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!T~7”A' 1 10 mi *Ject i t tiiOMi papers is ono of tin* ! mol t -kit.il importance and all-ibsording interest of1 •i-'s i.i*i uniod public attention since the i;ns of tiu» Hartford Convention, nml involves no It t tan the itiiration of our present form of gov ern omit '..ic avoidance ot civil and social wars—j r.!- ! perhaps tku clos connection of sonic portions ot our territory w it It, nml their absolute dependence i>n, forcin'! nations, it is respectful r sninnitted to t!ie printt h t ern-eiiont tlio union, whether Ihev 1 oujjiit not, as tar as in thuir power, to givu them a curreney'ail nearly ns possible equal to that of the nddruHH of which they -iro a review Tlio senes wul not, probaoly, uxcoo'l tour numbers, TO THE CITIZENS Or THE U. STATES. /v,,. r!, >J !ae thlJresi nf /.t«* ,”jro 1'rnic (.'otivcttli'in. No. I. In fer.* public documents presented to th*> Auier ear. Notion, have there he<*>i disp’.iveil more nii-.i--'.* and tact—and low h ive had l< ss of fact, <-r strength of argument resting on fact—than the i Ires* in question. It is extremely jd insible, and a lunrably c ilcn’atcd to win the suliragos nf those " mh.iveha-l little inclination, or luitttre, or npi. • itv, to auali/eor investigate its contents. It .!•> ,!* Is-;-* \ in abstractions, in assumptions, and in the fttil.o pritidfifi liiroughoitt. Nevertheless, the importance *»1 the subject and object, the standing .•n 1 the talents ot tho mass of the members of the bnflv by which it has boon promulgated, entitle it to the most calm and sober emirideration, in order j to test its correctness, to refute i's errors, if it bo | erroneous, or to establish its positions, if they In* founded in reason, and truth and fact. Such is the t’sk 1 have imposed on myself, in the execution of wld-di, I respoclfully invoke the patient attention (it tho public. I (UAClmrn all abstractions and assumptions, tin. supported by ! .(■{•:, which ought eternally to be the basis ot all thoories into which human experience enters. 1 am a more matter-of-fact man, and shall rest every position I lay down on the experience <•1 mankind, particularly in this country, which, r.iort as has been its career, a fiords ample materi als to lust almost every theory that can he pro pounded in morals, religion, politics, or political economy. Let no more attention bo paid to htiv o: my positions, which do not rest on the solid ba sis of incontrovertible fa t, than to “tin* idlr wind that blowo'n whither it listolh.’* On a subject so hackneyed, and where the arguments in favor of what has been called “free trade,” have been so ofloD announced, with ncireoly any variation, lit tle novelty is to ho expected in those on the side ei the question I have esp eased. They will par take, in no small degree, of the nature of thfc :11c. /heal prescriptions, “Ditto repeated, shaking the bottle.” This is inevitable. 1 rlnll, however, cn cer.vor to vary the matter as much as possible._ l*ut the question in '.his anil in all similar cases, is not, whether the arguments bo new or old, but whether they be sound or fnllrciou*. Kvery one must he struck with t!ie extreme dis proportion ol tlic representation of It o different »-tatC3, and the very undue weight which some of them had hy their overwhelming numbers. Populist ion. Alembert. Virginia and S. Caroline, 1,732,7*21 01 Maine, Massachusetts, II. Is. land, Now Jersey, Pennsyl vania, N. Carolina, Mary land, (Georgia, Mississippi Tennessee. ‘ 5,500,38-1 70 Maine, Co. neetient. R. Island, Maryland, Mississippi and Tennessee, 2,002,325 11 Vermont, N. Hampshire, Dela ware, Kentucky, Ohio, Lou isiana, Illinois .fc, Missouri, Q,7GG,72I 03 \’ork and Pennsylvania, 3,281,ISO 33 Now York, 1,042,508 23 South Carolina, 5S1 158 40 The'Southern citizens shewed wonderful address in this arrangement. They were determined to carry every thing by numerical force, in which they succeeded to their utmost wishes. Much has be. n said about Yankee cunning Ft must, however, licncebirward “hide its diminished head”_for in this case it was greatly overmatched by Southern management. It cannot be doubted that there was «. groat impropriety, in a representation so unequal, in taking tile votes per caplin. They ought to have been taken bv State s. There is one portion of the addroaa. which I re gret to bo obliged to say, is unenndid. I mean that, w.iicli touches on the question of the consti tutionality of tli. protecting system. Though the cum1 hern members were predominant in point of mini our#, there was but a small number of nullify, ers among them, and therefore it would not have been possible to procure a vote declaratory of the u 11 constitutionality of a system, which had been in operation for above forty years, during thirty.five of ] which it hud never been once questioned, even bv those most violently opposed to many of its de ni.. —a system, whoso beneficent effects Ind been fell i *. * >' i <iio great branr2)<v; of hurnnn in<Iii«*rv* acr riculture, the mechanic arts, rianufictuics, trade ! and commerce. The writer did not, thcr-for”, ; vent tire to assert its unconslitui innality—hut statu- ! enough to keep l!ie nullifycrs in countenance—“A numerous and respectable portion of the American paoplc do not merely complain that this system is unjust—-but they question the riirhf to establish it. They do not aotu> ‘— they tii'erlu deny—the onstitn. itonal power of Congo cax to mart if." If the sub ject. were to bo introduced at all, a clear and decid ed opinion ought to have been pronounced on it. But once for all, let it bo observed, that if the constitution were only now going into operation, ! and the powers of Congress on the subject,.were rti;l to hn settled, tlie overwhelming argument of President Jackson, would decide the question cter Jially, beyond the power of appeal. “T ho power to impose duties on i: .pcr!r or:rini’.- ' ly belonged to 1 ho several States. The right to ad yitl these duties, rrith n vine to the enronrags r.cnt of domestic branches of in lusty/, is -o completely in r.idrntiil to that poorer, that it is fi ftiru}’ to toturoer ■ the existence of our irifhnut the ether. The Slab's f have delegated their whole authority over imports' to t.r (icueral (iovernment, without limitation or1 restriction, saving tiia very inconsiderable rcserva non relating to tneir inspection laws. 1 ins nliin ri'y having thus entirely passed from l!io .States, the rx^lit to exercise i< for t!:c pnrp •::« ofproter iion, does not exist in them, and con:.oe,uenlly, if if \,r not jnr.scstcd Inj t/i- General Gw'rnvi'n!, it mu.it ■hr extinct. Ora roi.rric:*.:. system v.-Tm present a hf. Axnji.\i.Y or a rr.opi.s “tritpkd or the riojit to FOSTER TIII'.IR OWN IMIt'fTRVi . AU TO COUNTERACT Till*. 'll'iT IKU'MI AN l> I f. 1% i; toi.icy widen might nr. Aoorrun cv roar..on* nations. This sure ly cannot be the care: this indispens ode power, thus surrendered hy t he St at as, urns I he wit bin t l.e scope of t he authority on this: subject. express ly delegated lo Congress.”—■I'rrridcnl'* rmaisr, lire. 7, lthO The whole array of the splendid talents of ?