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The Cons|t4utioiial Whiff.
BY PLEASANTS I ABBOTT. » ~ 1,1 ■•-.-* — — — bichmowp, V». iim>vv, aihil .:., isaa. to... ix~:v.~37 «rije <fougtitutioual Tuesday Trent it• Iprit lO. Juuok Tiiaciieh’s Charge.—Wo have derived much pleasure from a perusal of this charge, and do not doubt that it will be pleasurably, and grate fully received by this Community. Nor have we uny doubt that it will command the approbation ol ull the just and good, in the Northern Communi ties. 1 hat those Communities wish the abolition ot Slavery, for the sake ol both slavo and master, wo presume to be certainly true; and we most earn, cstly inculcate, that the best help they can afford, is to do nothing; if possible, to say nothing; to leave tho people of the South, to the dictates of their own redactions, tho result of their own ex perience, and to their own exertions. Jealousy of Northern interference, exists at this moment, among the most formidable causes which impedes the march of just and enlightened policy at the South. Refuse to encourage crack-brained entliu masts—or mischievous fanatics—put dawn such eilly and reckless blockheads, ns Garrison and Walker—give us earnest of fraternity, by punish, ing with the utmost severity, the incendiaries who threaten our peace and lives—and our brethren of the North, will no longer embarass a cause to which as Patriots and Republicans, they must wish well. From the Boston Courier of April 4. I.nckndiahv PUBLICATIONS.—The following ex. tract from a charge at tho opening of the Muni, cipal Court of the city of Boston, in March, 1832, is published with the consent ot Judge Thacher, at the request of tho Grand Jury to whom it was ad dressed. Gentlemen: I o one other subject, of a general character, connected with our domestic peace, and bearing upon our po itical relations, I will ask a moment’s attention. Composed as that society is, to which we owe allegiance, of numorous classes, each engaged in its own proper pursuit; experience shows, that wo depend for happiness, in a great measure, on every one keeping in his own place, nud minding his own business. To attempt to con found the elements of society, is the work of an in cundiary. The errors and imperfections of the political system, defects in its laws, and efforts for its improvement are proper subjects for grave and decent discussion. But society must not suffer the passions of men to bo its legislators. If defects exist in the political system, the wisdom of the sa. ges ot the state ought to be pul in requisition, to effect Uieir amendment. In other hands, an un skilful remedy will be apt to increase the disease. In this Commonwealth, the great principle ofe quality among the citizens exists legally and practi cally. But we arc one of several states, united un der a national bond. If individuals, in private life, must use their liberty’ so as not to do wrong to others, surely each state, in the exercise and enjoyment of its political rights, is bound to re spoct those ol every other state in tho union, and to do nothing, and to suffer nothing to be done by its citizens, to their prejudice. While we ex. pect this from their justice, we, on our part, are bound by the golden rule to mete them tho same measure. >ve Know that slavery exists in many of those states—unhappily entailed upon them by their an cestors, while they were Colonies of Great Uri. tain. Tlieireminent citizens and statesmen, percei ving with just alarm the growing evil, in all its magnitude, have begun to consult for its removal. It cannot be proper or lawful for those, who are happily free from this great calamity, to do any thing to add to its difficulty. Wc ought rather, as brethren of the same family, and bound to culti. vate the ties of brotherhood, to aid them with our wisdom and benevolence, and to encourage them to complete tho great work. L’ut whilst it is re collected, that this evil lias been rivetted upon their society by a course of ages, it must not be forgotten, that it will require much time to effect its removal. Violence may greatly retard it, but cannot expedite that desirable event. New, Gentlemen, it is undoubtedly a miade. meanor, and indictable as such at common law, for one to attempt to pursuade another to com mit murder, robbery, perjury, or any other crime, whether such persuasion be verbal or written; and whether the offence he perpetrated in consequence of such persuasion or not. So it is a niisdcamea nor to attempt to commit any crime, where the unlawful intent is manifested by an overt act, which indicates such intent. It is not material, whether the crime is to he perpetrated here, or in some other place. It is sufficient, if it be shown that the unlawful