information! .\li. iirar.c.i, ii is ill, unites with Mr. Ingham, 1:1 lu» ]>n par >tR'ii ul this exposition. I understand that Mr. Hranah has received numerous letters from intelligent eiti/i'iis it, North Carolina, hi. friends and constituents, in which it is required of him, in justice to himself to them, anil to the country, to give to tlio world n satis factory exhibition of the reasons which led to his dis missal from the cabinet. The people of that State it is said by these correspondents, are dcsirious to be’ in. formed whether the various rumors afloat on the subject* unfavorable to General Jackson’s reputation for sagaci ty, honor, and patriotism, have any foundation in truth: and should these reports he confirmed, they express their determination to separate from him, at once, and forever. liven the citizens most friendly to General Jackson, now express their decided opinion that ho cannot he re-elected—that he ought not to stand aB a can didate, and will not, to invite the defeat which would certainly tuv-stit him.—You will not, therefore, feel much surprise, should youftiear of the withdrawal of •eneral Jackson, on the score of his declining health, in that case, to whom will the votes of the friends of General Jackson be transferred? This is a question v „u,t °t[ nT,y. It is not doubted that the friends ot Mr. Van miren would rather throw their woicrht into tho scale of Mr. Clay, than of Mr. Calhoun; hut whether they would come over to Mr. Clay, or to take up another candidate, remains tube seen. ' General Jackson’s unaltered, unabating attachment \° . , Va" ""ran. manifests itself on every occasion. It is shown by his appointment of the latter as minister at the court o! London. Mr. Van Rnrcn is actual]? appointed, and will sail in tho Columbia from New Yor’ to London, on the 1st of June; and as he was, so lato as Saturday last, still acting as Secretary of State I piuoumu HU nuiuo out his own instructions as min ist°r, or will direct tlicir preparation by the lights cast iioin Ins own mind. The complete possession of Ge. ncral Jackson’s car which has boon obtained by Mr. \ an Huron, is proof of one of two things—cither of the credulity and weakness of General Jackson, or of his disposition to lend himself to the interested and ambitious designs of Mr. Van Buren. In either atti. friin! T ' ‘pTPonitod all the intelligent among Ids friends, and realized the declarations of all the prophet. !C among ],is opponents. A few days more will be sufficient, to make the whole of the wob, which Mr \ an Buren lias so successfully woven to ensnare Gene-' ral Jackson and his friends, apparent. I ho Lynchburg Jeffersonian, has taken the field against the contemplated Rail Road from that place to Now River, insisting particularly, in opposition to the opinion of our learnod neighbor of tho Enquirer, that the route is not over a “level country!” I„ this conjec ture, we certainly concur with our Lynchburg contem porary. We said lie had taken tho field against tho Rail Road, but upon a second perusal we find that in this we have misrepresented tho Jeffersonian. He up. pears to entertain indeed, some doubts of the practica bility, or at least tho value of a Rail Road, over so level a region as that from Lynchburg to New River: but tho weight of his opposition is directed against tho under taking that Rail Road, before James River is so impro ved between I^chburg and Richmond, as to be accom modated to tho increased intercourse consequent upon the Rail Road. The following extract from tho last No. ol that Journal, will possess tho reader of its views: ♦ w m n K,5PpOSC U,or the *akc of argument,) tlxal the Rail Road over the “/err? region," (tm Mr Ritchie calls it,) from Lynchburg to New Hirer was practicable and expedient—was “eminently rnorthv of public confidence '—nay, more,—wo will suppose that along this Rail Load, produce can be brought to Lynch burg tree of costs; would the Western Farmer be con. tent . ill to loso thirty cents per bushel on his wheat lrom this I own to Richmond? Where, wo would ash where is the greatest difficulty,—where is the sponge that soaks up the profits ol the husbandman’s labour > Is it in the costs of getting produce to this market, or gettmgU/rom this market? No rnau who will give himself the trouble of enquiring, will hesitate in hisan. suer. \\ hat tiion ought to be the course of the Wes. tern I coplc, and the citizens of Lynchburg? Tho an swer is plain. To make a concentrated effort to open the na\igation of James River from this to tide-mate? to puli down the dams, to remove the barrier which 'u selfish and narrow policy has thrown across the public Jngh-way to the free Oooan. The time is propitious f,£ this the circumstances in which wo are at present pla ced, are more than favourable,—if we will onlv thc,n‘ f ’Phe Richmond Regency is alarmed at tho^pros pect of Baltimore’s becoming a rival; and drawing off he produce of its long taxed colonics. We use the term advisedly. 