*Insnrn. Ilaync, Hamilton, !\T> Duiib-, Gov. .Miller, ’'Ir. Turnbull, and all the other leaders of the mil. iifyers, might l.e challenger! t •*» irc'l the.e brief, but. cogent and comprehensive vin-.ve of this migh ty subject; and all their talon's would as little’a. vail to overthrow them, as the mil.ini zephyr to uproot the rr.ek of Gibraltar. “Among the rri:- which flow fro-n the tariff system.” observes the addr> s -, at present csinb lii-.ncil !>y law, I hr ardent <■ ad determined b, position t' that nysfrin. ,eUieU exist* in r;r; -ns polls rf tin t //if,a,—the deep an1 net it- [ dijeort - n l vh.rh >* frit, and has hm, tn.m Jested hy a minimum, patri ots: and intcll'iS! it portion of oar f if.;r ritiz. _ cBonot fail to awaken the livelier!, sblkihid • of every lover of his country. I,at it be reinemi.arV that this i.: no tram; ml feeling—the ofis-pring of momentary cxeilemc'l,—one v. hii;h may be e;;. pouted to p iss away lllirler l! < influence r.f n f r re calm and rliiparsiwmle rrflee'.ion. No—tlw te ii of which wc complain i. not of recent or>n. and the feeling of discontent, whidh w;;s coeval with 11s institution, time and experience have only server! to strengthen and incre iee.” I admit ‘'this rlcep ami settled discontent.” It ,' i it- *.s by no Tiier.no to lie wondered it. is not in ' Jiunian nature, that the u;jc nsing industry, the | tin rno ir displayed for five or fix v< •• -, lo nien of great talents, standing, and inll i nee, |>, excite that discontent—to fan it into a (li ne—to I prepare the public, mind for resist mcc of the I iwr. and Tbr "rennrinp the act nr* of t':c rersdnfionnt i jrar;” in oilier words, for arraying the citizens , ; j these .States in ho tile altitude ng nnst each oilier_I for arming father against sor, —• on eg linstfather_ end brother against brother—for r<ynors.'!r«.sly im bruing their hands rn e ich o<her’i: blood—eonld l*til of producing powerful efT.-cts Tin wonder c p»c«cnl is, nu t with posterity will 1 •, that the contagion Ins not spread univer? dly—that so large end i-o respectable a portion of the citizens of South Carolina, whi *h Ins been the g-.ind : -• • , If i»a«hius kan*; Admirably calsu frv ■-) . ■ ‘ • ; ■vpja iwuuir ehvrmtteJ uj Ui<j wiu» aud tlxo good of '• all nations, of tho permanence of our glorious in ! a*iiu*sons-—to to the ground tho nr.i"*iificc!il I il.ric of our government, the proudest triumph of unman wisdom, applied to regulate the social ruin- | !-<>-is of (Ik* gregarious animal, mnu—to gladden t'ln In-arts of tin; enemies of Immi'i liberty nnJ | • happiness, the despots who rule their prostrate smi.ijitt.-; with a rod of iron, iiml \\ ho uro every where rejoicing at wli.it they presume to be the near approach of ton period which shill prove, l>v our hi i-troiiM failure, tho idious dogma, that mm was j ll,d made lor self-government,—it is, 1 sav, a won. ’*|-r t!:.it ho lurg • and so respectable a portion of the • citizens ol South Carolina, are sound at lie:irt, and i tiling to the I'linoi as “the rock of political r-alra , tion, ’ in spite of ;t 11 the incessant and mischievous labours <d years. It is a triumph of reason, coni. | mon sense, public spirit and patriotism, which docs j honour to human nature. I he surliest step in this career, was to oxa*rgc rate the distress o| S . th Carolina: ami the next, by hold assertions totrv to prove that this distress arose entirely from tho tariffs, which hail spread , desolation over the fa. a of the State. Were these assumptions well founded and the inferences just , and true, tho oxasperitioti and effervescence they | have excited, would iio perfectly warranted, and even the fat il and irrevocable course they recoin, mend, that is. a secession from the 5'nion, in the event of a failure to procure redress of t!n*ir griev ances, niigut ho a duty—tor, as government is in. stitutod to promotn human happiness, whenever, so far from producing that effect, it entails suffering and wretchedness i»n those on whoei it operates, it otight to bo annulled, “peaceably, if wo can—for* I eihly if we must.” fortunately, however, we have the most indispu table evidence, that greater distress, and suffering ■ prevailed i:i South t'.urolim, previous to the cnac . tion of either of tho obnoxious taritls, than exists I itt present. This evidence Has been for years pre I sented to the view of tbc leaders of those who are j clarnorou: for “renewing the scenes oi* the rovoln tioii, ' and ought to have silenced them forever on this point. Ifut it has been wholly unavailing. I hey stili steadily traeo their distress and suffering to the tariffs, in defiance of the overwhelming tes. timony which proves the charge utterly destilnlo of foundation. in tii*! winter of 1823, a nicotir.£ was held in I Charleston, l<> remonstrate against the tariff, then ] under tin* consideration of Congress, and vvliicli ] y.'ent into operation July 1, I82-I. This meeting, i in a iiK-moriil to Congress, assigned tlie intensity I ot their distress, which is now chargud to the ac count ot that tarilT, as a powcrlul reason against its enaction! I* states, that “ 1‘ropcrly of all kind* i.» depreciated beyond ex ample. A jr cling nj gloomy despondence ix begin '•'f'd to jneruil tv try where in the lower country. I KstaTKS ARK SACItllMf'K!) TO PAY Till' I,AST INSTAI.— «t:\TS o>; Tiir. BONDS C1YKN FOR TII i' ITBCHAAC WONItV. A tody fi rm:: disposed to buy, irkaf evert/ body is anxious to cell at any price. In short, it is manifest, that the extraordinary prosperity which South Car olina, in common with the other southern states, enjoyed some years ago, is gone forrver; and it will ryrpiire a** the ssiil and indn-lrv of l!ie agricultli rislF. in future to maintain their place in the mar ket, even at the most reduced prices of produce:' ! t Thin memorial, which was read in the Mouse of , K< presentntir-s of the ('ruled States o.n the 3th of \ I1 ehrtsary, 1821, is signed bv some as respectable citizens as belong to the State, William Drayton, , M igh S. I,egarc, Samuel l’riolcau and Wdliam I Sea brook, as a committee to represent the City of I Charleston. If I understand any thing of the nature of evi dence, tins document ought to make honourable men shrink with disdain and acorn, from the idea I o; charging their distress, whatever it may he, to I 1 he tariffs, as a flagrant deception. It has arisen, i ant* has been so slated, limes without number, from the depreciation of their grand staple, caused hy (he immense increase of production and expor tation, whereby all the markets in the world have been glutted. Cxports of Upland* I'M ft, S0,f>08,260 lbs 182.1, IG 1,58(1,582 1627, 270,169,317 Sncli an increase of gold, or platina, or silver, or of pearls, of diamonds, or of any thing more valuable, if such articles there were, would pro duce depreciation of prices ruinous to the holder or producer. i It is gratifying to find, that the nollifynrs, not j withstanding their zeal, their ardour, and their un wearied ekorts, r.rc l.kely, for the present at least, j to bo disappointed. The people, thanks to Him on. ' oTfri.isot' a few patriotic mon. aro fast recovering | innsi their lethargy, and rising in their strength, ••!o frown down” lit tlie holy words of the iiluslri ',!,s Washington, “the attempts to alienate any part \/S o»r cottvirsf from the rest, or to enfeeble, the so. ; fire• t.cs which no w link toge.tJeer the various parts.” . “”fe are the advocates of free trade,” says the ■ l roc l rode ( onvention. “Tho argnment which . sustains it, rests upon a proposition which may not he denied, it is the unquestionable right of every individual to apply his labour and capital in the mode which ho may conceive best calculated to promote his own interest, it. is the interest of 1 he public that lie should so apply it.