intent existed hero and that the deed which manifested that intent was done in this country. To publish a paper here, with tho intent to send it to another State, to persuade one or more persons there to commit murder, or trea son, tho law regards as a libel of peculiar atroci ty, and no supposed freedom of the press will screen the author or publisher from the penal consc. qucnccs of the deed. In that country from which we drew our princi ples of jurisprudence, it is laid down by the high est judicial authority, that every publication which has a tendency to promote public mischief, whe ther by causing irritation in the minds of the peo ple, that may induce them to commit abroach of the public peace, or whether it he more public and specific, extending to tho morals, tho religion, or magistracy of the country—is a libel. Any puhli. cation which tends to degrade, revile and defame persons in considerable situations of power and dignity in foreign eountries, is taken to he, and treated as a libel; and particularly where it has a tendency to interrupt the pacific relations between the two countries. If the publication contains a plain .nun mamlest incitement and persuasion ad. dressed to others, to assassinate and destroy the persons of such magistrates, as the tendency is to interrupt the harmony of the two countries, the libel assumes a still more criminal intention. I-very good citizen must, I think, wish, that liar inony may subsist between us and the citizens of all tho other States. But how is the Union long to he preserved, if those who enjoy its benefits, cherish towards each other mutual hatred? If publications which have a direct tendency to ex cite the slave population of ot her States, to rise up. on their masters, and to involve their families and property in a common destruction, are hero pub. lishcd and circulated freely, may not the citizens of those Status well imagine, that such pnhlica. tions are authorised by our laws? If such publics tions were justified and encouraged here, it would tend to alienate from each other the mind* of those, whose best political happiness and safety consist in preserving, in its full strength, the bond of the Union. Believing that the laws of this Commonwealth are not liable to this reproach, I (hem if. to he my duty to express to you, at this time, my opinion, that to publish books, pamphlets or newspapers, designed to Ik? circulated here and in other States ot the Union, and having a direct and necessary tendency to excite in the mindsofour own citizens, deadly hatred and hostility against their brethren of other States, and to stimulate tho slave populn. tion thereto rise against their masters, and to of feet by fire and sword their emancipation, is an of fence against the peace of this Commonwealth, and that it may he prosecuted as a misdemeanor at common law. It is said, that pamphlets and pa. pers of such character have been published in this ci y, and sent into the Southern States, ami that they have caused great alarm and complaint there. It cannot he denied, that it is just cause both of alarm and complaint. Soma time since, a painph let was put into my hands, the author of w hich, 1 am informed, has since deceased, which contained, a« I thought, enough inflammable matter on this subject to set all the State, South of the Potomac into a blaze. However unwise and unjust may bo the system of domestic servitude, it noi f„r .is to put into the hands ofthe slave the sword and the brand. Nor can any civil or tttrtiie war rage in any other State of this Union, without allocting, in some degree, our own peace—since we may be compelled, by our political relation, to bear a part in the conflict. I rar>eot but hone, therafom ♦ piuuuceo oy your own « po, meraiore, mat >f a better to be acquired by o’*'1 arc ,nchned, will re -■*** _I_1_ Train, in future, from such dangerous publications— that tbey will leave to those, who feel and sutler trom the calamity, to find a remedy and redress for the wrongs of slavery—to time, which meliorates every thing—to the enlightened and humane spirit of our age^-and to tho benign influences of christi. unity. A CASE FOR THE SOOTHSAYERS!. 