1 ho western counties have long groan, cd under tins petty metropolitan tyranny. Now is the nrae to throw Otr tho yoke. Theprospcrity/thecrig i ErwI . l' T" s,akc- Ott not the' people „( I the \\ est lose the golden opportunity of securing that ; justice which has been long withheld. If they rolfise to | put one hand to the spade on this New Rivor Scheme_ it they refuse to give one dollar to the fund, they will do well they will act wieely.-Let them refuse all countenance to the project, until the James River is opened; and thus force the Regency to do them Justice. i ney have the screw m their own hands, and it will be the excess of folly not to use it. 06 r ,An,d,'vhat.’ ask’ ifl the interest of the citizens of Lynchburg m this matter? Embark in this Rail-Road over the ‘‘level region," (Mr. Ritchie says it’s a -Movel region-) from this to New River? Why, why embark Obb I? AtrpyC>l| ‘ ,Sp°‘SICd f° t,m'vrt the BaHimore and Ohio Rad.Road, or rather its lateral branch along tho val. I ^0U-nrCi’ ?an JOu flatter yourselves that this Rail.Road will do it, while the navigation of the James River remains as it is? .Suppose you succeed in o^en. Wf!nuRF nR°ad .OVor thc “levcl region,” (the fedi. tor of the Lnquirer is our authority, and an excellent geographer he is too,) from this to New River? Do von Whv°8ff lb* n ;#-WiU S° Balti™°™ enterprise? th° ,)alt'morc Rail.Road were completed a. -l,. the 'alley, wheat or tobacco would be carried from •Salem m Botetourt, to Baltimore, at a less price than it costs from this to Richmond. How then can you hope o defeat it by tins plan, while James River remained W? th,Yri Cann?t—/i''a*0” fnct alike admonish you that tlicre is but one mode by which you can securo whhThl™ ar,d^;it y°"r rivals, apd that is, to jo£ River-aSerP‘that WCBt’ and force open t,ic -W, liner after that jou may construct as many Rail. Roads as you please. But until that is done, your mo ney and labour will bo thrown away in vaim If you would save yourselves, you will do t his. J °U [iy Dr. Kam’l G. Howe, who gained ho much cclo bnty a few }’cars ago, by his valor and devotion in the cause of the Crocks, and has sirce personally wilncs. sed the revolutions in France and Belgium, has issued proposals for establishing a political journal in Phila delphia, with the title of the “National Republican. ’ I he name indicates his opinions on the subjects which now occupy the attention of 1hc American people.-* Wc quote n paragraph from his prospectus:— ‘‘"f hold it to bo undeniable that there is a widely extended .eeling ot discontent abroad in our community "! . regard to the conduct of the present general ad. ministration; that the hopes of the former friends and zealous supporters of those now at the head of our na tional government have been greatly disappointed—that the tears of tlieir opponents have been verified_that many candid and disinterested men believe that the hitherto unsulW-d pagcs of onr political history havo been foully blotted; and that the vital interests of the country, and particularly those of this -realState hn'-o been strangely neglected.’’ * * ' The Culpeper Gazette,published at Culpeper court. house, a spirited and independent paper, has passed from the hands of its founder and first editor, J. Cald well, Esq. into those of R. A. Thompson, Esq. Wo presume the Gazette will continue what it has hereto fore been Jackson.Calhouu—or perhaps it will, like Koine of i rs of f Iio 9amc political .sect, now inako the r Cf.' r', fl *’c mid become Calhoun-Jackson! Ho-.v farcied, (o ico the friends of Mr. Calhoun, even better satined of the Hero's incapacity, and bearing him niora determined hostility than tho friends of Henry Clay iiimseM, effecting :o much loyal tv and admiration J— DufF Groen has struck another key, and by Christina#_ we shall see, what vo fh iil • •.