— lie under stands hotter than it can be understood by the go. vernment, what will conduce to his own benefit;— and since the majority r.J inVividnnls jr»7/, if proper ty prr.te.rtcd. nr disposed In follow their interests. ;t:rii an applicatioti of their industry and capital, mi,>( prod ice in the result the greatest amount of . ; good. Let it b*> remembered that the. ques. i iion relates exclusively to the application of eapi i tab Ii cannot l.n generated hy an act of legisla tion. The power of the government is limited to its transfer from one employment to another. It lakes from sonieless favoured interest, what it lics tows on the one which it professes to protect. It is equally untrue Hint such a system gives greater employment to labour. Its operation is confined to the simple change of its application. Laws which protect by bounty any peculiar species of la hour, cannot be said to encourage American indus try— that is, directed to various objects.” This long paragraph consists of a tissue of ab. r-tTactions, imcUcyod for fifty years at least, scarcely one ol which can stand toe test of a close examina tion. T i:ke is not—turtie neve a was—and there never can re—situ a tiiino as ranti Trine, in the e:ise of the new school of political economists. For example, the trade of the United .States with Europe, in every article, with scarcely a single exception, beyond cotton indispensable for her manufactures labours under the most severe re strictions. The duties on our productions, vary from 50 t« t'h'tf) per cent. Homo of our lumber j pays from 400 to 1500 per cent, more than similar articles imported lrom the British colonies, c. xr. i »ur slaves, between fiO and 1:2 inches, pay 43«. per j Colonial 8s. Our oars pay X I 1 Kl’3 per 1*30 ! —Colonial IS.?. Co/. United .States battens pay XL'!) : —Colonial X1J. Is not Ibis enough to prove how j excessively farcical ami delusive it is to dev-djim, ' as I lie new school of political economists do, o> the ! subject ot the prevalent u of the principles of "free trade ’ r,t t.rrat Britain.’—and the same question riia v be put, us regards our trade with the rest of j I' IP t :r> r.iiq-,"diouible of every indivi tlii'il In apply his labour and rnpil.il in the mode v. Iijf ', |;c in.!v conceive best, calculated to promote ' :*• own interest.’* This is a truism, which hnr no ' n* o! bearing on lb • subject in rpiestion. It is on • ot tun pet p.V.v.rcs of tho new school of politi e.ii economists, and a;.pears to imply tin; superlative , and p.dp bb- absurdity. Unit tbo protecting system interferes w ith this right, and “forces capital ami I ; ibour into impropi r channels.” It may not hr m. intended, but, wln-thcror not, it serves to bewilder i plain subject* and delude and lead the re..*, r a tray. No government in a civilized counlrv, I ■ • f,r ni'ide t.ir• uhvurd attempt to “lurco industry or cap:ml” out of Ihcir j»r« per channels. Rut for. a c.ipit ili; ts may and cif’cn do int-rfer - wilJi |‘‘:b.’ right of apply ing our labour and capital in Ihe mode tve 1.1 >v choc. >•” by glutting our markets, i'V .‘Teed i-.i! '-. by temporary reductions of prices, to d • troy tiieir rivals, whereby tl*>y arc vulne fjucnli.v »••• opens-tied in monopoli/.irfg the markets lo them: elves, I lie. • {<, prove, in the case of our | I' t'tt £" n:1 our cotton mainif.ictores, (to nass j ov’’r in my other c.i.-; s equally n’rov",) ,li * paopri- j r-y, the jusiii !C, tin- p-;r..uionnt necessity, and the j i.'iitiensr advantiec-i «.f g .vernment c'n aiding its I eili’/..-ns—not foreirg them—to “apply (heir labor ! ■ n tea y thru nuj c • : rr //■:.' calculate;! In j promote their oru interest,’' and without which ' noitlicr our merchants nor our cotton inanaf.ictu- I r rscou'.rf ever pos.-l '/ have competed with tiieir j lor^ijrn rivals. At the close of the rrvoliitionirv war, the Uni fed f’t etc enjoyed il! the advantages of free trade, I v hicii ore so glowingly depicted »y the aposllcnof! political economy—t.h .1 i.--, wore almost altogether freee from r.cv of f'rc disadranla• which, tnoj' i 'I ' r-,r ■ oh from those odifl-ej /V are «.o oh. I "■ < ;"■» f<* tl.cini. f men “C rr> » n Itii-rw." Ocrdutlr- r-.ro ex! mely Ji-h*. 9r,J ubn?»t wholly \ fur tha parposo of rcvouua—’out, ovon light as they v.i'r<>, t!it*y were in n groat degree evaded; an some ■ it (lie States had free port*, into which morchan d-re was imported, ami safely mnugglcd into the circiimj.tcent States. Unless my memory deceive mo much, Ihirlinglou was a free port, frmn which (lie wants m the citizens of Philadelphia, and of Pennsylvania generally. were largely tuioplicd, du ty tree. And what was the result of tIlia “free trade,” which, in spite of our fatal experience of its deleterious consequences, we arc now so ardently urged to adopt? Our productions wev»* inudcipialc to pay for the articles forced on ns hy the ol<l world. A large ha lance arose against us, drained the country ot its specie, and produced the most intense distress, which, hy provoking resistance ol tiic laws, in varlou* parts of New Knglaud, threatened a dissolution oftho Union. In this stale of things, the Federal Uonvontion was called, and produced the Constitution under which we have prospered,fur about forty years. Among the earliest objects that attracted the at f'*n of the first (amgross, was the tonnage of the United States, which was nt a very low ebb—for, small as was the amount of our domestic exports, our tonnage was inadequate to their transportation. “In 1?S!1, our shipping was not snflisient for the transportation of the domestic produce of the l ttitctl States, one third of that lohieh iras tlirn em ployed for that pnrjio.tr. belonging In foreigners." Seyhert’s Statistics, p. 20'2. “In 171)0, the American tonnage employed in iiv foreign trade ainounted to oo 1,707 tons. 'I’lie foreign tonnage so employed amounted to 2f«l,0.">S j tons. The proportion of the American amount of; tonnage employed in the foreign trade of the Uni-1 ted States, was as 11 1 to 100.” Idem, p. 293. “lit 1788 and 7781), the tannage of the vessels belonging to the. inhabitants of the British domin ions, then employed in the trade of Philadelphia ?r<!.» four fifths rij ths tonnage of all the vessels of the l. niled States so cm ployed— 17.