'l'lie circumstance described in the Communica tion which follows, was noticed by a writer in this paper, some days ago; but so imperfectly, that ono acquainted with the particulars, was induced to write the annexed account. A visit to that part ot the country, enables us to confirm the state ment upon the testimony of unexceptionable wit nesses. There is one inaccuracy however. In their first descent to the earth, the negro did make an attempt to capture the Eagles. Failing in this, they rose and renewed tho light in the air, when descending a second time, in the ardor of buttle, he approached and threw himsclfupon them, with out ularin on their parts; and concuiving them to he wild geese, wrung their heads off. What adds to the singularity ot the incident, is, that from the clearing up of the country, the Eagle has been for many years a rare bird in that part of Virginia. In Rome, the omen would have been averted by ablutions and sacrifices to the Gods, and have figu red in Livy and Plutarch. SINGULAR OCCURRENCE. Goochland, March 23d, 1832. Gentlemen: I ho following singular, perhaps unparalleled occurrence, may be interesting to some of your readers. Oil the second day of this month, a negro hoy belonging to Mr. Samuel Cragwall ot this county, while at work, was sud denly startled by a noise in the air, resembling thunder. Upon looking up to discover whence it proceeded, he saw two tiiids at an immense height in the air, engaged in a desperate combat; the rust ling of whose wings, occasioned the noise which had so much alarmed honest Poinpey. They be. gun gradually to descend,until they nctually fell up oil tf 10 ground within a faw steps of him, when he had leisure to observe that their talons were inter locked so closely as to render their separation al most impossible. I roni the great desperation with which they fought, and the little regard which they paid to his presence, he concluded it not so safe to disturb them, and accordingly per mitted them to rise again to a short distance, and,(in the words of the famous humourist,) “continue mi. in peace. 1 hey soon tell again, however, an<l lie discovered that they had shifted their hold, &. that the talon of one was fixed in the thigh of the other, and vice versa, the other talons remaining as before. Cuffee, now assuming more boldness, up. proachcd, threw himself on them, and after a des perate struggle, succeeded in twisting the necks of these inveterate foes. Being ignorant of theirspe cies, lie carried them to his master, when, to the ut ter astonishment of several persons, who happened to he present, they turned out to he Eagles ! yes, gentlemen, Bald Eagles ! ! The fact is incontesta ble, and it doubted, can be proved by the evidence of at least fifty persons. In these days of moruli. sing, the feat has been considered ominous of the fate of the proud republic of which tins noble bird is the emblem. The battle in the air, is the strife destined to take place between the two great sections of the Union. Cuffee represents his own ebony race, slipping in upon us while engaged in mortal combat, and wringing the necks of both. What think you gentlemen? and what would an old Roman have thought? It is surpri sing how many persons drew the same augury who had no opportunity of communicating with each other. You will receive hy the gentleman who hands you this, a quill from the wing of ono of tho birds. I had forgotten to mention that they measured each from tip lo tip, seven feet and a half, and weighed the one nineteen, the other twenty-one pounds. II. R. I*. I certify to the truth of the above statement. ____ W- I* NEW ROUTE TO FREDERICKSBURG. Pursuant to the privilege granted by Act of As. sembly, the survey of a Road from the termination of the Brooke Turnpike, through the forks of llano, ver, to Fredericksburg, has been commenced, and completed, between Taylorsville and tho Northern extreme ot the Brooke Turnpike. We publish an extract from a letter which lurnishes interesting information. If the route through tho forks is bettor and shorter by 15 miles, the Public are plainly interested in the success of the new Road. “In laying out and surveying this Road, I find it an excellent route for a road; not a bad hill in the way, and we shall ho able to shorten tho distance from Richmond to Frederick?burg, fifteen miles, and have a better road than the present stage road. It we can raise funds, which is to ho done by sub scription, to pay damages to all those who charge, \vc can get the road opened this year. Now I think it will be of great benefit to the citizens of Richmond, inasmuch as it will carry a good deal ol trade there tha* goes now to Fredericksburg, and it will enable them to receive tho mails much sooner, and will lessen the stage fare SI 20 for every trip any one travels from Richmond to Fre dericksburg, so that it will he of great bonefit to them, you see. My opinion is, that the Brooke Turnpike Company ought to open tho road as far as this place—if they will, it will ho opened from this up, hy individuals, inasmuch as they will re ceive one third more tolls—for instance, it now takes our teams throe days to make a trip, or rather, wc only make two a week: w hereas, if this road was opened, wo would make three, and there is a number of articles that will not pay the