-S 1783 Total. “Rritish-Tons, 23.004 20,372 r,2.37G “American 28,028 37,728 G.r>,7.iG “So that the tonnage, owned by the inhabitants of Groat f»rit lin, employed in the trade of Phila (l“!j>hi:i, in 17^S and 1781), amounted to trtthin one t’Jth of the tonnage belonging to nil the citizens of the l nited States so employed.” Idem, 201. I would fain ask Mr. Derricn and Mr. Carnhre. lenp and -Mr. llaguet, wiiat would bo the probable ! situation at present, of the. tonnage of the United Stales, had the government been shackled, as it is now attempted to bo shackled—had it loft the mor cnants “to enjoy the unquestionable right of overy individual to apply his lohour and capital to pro mote liis own interest,” without the application of the salutary protecting system, to that branch of industry? Could we ever have attained that high grade of naval standing to which we were in a very tew years elevated, and where we now stand, the second naval poser in the world? Our merchants were then poor, and could not compete with foreign tonnage, oven in the trade from port to port. Would not the Rritish tonnage hav" continued to enjoy a ve ry large, and very undue, and, to our merchants, a j very pernicious proportion of onr foreign com merce, Hiu) of our coasting trade? However the confession may interfere with their favorite theory, to which the experience of our merchants and the progress of our navigation, give a complete Wa terloo defeat, I rely on their fairness and candour lor a reply to the last question decidedly in the af firmative. To escape a charge often made against me, with too much justice, of my lucubrations being too long-winded, I must reluctantly postpone till my next, a statement of the enlightened measures pur sued by the first Congress, to counteract the disad vantages under which our merchants laboured, through the superiority of foreigners, in point of capital, skill and experience, together with the fostering care of their own governments; and to j enable them (our merchants) “to apply tlier labour and industry in »lie mode in which they conceived best calculalated to promote their own interests,” J with the glorious results of that beneficent system, which reflects lasting credit on the profound policy of the Morresses, the Fitzsimmonses, the Clymcrs, the Ameses, the Wadsworths, &ir.. by whoso la hours it was concocted. HAMILTON. Philadelphia, October 14, 1831. J'arl Letter than theory.—All mil night years ago i a poor woman of this town was left n widow with ; live young children to provide tor. tier husband I was a sailor and lost in a severe storm at sea. The woman was honest and industrious, and after the death of her husband, she tried to maintain herself and family by making molasses Candy, car rying it about the streets and selling it. in this business the two eldest children assisted her. They were seen at all seasons, going from house to house, poorly clad and as poorly fed. At length the woman was compelled. to throw herself upon the charities of the benevolent, from whom she received considerable relief. llcr*condition was also made known to the overseers of the poor, who took care of her and her children for some months. About this time a woollen factory was erected in a neighboring town, and put into successful oper ation. The proprietors advertised for help; and this woman and all her children were engaged 11s operatives, and for the last three years they have received ail annual income of three hundred tint. I ant, cash! This is only one instance among hun dreds of the kind that might he named. What is the effect, then, of our manufacturing establish ! rncnls upon ilio poor? This woman, who was latc ! Iy wandering about our town with her children ‘in | forma pauperis,’ is now receiving a handsome in come, and will continue in this prosperous condi tion so long as she and lier’s conduct well—and the town of Portsmouth pays a tax less by two hundred dollars in consequence of the employment afforded to this family by a woollen factory, which constitutes a more fraction in the great American system. Let till free trade abettors dwell upon these tilings and bring them before the public as they make their {laming speeches in caucuses, con ventions, &c. &o.— Portsmouth Herald. The following is an extract of a letter from th o Hon. George Poindexter, Senator in Congress from the state of Mississippi, to Ccn. David Dickson. Some time last winter, and during the absence of (Jen. Dickson, a letter was received from Mr. Poindexter by the family of Gen- Dickson, and nt their request answered by a friend. It was fiien rumored about that the highly talented .Senator of Mississippi had abandoned the cause of Hen. Jackson. Allusion having been made to the letter in a Vicksburg paper, and Ccn. Dickson not ha ving it in his possession at tin* time, wrote to Mr. Poindexter on the subject. The following is his answer.—N. Orleans Argue. Warm.Springs, Vn. August 13. 1831 Dn *.r. .Sir:—I roeeived your favor from Jackson, addressed to rue at Washington City, and am far the first time informed, that jou had not seen my ! letter addressed to you nt Vicksburg. Von stale, that an impression was made on the j public mind by the contents of that letter, or some j other matter—tlint I have deserted the Jackson I cause. There is no foundation for the rumor, tin- I less my adhesion to principle, and the known rights ! of my constituent*, is considered a desertion of that| ratter. I cannot consent to i cor ship men: I bow ' only .*t the shrine of principles, ami when these ^ arc d> parted from by any man in power, he he I Jackson, Calhoun, Clay or any one c'se, I depirt from him so far ns his actions conflict with the i good of the country, and the rights of mv eonsti- j tuents. If this is heresy, then am 1 a heretic; but ' I know t!io pcoplo of .Mississippi too well to . suppose for a moment. Unit they wish me to sno : ri!iec them on tlic altar of pfVMinal ambition or i private inter* s*p. t'o f.ir ns (ion. J icksnn eon— ; forms his ac tions to llie constitution, nnd the good of the American people, lie will hnvo my hear, ty support, and no farther. No honest man 'would expect or desire more. Gen Jackson It done much pood fot the country, which I duly ap preciate, and award him my thanks for tho benefits resulting from those measures;but it is uM.eninble that he lends his car too readily to individuals ro-af his person, who are incompetent to advise him. & mi. worthy of public confidence; they sometimes lead him into errors, which no mr deplores more than I do, because they operate against the cause which J have warmly espoused, ami tend to bring into pow er, men who«e, principles I cannot. approve. Such men speculate upon the espi'al of the “Old Hero” without paying interest, and it will he well, if they do not oxhanst the principal before the end of his term. You have doubtless sc'm all th.it lias pr.ssod at Washington, concerning the late cabinet, A,». These events have withdrawn many of the warm supporters of (I n. Jackson, hut if the pending content f„r the Presidential (’heir is confined to (." iv. rev opinion i» that the President v. iU b*» to. cl-ctrd. From t/fc* Pultlieal .Irtrtj. «T0 THE PEOfEE OF VIRGINIA.