wag. gonnge now, if this road was opened, would find its way to Richmond. We have a great deal of fine timber near here, and several fine sawmills, that would cut it up and waggon it to Richmond, if a waggon could make a trip iri two days, Hint now can not be carried.” PHILIP P. BARBOUR. ESQ. This gentleman appears in the Knquiror of this morning, in justification of his omission to vote on the question of incorporating a National Rank, in the year 1815. Mr. Barbour states (anti seems to have drawn the language from some specific source, as he puts it as a quotation) that the objection urged against him, was, “his not having voted against the Charter of the Bank of the United States.” We do not know* whence Mr. Barbour derived this specification of the charge against him; pro baldy from the Caucus Speech of the late Lt. Go. vernor. But, derive it whence lie may, thin is not the true charge. That was—not that he did not vote njidintt the Bank—hut that he did not vote at •ill. i he charges are most essentially distinct. To ii.nc voted for, or against, the Rank, could per sr, subject one to no other imputation than error of judgment ; a very* venial offence. Not to vote at all, on a great question, and at a great crisis, when neither nick nor absent, is a very different affair from voting and voting wrong. It brings intosus pieion not the judgment only, hut the indepen. dcnce and the firmne** of the Representative. It looks like a preference of self, and one’s own po pularity, over the public interests. IJut, as Mr. Bar hour says, let the public man who has done no greater wrong than this, cast the first stone. As a justification of his not voting, and thus permitting the Bank to be chartered as far as his withdrawal could produce that result, Mr. Barhour draw's a glowing picture of the financial distresses of the country. ‘The Treasury had become airnost as empty as an exhausted recei'.er. The public credit had sunk to such a point of depression, that, according to my recollection, 'I ha »e not documents to refer to,) Go vernment&i stock, bearing an internet of 6 per cent ,, i " ' tine their testimony at this li mr ';"1 *>ecn sold in tlio market as low as §70 for the §100. All the Hanks in the union, save a few in 1 W.W .England, had suspended specie payment: *'* consequence, tho country was deluged with a flood of paper money, which, having no specie basis, had undergone different degrees of uopreciation, according to varying circumstances. As, in the district of Columbia, there had been tin; highest flood-tide of paper issues, so, then, there was the lowest ebb of depreciation; the paper of that place compared with that of tho Eastern Hanks, having boon, it is believed, at 20 per cent, discount. ** 1 o such a point had things come—that, it is said—and I believe it to be truo, the very means w’ith which Mr. Monroe, then Secretary of War pro tempore, furnished some aid to General Jack son lor the defence of New Orleans, were borrow, cd, in part, upon his private credit, of one of the district llanks; and with all the exertion ofthede partment, ami all the zeal of the men, the Kentucky militia only arrived on the 4th January, four davs before the great battle of the 8th. “ The poverty of the Treasury necessarily pro duced a corresponding result in the ranks of our army men could only be enlisted with money— that money we had not—it could not be raised, in the then state o! public credit, by loans, but al ruinous sacrifices, if at all. “ 1 he causes of our financial embarrassment and depression of public credit, may be easily assigned. 1 will hero make a short digression to do so. “From un unwillingness in times ofdifliculty, to tax the people, beyond what necessity ,required, the plan of finance, established at the commence ment ot the War, was to make the revenue of each year during its continuance, equal to the expenses of the l’eace establishment, and tho interest on tho old debt, and the War !■ «ns, relying upon loans, to defray all the extraordinary expenses of tho War. “Experience, however proved that this system could not be long continued; for the demands of the Government, required loans and treasury notes in the year ending in September, 1813, to tho amount of almost §24,000,000, and for the next year between §29,000,000 and §30,000,000. “ Every new loan, too, was contracted, upon worse terms than the preceding ; the public debt being in constant increase, and the revenue, as far as it dcpcMled upon customs, being in progressive diminution, being now reduced as low’ as about §6,000,000, accruing from that source. “ Upon the recommendation of the President, in his message of Sept. 1814, and the strong represen tation ot the distressed condition of the finances in the 1 reasury Report, Congress made earnest and zealous efforts to remedy the evil. The Treasury Report recommended as the means of relief, a Na tional Hank, with a capital of §60,000,000, an in crease of 100 per cent, to the direct tax and inter, nal duties, and the imposition of new tuxes to the amount of §7,000,000; thus calculating upon an annual revenue of §21,000,000. The tax bills were generally passed. Tho Hank, (the subject of this communication,) after being reduced in its capi tal to §30,000,000, was. passed, and rejected by the President, on account of the manner in which the capital was constituted, and its supposed ineffi ciency, in assisting the operations of the Treasury. “After which the new’ Hill, hereafter more par ticularly referred to, was passed by the Senate, and after the news of the Peace, indefinitely post poned by the House. mum wu were mus ucsiuuie, uoiu oi men and money, (as to the army, I mean only that our ranks were thin and our force too small,) such were the resources of the enemy, and such the cha racter of the war, that we absolutely needed a much larger military force than would, under other circumstances, have been necessary : for, though our little navy performed prodigies of valor—yet, the vast extent of our defenceless sea-coast, and the great superiority ef the enemy on the water, enabled him to menace different and distant points in quick succession; thus, constantly harassing our militia, and some times with fruitless marches, to points which the enemy abandoned before their arrival. “To these difficulties, is to ho added another, ltr> wing out of the composition of Congress. There was in that body, a strong and talented mi nority, who resisted most of the measures, which the Government, and the majority thought would enable them to carry on the war with vigor. I enter not into the discussion of the merit, or demerit of this course. They acted upon the alleged ground, that the war had been imprudently do dared, and iinprovidontly carried on. “It is sufficient for my purpose to state the fact. If a tax bill were before the house, il was most ge. nerally opposed; if a measure were offered for re cruiting the army without money, by laying otf the militia into classes, and drafting one man from each class, il was denounced and characterized by the odious appellation of conscription. ‘•Two additional facts will close the narrative of the difficulties, under which we labored. “The far-famed Hartford Convention was in ses sion from the loth December, lbll, to 4th Jan., 1815. Much fear was felt, from the proceedings of this assembly, both ns to the integrity of the Union, nnd the efficiency with which the war could he carried on. That these fears were not ground, less, will appear from the fact, stated by the Histo rical Register, now before me, that this convention concluded their report, which was shortly after published, by recommending to the legislatures of the New England States, to adopt effectual mea sures, for protecting their citizens from the opera, tion and effects of all acts which have been, or may ho passed by Congress, subjecting militia or other citizens to forcible drafts, conscriptions or impress ments not authorized by the constitution, refer, ring directly to the measure before stated, of clas. sing the militia, with a view to fill the army bv a recruit drafted from each class. “in the midst ot these appalling difficulties, tlio enemy were almost knocking at the gates of Rome; or, dropping the allusion to the Roman history, he was literally almost at the gates of New Orleans. Hy means of his naval superiority already alluded to, he might he said to be ready for attack rrrry irhrre; whilst from the various causes which I have stated,we were prepared to receive him almost no xrhrre. The powerful and formidable armament, dsetined for the attack of Orleans, was composed, in a good degree, of the army of Wellington; vain-gloriously called tlio conquerors of" the conquerors of Europe. Every mail from that quarter was received with almost hrealh. css anxiety. It was even assorted in one of the papers of the day, that Orleans had been captured, and that the President was in pos. session of official intelligence of the fact. Nay, wc were by one editor furnished with the om’il nous prediction, that wc should never celebrate another 4th of July, as an independent nation. “The situation of affairs was such, as to cause in the then temporary capitol, a meeting of the members friendly to the Administration, to decide upon some great question concerning the public good; speaking from memory, (I will not assert it positively,) I believe the subject matter was the Hank. Whatever was the subject, I have, to this day, a strong impression upon my