—No. 8. ,, Ftlhir.Citiz‘'tn—(n canvassing .Mr. Calhoun’* fi-«.-ss for the Fresidency, in my last unmbcr, I undertook to review the political opinions of every candidate for that office, since Mr. Monroe, for tlie purpose of shewing that not one of them had supported tho constitutional doctrines which pre vail in this Slate, and that so long as those doc trines continue unpopular in n large majority of the I'nion, for Virginia to require in a candidate the maintenance of those doctrines, a> the condition of her vote, is practically to annihilate her Weight and iiitluence in this important question, as well as in many others. The proposition was shewn to he true, as to tho opinions of Messrs. Crawford, Adams, Calhoun and Clay, and we will now exa mine those of Mr. Van Huron and Gen. Jackson. Mr. Van Horen is obliged, by his local position, to be a supporter of the tariff, notwithstanding Ins confidential friend, Mr. Cambrelcng, is one of its most zealous opposers, and has, in consequence, always had the vote of the anti-tariff party in tho citv of New York. NVo are not left to infer the sentiments of Mr. Van Ihiren on this point, mere ly from the sent iqieuts ofhis Slate, but they have been also manifested by his actual votes in the Se nate of the United States. Knowing that his own opinion must conform to the policy of his own Stale, and believing that to be fixed, ho even prompted some ofhis adherents to endeavor to af fect the conversion of Virginia from her anti-tariff heresies; and they ventured as far as they dared to go in pursuit of that purpose—which, however, I was no further than to feel the public pulse, both in the State Legislature at d in some of the public j Hut .Mr. Van Boren may he supposed to agree better with the Virginia doctrines on the internal improvement power, judging from the supposed in terest of tlie Sta-c of X. York, and from the votes of her delegation on this subject, during the ad ministrations of Mr. Monroe and Xlr. Adams. Ilis advocates have, moreover, affected to claim for him t!io support of Virginia, expressly upon this ground. Notwithstanding their plausible reasons, the claim will, on investigation, prove to be unfounded. At any rate, it is clear that if the doc', rincs of Virgi nia have his regards, it cannot count either upon his arguments or his votes. In the hrst place, ho repeatedly voted, while a I member of the Senate, fur hills which involved tlic ! constitutional question, and which, on that account the members from Virginia in both houses opposed. In the next place, the celebrated veto .Message of the President, on rejecting the Mnysvillc road hill, :sbelieved to have been drawn by him, and may therefore be considered as conveying his sentiments oil this power in his own language. R may be so considered, because if lie had not been the author, the imputation would have boon denied by some of (lie many pipes through which he so rcadiiy plays upon the public year, for the sake of escaping the local resentment—the biting criticisms—the incon venient deductions to which that paper has exposed him? because also of the intrinsic evidence which the message itself affords that it was distilled in the same smoky aleiubic as his letter on resigning Ids office of Secretary of State—and lastly because it is known that for a long time past, but two of the President’s late cabinet had his confidence— Mr. Van Huron and Major Gat«n—and one wouid almost as soon attribute a constitutional argu ment to the President himself as to Major Katun. For these reasons wo must consider that this message expresses .Mr. Van Huron's constitutional doctrines, and that Gen Jackson has made them his by adoption. Xmv what arc the doctrines set forth in that paper? Whilst it refuses to the peo ple of Kentucky the boon they solicited, it con cedes every thing of importance which Virginia lias opposed. It denies to Congress the right to make roads of a local character, but it expressly ad mils the right to make roads of a national char acter; and it is the latter, against ivh cli we have, might and main, contended, and which alone is worthy of a nation's concern. The power thus distinctly and explicitly recogni zed by Gen. Jackson, and, as we must suppose, by Mr. Van Huron, is quite enough to absorb the whole surplus revenue of the general government, were it ten times what it now is, or is ever likely to be. It is this power which will confer the pat ronage we dread—this which, as we believe, will be ever generating new functions and iiiiluenec i«i the federal legislative and judicial departments, ns well ns ilic executive; and hasten, if not create, the dreaded evil of consolidation. These gentlemen, then, in allowing to Congress the right to pass a “judicious tariff,•• nnd to make “national roads," do not materially differ, on these two absorbing questions, from their competitors. And if Virgin >;1 were to expect from Mr. Calhoun important re lief from the tariff, or from Mr. Van Huron an ef ficient support of her doctrine on internal improve ment, she would experience the same disappoint ment that she lias already experienced from Con. Jackson. They loo would he found “to palter with us iii a double sense,” not indeed like the witches in Macbeth from an innate love of mischief, but because “to keep the word of promise to the car” would he ruinoiif to their own interests. riie several candidates being thus the same, or nearly so, in their views and wishes on these great questions, they must he examined and compared in other particulars, to enable us to decide on their relative merits; 1 will therefore proceed with my remarks on Mr. Calhoun’s qualifications. i have already borne testimony to his talents, ; and I am equally ready to acknowledge his public services. Me was a firm and zealous fellow labour. I < r with Mr. ( 'lay in preparing Congress and the people to vindicate the insulted honor of the na j tion by declaring War—an act which added a new | lustre to the American name, when it seemed in a j lair way of becoming a by-word of reproach—which proved to us the strength of the Union, and which, by our brilliant victories at sea, and the glorious defence of New Orleans, convinced the world that our people were as brave as they wore free. The credit of thus exalting the national character, and the cause of civil freedom itself, .Mr. Calhoun is tairly entitled to share with our naval heroes, with the hero of New Orleans, and the patriotic states, men associated with him, and let those who may so incline seek to detract from their merit.— I am not the individual to join them. ^ Mr. Calhoun also discharged the duties of the War Department with great ability. He brought it into order out of the chaos in which the war bad left it. It is true that the Mix contract was made during his administration, but lie seemed entirely blameless in that transaction, except perhaps in not removing Major Vanderventcr and Gen. Swift as soon as be wa« sati.died of their interest in it, and of the other illegal and suspicious circumstances I attending it. Hut with all these high claims to your favor, both on the score of talent and services, I still do not think Mr. Calhoun entitled to your support ns the next President. I have said that ambition lias blinded bis judgment, and I am afraid it has also : blunted bis moral perceptions.. I take no pleasure in dwelling on the errors of such a man, but the i scrutiny is necessary, and having assumed upon myself the disagreeable office, I mean to go through v. ilb it. Mr. Calhoun was naturally frank and in- I gemimis. 