mind, of the effect produced by a brief address from the venera ble Findlay of Pennsylvania. His advanced age, bis tottering form, his tremulous voice, seemed almost to produce the solemnity of the voice of one from the dead, when lie called upon us to save the country. In the midst of all this anxious solicitude, but not till after the Bank Bill had pass, od, came the news of the memorable battle of the 8th of January; and never shall I forget the ecsta sy of the House, upon hearing of that event. I will not attempt a description, further than to say, that it put to flight every thing like parlia mentary form, in the reciprocal congratulations which took place. .Such was the condition of the country, and such the circumstances occurring, during the Session of Congress commencing in Sept. 1814, and terminating March 3d, 1815, And now the question arises, why did I not vote on the Bank Bill of January, 1815? This is my an swer.” Su<jJi was the situation of the country, and so urgent the demand for the establishment of the. Rank. Why, then, thus perceiving and thus ac knowledging, the strong, not to say indispensable necessity for lhe institution, did not Mr. B. contri bute His vote to establish it** We give His answer in his own words : “On the one hand, it was my fixed and conseien tious belief, that Congress had not the constitu. tlonal power to charter a Hank. On tho other, I ,a the most ardent desire to sustain the honor and arms of my country; and to that end, that the government should be furnished with tho nocessarv means. I understood that the then Secretary ofthc re usury was of opinion, that under existing eir. eumstitnre.t, the establishment of u national bank vvas one of'.lie most etficient means of raising our credit, uud supplying funds to carry on the war.— In this painful dilemma, vvliat should I do, was the question to be deeidid! My mind was not sat inti, e t lattho extremity of the case was groat enough to justify me, upon the principle, solus populi, su. premu (ex, to vote for the Hunk, in direct violation ■a I conceived, of the Constitution. The altcrna. ivr, then, was either to vote against it, or not to vote at all. Upon this alternative, I deliberated or days and nights with painful anxiety. Having expressed to some of my political friends, my in vincible constitutional difficulties, an appeal was made to me, whose language, indeed, I cannot now roiiiemlier, but whose import is deeply impres. sed upon my memory. “I was conjured, it I could not aid them, in car. rviug on the war, not to impede them. Questions III V,iS’ *n HU*,filttncc» were propounded to me. Had I such an overweening self-confidence, as to think myself infallible? Could 1 not give credit to my political friends, for virtue *„d i»t«lliK..nco enough, to doubt the propriety of my own opi nion! It they could reconcile it to themselves to vote for it, would I persevere, in votine against a measure, which it was believed would furnish the means to defend tne country, and thus stake the defence of that country upon the infallibility ol one single opinion of mine? . “Under all the circumstances of tho case, I do ciiled not to vote at all; and, if ever, in my lile, tho motive to my action was disinterested patriotism, it was upon this occasion, emphatically, that it operated. I was not unaware, that such* a course might subject me to criticism; but, uncaring conse quences, as they regarded myself, 1 resolved to devote my.'X.’ii for the public good. If any one, for a moment, can suppose, that there was a shrink, ing from responsibility, to him, let me say, that my conduct, and its motives, were not hid under a bushel, they were openly avowed, and publicly known in \\ ashing ton. They were also openlv avowed, and publicly known in my district.— i They were there triumphantly vindicated, bv a re-election in spite of this objection, by an over whelming majority. Many of the facts which I have stated, have now become matter of history. As to those which are not so, though seventeen years have now elapsed, I would venture to ap. peal to the recollection of the few gentlemen, now in the councils ofthe nation, who were then mem bers, and who belonged to the same political school with myself.” >> c have no question that Mr. Barbour*! motives for tlie omission to vote, wore good. Nevertheless, lie can never jus*ily the failure. What was reti ring but voting for the Bank, in fact? What was it but doing indirectly, what he declined to do, di rectly? \\ hat right had he to set up a tenderness of conscience, superior to that of the whole Con gress:' \\ hat right had he to slide the voice of his *10,000 constituents? We make these observations in no malignant spirit, hut to aid in discountenan. cing a practice the most dangerous and iudefensi blc in public men. 1: Richmond Flour was selling at Rio Janeiro on the2Ist Feb. at 1G||—while Baltimore was unsalea ble at 8||. [See Baltimore head.] The Baltimore ans formerly had tho Rio Market chiefly to them, selves. But our skilful and enterprising City Mill, ers have now the complete ascendency in the Bra. zil markets. Ibis is the true cause why our City Mills F’lour commands a higher price than any other ami should ho a cause of general gralula tion, as it is of general prosperity, in this section of the country. IWtlnestlaif t:rcnut^,,Bprili 1. Barrkcuino.—Gov. Hamilton having lately pre sented himself at Camden, was invited to, and par took of, a Barbecue Dinner, which mode of making merry, seems to have found a favorite abode in South Carolina. The Governor, since he has been Gover nor, has certainly ate more barbecues, and made more speeches, than ever did Henry Clay in Iventuc. ky. In this speech, it pleased him to touch upon the af fairs of Virginia, and in a way as little just to her, as creditable to his liberality or information. The Camden Beacon furnishes the following skeleton of what he said on this topic, and accompanies it by some impertinence of its own, [contained in brack ets :] “The Governor indulged a few remarks about the condition of the State of Virginia, who had permitted her prosperity to be constantly under mined by a process of exhaustion arising from a legislative war upon her staple commodity, while she was devotedly engaged it) the business of /Vest. dcnt.making. She bad ariser from her slumbers, and discovering the desolation around, bad altribu ted all, in a lit of frantic desperation, to the ellect of her domestic institutions. It was lamentable to perceive, that there did not appear to exist in that ancient and venerable Commonwealth nerve enough to govern her own slaves.” “[However painful to Hie Virginia pride which -still animates our bosom, we must confess the tiutil that tins melancholy picture is but just. Had Virginia manfully resisted the insidious assaults up on her peculiar property—now become so frightful toher dastardly law-givers and politicians—which were made upon it through means of a tax indirect ly levied upon her staple product. Tobacco, she would not now ho so anxious to dispose of them, on any terms, to Colonization Societies. The late insurrectionary position of her legislature, and some of her leading prints, is deeply disgraceful to her, alike its a parade of crying poverty, and as evidence of an utter deprivation ol moral courage. But we are proud to recognize, from lute move ments in some portions of that St.-tc, that these remarks do not justly apply to all her people.— There are some independent, gallant spirits among them, w ho have at public meetings treated tlieagi tators of the disturbing subject, with the contempt and indignation which their sickly sensibilities so richly deserved.—En. Beacon.j” Where did Gov. Hamilton learn, that the proeoed ings of the late General Assembly, had their origin in the want of nerve to govern our slaves? Who is his authority for the propagation of the ignorant and silly slander? The source of the pique which gave birth to this reflection upon the Slate of Virginia, is sufficiently obvious. The truth of the insulting sarcasam, is not believed in by its author, lie knows perfectly well, that the recent occurrences here had tli.'ir origin in motives as high and noble, as be affects to consider them base and contemptible. What is it, then that has armed his Excellency’s tongue w ith virtoperative epithets of Virginia and her policy? She is begin, ning to discover and to acknowledge, the tree cause of Southern decline tobc in Slavery, and not in the Tariff—she will not adopt, but repudiates, his theory of Southern oppression, and his remedy of Nullif ra. t an, therefor.—She is fist relinquishing her obstinate prejudices against the Tariff, and manifesting her purpose of upholding the Union and resisting the. dangerous doctrines which menace its existence.— The events of the winter—the progress and discus, sion of the Slave question—the indications of sup porting Mr- Van Burcn (as far as it hears upon Ta riff interests, certainly fur from being disagreeable to us) all discover a tendency to revolution in the politic.6 of this Comminonwealth, and apprise Govcr nor Hamilton that she raay not be depended upon to a surf in any schemes of disunion, or nsuizne* t* t'nt regular notion of Federal authority. Hence the Go rernor’s pique. Hence his resentment. He is mud with the Old Commonwealth, and ridiculously atig. matizes with cowardice the Sparta of the Confede. racy. Abuse will prove as inefficacious as wheed ling. As for the Beacon, it is unnecessary to way any tiling in reply to its observations. From the Norfolk Herald of Monday. 