1 iic time lias been when be was believ. ; ed to he one of those who fearlessly expressed the i sentiments he had honestly formed, whether lie | was likely to lose or to gai'n by them. His opin- J ions ino were supposed to be the result of much : reflection, for bis mind was known to be both j .•r-trolling and vigorous; and opinions thus formed J were not thought likely to change. Hut the pub. i lie has no longer the same confidence in cither bis j frankness or the steadiness of bis attachment to ! men or principles. This wavering of the public faith, of which I nm free to say that F partake ! may be explained, if not justified, by the following j lien .Mr. Crawford »nd Mr. Adams were tlic ! ! inoiit conspicuous candidate* for the presidency mi ! tiie AlJ.uitic .State.®, and the wishes of the West ' | were concentrated on Mr. Clay, (Oen. Jackson’* ! ; qiialTf.etitions being then supposed to he merely I mi itiirv,) Mr. Calhoun threw his weight mto the | i scale of Mr. Adams, for whom he courted the pub- ! i lie favorwith his characteristic ardor and ability. ! But like many a man who has wooed for another i ; !m full in love himself, and s ilicon hy the charms ; ,:,t‘ goddess I’upnl irity, and favored too hy cir- ' | cun.stances, the character of friend wan soon lost j in the more congenial one of lover. The eirmm- ! stances to which I allude arc, the death of Mr! I Lowndes, (whose name I can never mention with! ! out a mixt feeling of admiration and regret,) wine!, gave him the whole State of South Carol!- ! I r,:'« instead of something less than half, and the promised support nf a may^ity of the Ponnsy’va- ! cia delegation, under tho management of Cen 1 Rogers. But even llicn, though he and Mr. Ad! 1 ams were suitors to the same mistress, they united i against their common rival Crawford, and fourrh' • manfully against caucuses, thej treasury influeneB ; ill the Western States, &c. i ft it 7*1 r. Calhoun’s civi^ merits were soon dcs- | ! lined to be eclipsed U- tho re.it military orb in the ! " Mut, and vrhun he again made Lia appearance he found that he must ho content to shine, nt'lfeast . lor a time, an a subordinate luminary. Finding tJen. Jackson's popularity hearing down nil oppo sition, he connected himself with it, and exerting his talents and inllucnce in its support, hail no small agency, hy his tactics in a tlirec sided con test, to obtain for him in 1821 the vole of North j Carolina, New Jersey and a part of Illinois, 'l'lie allusion nmlo hy Air Webster to Mr. Calhoun’s desertion of Mr. Adams, masterly us it was as a stroke ol genius, aould never have procured lor its author that universal hurst of applause, if it had not been for the supposed justness of t'ac censure it conveyed on Mr. Calhoun. It has also been asserted that Mr. Calhoun sup ports Mr. McDuffie in that ahsurdest of all absur dities in the much abused science of political ccoti. nmy, that a tax on imports falls on the pioducers ot llie commodities which are exported to pay for such imports, so that the cotton planter pays the duties on the goods purchased hy his cotton, no in alter whether lie consumes them or not; the du ties on the English fabrics purchased by Virginia tobaeco fall wholly on the tobacco planters, and not partly on the growers of wheat; thu duties on tea tall solely on the gatherers of g'nsing, the manufacturers ol cotton cloth and the shippers of either dollars or notes of the U. S. Hank; and the duties on sugar on the New England farmers whose cattle and lumber have paid for it. We cannot grant to Mr. Calhoun the excuse we may allow to Mr. McDuffie, who has lately admitted that, at the time he set himself up for a teacher of the doctrines of free trade, he had not read the second best hook that was ever written upon the subject; and who showed very clearly that ho had not understood that book after lie had read it.— As our respect for Mr. Calhoun’s understanding will not allow of this apology, we cannot believe that ho has given his sanction to .Mr. McDuffie’s j dogma, without impugning his sincerity. If the : imputation is unfoutitled, it is to be hoped that iie has j discovered it in his forthcoming exposition of faith. I In his late controversy witli (ion. Jackson, the j latter was clearly wrong. It appeared as if the | “hero’s” taste had been so vitiated by the flattery | he had received, that he could not tolerate the lan jjuujjo ot present censure, nor even forgive one wlio had used such language more than twelve years ago. He not only, ns King, remembered the injuries to the Duke of Orleans, hut also forgot the benefits. I5ut though (icn. Jackson’s reputa tion has suffered in this contest, Air. Calhoun's has come from it not unscathed. The recent correspondence between the Presi dent and Vice President has now disclosed to the nation, that. Air. Calhoun was not entitled to the credit of defending Gen. Jackson in the cabinet, tor his conduct in the Scminolo campaign, nor Air. Crawford for the credit of attacking him, ns the public, judging from circumstances, had inferred. It further appeared that, after public opinion in V irginia had declared agaii^t Ren. Jackson, in this matter, and in his furore Pennsylvania, both Air. Calhoun and Air. Crawford found their ac count in taking the credit thus gratuitously attrib uted to them, and that each faithfully kept the otlier’s secret from the nation, for the sako of keep ing his own. Neither of the gentlemen acted very heroically in this business, hut probably each justi fied himself for thus receiving unmerited praise, hv the consideration that lie permitted his rival to enjoy i the same advantage. Hut. 1 fear this is not all for which IVIr. Calhoun is responsible in this business. Though the pub lic remained uninformed that Mr. Crawford had not taken the part attributed to hitn, and which, after the point blank shot of Algernon Sidney, was so popular in Virginia, yet it "is by no means certain that the secret was not communicated to a few, or rather just so much of it was sufficient to throw on Mr Crawford’s shoulders thc'nndividcd'bur tlien of disingenuousness Certain it is that a strong prejudice was entertained against Mr. Crawford by some of the Virginia delegation, who were Mr. Calhoun’s particular friends, and who did not hesi tate to attribute their unfriendly sentiments to the inconsistency between the part taken by Mr. Craw ford, in the cabinet, towards (Jen. Jackson, and his subsequent course. I have reason to believe that this was the ease with Col. John Taylor, Mr. Garnett, Mr. Strother, and a few others. Such of them as are still living can set me right if I am mistaken. Nor do I think that the public is satisfied with Mr. Caihoun in giving the casting vote for the ap pointment of Amos Kendall, of whom it has never been my fortune to hear any one speak, whether a Jackson man or anti-Jackson, hut in terms of utter contempt; nor was it convinced l»y the wire drawn arguments which the Vice President used to excuse himsolf for not calling Mr. Randolph to nr. der, when he was confessedly violating the rules of the Senate, and for distinguishing the case of that gentleman and of Mr. Dickerson of N. J. Rut if all these objections to Mr. Calhoun were satisfactorily explained, the relation in which he stands to the nullifies of South Carolina consti tutes an insuperable objection to his election, fie has, it has been formally announced, given to the public his confession of faith on this subject, and the document aiTcady in the newspapers is now rapidly wending its way to every corner of the Uni on. Without any means of knowing its purport, I confidently anticipate that it will not explicitly dis claim the doctrines of his friends, but will endeavor to reconcile these doctrines with attachment to the L uion and the Constitution. If under these cir cumstances the other states should think of voting b*r Mr. Calhoun, it would encourage every state" especially the frontier States, fo threaten the integ rity of the Union whenever they, wished to effect a»Y particular object, and would seem to make the otlico of President llie reward ot the one that could most successfully play the part of a factious bully. To expect to strenghten the Union by con ferring honor on those who have threatened it or made light ol it, is to expect a run of good luck will cure a passion for gaming, or the humours of a I Toward child bo corrected i.y giving it every tiling it cries for. I am cgregiously mistaken in your character, ftdlow citizens, if the course pursued by the nullifyers in South Carolina has not offended &c disgusted ten men, where it has frightened nnc, I have now done with Mr. Calhoun’s pretensions fur the presidency for the present, but I reserve to my?elf the right of resuming the subject, if a view of his nullification creed shall seem to make it ne cessary. WYTHE. i?B 8 J*i i' E*, Sj & j \ 7$ JJC i 5 5 i >». From the New York Cour. <f- Enq. oj Saturday. MONSIEUR CHAUBERT-tiik FIRE ICING. iio lias not heard of tlic J'lro-Iving?—the swal lower of poisons? The epicure in arsenic and plios. phorus? The tippler in boiling Florence oil? The celebrated Monsieur Chaubert who uses melted lead to wash his hands? and warms himself in an oven alongside a beef steak? Who has astonished all England, has arrived in this city, and is exhibit ing his experiments in Clinton Ilall. He is certain ly the eighth wonder of the world—the real Sala mander, to whom fire, heat, poison, Ac. are per fectly innoxious. On Thursday evening last he gave a private ex hibition of his wonderful powers to a select audi ence of scientific and litcr.-.ry gentlemen at the lec ture room of Clinton Hall. On entering the Hall, the first thing that strikes the eyes of the specta-’ tor, is a. large oven built of bricks, and resting on the tloor of the building. In the front of tbo oven is a small platform will) a table, lights, Ac. where Monsieur Chaubert performs his exp.-rimonts. On the opening of the exhibition. Monsieur C. made a short address in English—peculiarly marked how. ever, by a foreign accent, lie assured the audience that there was not the slightest trick or deception mi any of his experiments, he courted the minutest in. vestigalion of every scientific gentleman in the room The exhibition commenced with a red hot shovel, which be drew over his face and tongue with the' greatest ffisrng (raid imaginable. Not the slightest injury was inflicted on hint. He also drew it over his hair with the same result. “Try gentlemen,” said lie, "and satisfy yourselves.” .Several gentle, men reached up their fingers and placed them on his hair and cheek. They drew them bank with all imaginable haste, ns if they bad been touching the shovel itself. His face and hair were covered with his antidote, and he told thorn so. This excited much surprise. Ills next experiment was with sealin'*’wax. He held the wax to the candle and dropt it on his tongue. "Hoes any gentleman want toMkc a seal and give it the impression?” No one seemed de uroiis of that office, and Monsieur V. took up a poition of the wax between his finger and his thumb and drew it in a string from his tongue._ ile passed over toother experiments, and prep .red to take the poison. He told the company that he would take from .10 to 10 grains of phosphorus, 4 grams of which is sufficient to kill any individual. "If any gentleman, however, wishes to use his own phosphorus, I will do so,” said lie. Mr. Cliff, ton, chymist. had brought ro:nc phosphorus with liUM. Ffo docked 1 via young inan to tako it out and \%oigh -10 grains. lie JiJ *o, in the presence of the medical gentlemen. “Let mo try that?” said r C. Ilo took a Small portion and rubbed it against a piece of paper. It produced ignition^im mediately. “Oat is \cr good—very good,” saiil Monsieur. At his rcuuest,- Or. Yates undertook to administer tire dose. It was put into a spoonful of water. .Monsieur knell down, put his hands be hind his back, had his Mock taken off—“Now," said he, “I am ready.” Doctor Yates proceeded and poured it into his mouth. “Well,” said tlio Doctor, with a sigh, “1 norer administered such a dose before in my life.” When every particle was swallowed, he called on the company to ex amine lits mouth and see that no deception was practised—to satisfy themselves that it was not hid in his mouth. Several medical gentlemen did so. They were perfect 1 • satisfied. They put their ful lers into his mouth, and cauio down from tlio platform in utter astonishment. 'I'he next experiment was with melted load. Ilo took a tin pan full of melted lead, plunged his fin gers into it, took a portion in his hand, and mado believe he was washing the t ips of his fingers. “No mistake, gentlemen,” said lie, “ptft your fingers here.” Several did so, and were glad to take them i from the vessel again. They were perfectly satis IIis next experiment was swallowing a spoon fill of boding Florent o oil. A tin pan tuff of this liquid was heated to the boiling point, before tlio audience. lie then took the vessel and plniigcd a. Fahrenheit thermometer into tho boiling liquid, and exhibited tho instrument to the genllcindh It stood at 340. “Satisfy yourselves,” and he, “sat-' isfy yourselves,” He then took a spoon, dipt if in tho oi , (died it, put it in his mouth, and actually" swallowed it down. Every person present was’ satisfied there was no deception practised. “What a follow!" said one:—“A\ by,"said another, “a ccr * tain place, not to he named to ‘ears polite,* carries'* no alarms to him.” “Will you just take a peep,’*’ said a third, “behind, Monsieur Chnubcrl, and sec' if his feet are not cloven.” “Now, gentlemen,” said Monseiur C. “I shall . prepare to go into the oven, and take a dish of beef steai.s with me to he cooked.” He retired a few minutes to change his dress. Doctor Pascalis, who appeared to ho puzzled and perplexed at all these experiments, took the opportunity to step up to the oven and look in. He opened the door and thrust his hand in. lie soon drew hack. “How •s thc^ovon Doctor?” asked a brother physician. “By George I could go in myself,” replied tho Doctor. Monsieur Chaubert, however, soon ap pealed, went into the oven, roused up the fire, and made arrangements. He wore over his dress a large thick great coat. “Why ilo you wear that?” asked some one. “It is all the »aine tome,” said he, “to gc in dressed or undressed: if I go in un dressed, I must he very cautious when I come out not to catch cold. I wear a coarse great coat over my dress, because it prevonts me from cathing ••old—besides, I have now become economical.” I his was received with applause. He then put tho tluyinometcr into the ovcu to ascertain the temper ature. “Bring the hoof steaks here.” They wero brought. lie put them into a tin dish; sprinkled salt and pepper on them. “I like plenty of steaks.” said he, quite jovially. “Now, gentlemen,” cried .Monsieur, “coino and sec the thermometer; but 3*ou must look sharp, because 1 lie least approach to the cold air will make it fall rapidly.” i nrco gentlemen wont up to the oven to exam ino. lie seized the thermometer from the interior of the oven and held it out. “How much? how much?” It was several seconds before they found the mercury and then it was 380. “Oh” said lie “it is at least -180, it has fallen since I took it out. Ho replaced the thermometer, put a black cap on h)< head, had the dish of steaks placed along side of him, took a large tin tube- which lie protruded through an aperture in the iron door to breathe through, and then entered the oven. During his stay in the oven he looked through his tube, talked rapidly and sung a pretty French air. He was con. tinually asking “how many minutes gentlemen?” “How many?”—“One.”—“Two.”—“Three." “Oh it must be more, gentlemen; oh it is very hot, gee- ■ tlimien; full 500 degrees; how many minutes?” “Four—hive—Six — Seven—Fight minutes.” At cignt minutes and fifty one seconds from his cn- • trance out iie bounced, came down on the stage all i covered with perspiration. “Feel his pulse” cried several of the physicins. “Oh yes gentlemen, feel' my pulse,” said lie holding out both bis arms. It*, was felt immediately and found to be as high as 160.' “No deception” said he. “'I’lie devil a bit of dc. . ception is there,” said one of the spectators. “Fetch 1 me out the heaf-steaks,” said Monsicr, “they are well done now.” The dish was brought down and quite a rush was made upon them. Every one that could reach the platform, cut a piece off and fell a eating. “These steaks arc very fine,” said one. “Rather too much done,” said another. “That fel low Chaubcrt,”said a grave looking personage chew ing his steak and leaving the room, “is certainly his Satanic majesty himself.” Doctor Mott went up to the oven, put his head into the door, drew it rapidly out, and nodded very significantly, as much as to say, “all right, no deception.” The rest of the spectators stood gazing, talking, and expres sing wonder, surprise, astonishment, <Src. &.c. Monsieur Chauhnrt was a captain in the service of Napoleon. He was taken prisoner by the Rus sians and sent to Siberia, where it is supposed he discovered his secret antidote to fire and poison. Two years ago he excited great astonishment in London, and satisfied the college of Physicians and Surgeons, that there was no deception in his experiments. He was offered £5000 for his anti, dote to prussic acid, would not take less than £10,000. He has a family of ten children—is a good looking man—with an oval face and fine per son. lie wears moustaches. Ho is quite talkative and intelligent, speaks fourteen languages—hut English rather incorrectly. He is a truly won. drous wonder. Mrs. IIoyai. iv .St. Loots.—Wc take tlic following piece ot pleasant badinage from a letter written by Mrs. Royal to a southern friend. How will thd blood of our honest, well meaning creole quicker* its pulsations, when he reads ofthe fame which is in store for him, and learns the illustrious ancestry which the lady has given to him!—Mo. Rep. V. n B-n has more than once or twice called.) at my loggings, and prattled soft things! but his. • bald scalp and sinister eye aintat all to my fancy; besides, lie’s a horse jockey, and mystifying in triguer, which don’t oirree with my republican ana moral principles. I showed him the door, lloanoke R-ii wrote me a letter from London, so illegible as to look like a sheet of paper that a chimney/ sweep’s pet crow had been scratching. With the help of Mr. Agg, I was able to make out that he-, offered to settle his wide possessions, inherited from his great great Indian grandmother, on me for life, with remainder to our issue, if I would mnrrj him. Was it not an impudent proposal for a col ored fellow to make to a Indy of my-standing! But as he is a savage in speech and manners as woll as in dress, feelings and descent, I thought it best to touch him lightly, and laconically wrote him— “I would not give my buried love, for any love of living mould.” The Bank and Presbyterians, tlic two monied monsters of tyranny, i.rn uniting. In fact, oua liberty is done, as you will perceive bj- the fcjts irj my books, particularly under St. Louis head.. Throughout my whole tour, I found the Presbyte^. rians in possession of the post offices, the travel:, i ling rentes, the steamboats, with the Bethel flags, (excepting in your slate. Ac.) But this is nothing. They have the army and the navy! and have seiz ed on the annuities of the Indians, (paying them in trash.) the land, fur, and Santa Fo trade; and were going on witb4n high hand in Si. Louis, when I broke in upon them. By the aid and counten ancc of the army, they kept me from landing two days, but { outwitted them at last, and drove thit whole town; fiv6 thousand citizens and the arr»y> (or at least the officers, the soldiers being Iwrlw miles off) all flow before me! But I had like to h-,.vo fallen into their hands at last. The cannibals bad prepared tar and feathers, hut I fortunately rsc.ip. cd by a noble Spaniard conveying me privately fi ver into Illinois. Tfn wastlie most majestic lock ing creature I hare ever seen, and bis voice vra« music itself. On the father’s side, he was a des cendant of the Castilian hidalgos, and on the i tn. thcr’s, of Qucntlcvacea, the last aboriginal emperor of Mexico, whom Cortez roasted; but the rou fh soruf of -St. Louis called my deliverer a Watche. nago. I had inspired him with tender emotions which be could not conceal; but like mary Queen of Scotland, I could not bestow my hand on an inferior although my deliverer: she refused Don. glass, because she was a Queen and he a Noble only—I rejected the Spaniard, because I was a republican by extraction, birth, education, mar. riago, principle and habit, the highest dignity in 3 human nature; and he no more than a half Indian j 7’rincc and half Iberian gentleman. You will see J the facts in the third volume.and nolo,in thq fir$t 1 volume.