'Flic following Cabinet changes were the topic of conversation in the political circles at Bulti. more when the steam boat left there on Friday morning: Mr. Rives to the Treasury. Mr. L ivingston to France. Mr. M’Lane to the Stato Department. Mr. Stevenson to England. Conversation in all the political circles we believe, consigns Mr. Stevenson to England—or England to Mr. Stevenson! The other transfers seem also highly probable. Livingston is half French, fond of the language and the people. Mr. Rives wishes to return home, and the Hero may well desire to retain so clever a fellow in the public service. Now ought not Mr. Ritchie to have been prefer red over Mr. Stevenson? That is the part of the new arrangement which wo consider the most excep tionable. Of learning much more profound ond recondite—of mature age, though elegant and pre possessing in person—of a turn exceedingly diplo matic, ever preferring the curve to the strait line— courteous, affable, though dignified—and above all, whose services to the Republican Party have been transccndant, and whose complaisance to the Exec utive head, as illustrated by bis present courtier phraseology, contrasted with the stern dcnuncia tions of “despot” and “curse to the country,” is conspicuous over all rival example—these we say, present a constellation of recoiiiincntlatlons, which a priori. wo should have imagined would make the claims of Mr. Stevenson kick the beam. B.it, Jackson lias decided otherwise, and acqui escence is necessary. We an: perfectly reconciled, (had we the right to lie otherwise, not belonging to the Republican Party,) to Mr. Stevenson’s appoint ment, were it only from contemplating in our mind’s eye, the surpassing happiness which rt will confer upon him! It- ever a happy man crossed the herring pond, Mr. Stevenson will be one. It would be delightful to look upon him when lie receives the appointment: delightiul to one of his old acquaint ances, to he secretly on board the 74 that will no doubt be fitted up to waft him across the Atlantic, j and survey him through a port hole, promenading I the deck! But how much more delightful, were the j thing possible, to be slyly ensconced in some cor- j nor when the Minister Plenipotentiary of the U. States, is introduced to His Majesty at .St. James’ Palace, by my Lord Brougham! We really hope j that Mr. Stevenson’s friends will insist upon his j taking an insurance on his valuable life. In these days of explosions, precautionary measures ! ought not to be neglected. >' e have so high an opinion of Mr. Stevenson’s ! native abilities, that we predict he will play his part : at liondon, creditably to himself, and usefully to | Ids country. \\ hen he returns, who knows what j may happen? Andrew the II. is not of more im probable occurrence, than was Andrew the I. •'In. Branch ami Col. White.—We find that the subject of the controversy between these gen-1 tleincn, is again before Congress, in the Report of the Secretary of the Navy. We have not seen that Report, but observe the following in the Alexandria I’hcnix of yesterday. "Mr. lira tch anil ('ol. White.—Our readers re collect, no doubt, the pungent debate between these two gentlemen, relative to the I.ivc Oak in Florida. We bad thought the whole matter had sunk into the “receptacle of tilings lost upon earth.” W e per ceive, however, from the Philadelphia Inquirer, that the Report of the Secretary of the Navy lias brought the. matter once more into public notice, and that not in the best light for the Ex-Secretary. The In quirer says: “We rather think Mr. Whittaker, the ‘live oak agent’ —not ‘wooden nutmeg agent,’—ought to feel most i gratitude for the Ex-Secretary, for it appears that the latter, before his retreat from Washington, con trived to compress several months pav into a few days, by a nioilns njieranrli, that would behest under stood in the famous Wall Street of New York. On a perusal of this document, all the accusations of the Ex-Governor and Ex-Secretary against Colonel White, completely fall to the. ground. It shows, most conclusively, that the purchase, made of Col. White by the Government was a good purchase and that the land was well worth all he received for it. .Mr. Branch will probably ‘think’ twice ere he meddles once again with the Delegate from Florida. Bike old Joliba in the ‘old play,’ lie will be satisfied that, when he meets -A sleeping lion i’ the way, I’ll prick my ears and friendly pass him by, To massacre the first thistle.’ ” (ETWo have, within 48 hours, read Mai. Lewis* and his partner, Mr. Currin’s, defence of their con duct in the lease of the Salt Spring from the Chick asaws, assailed in Congress, and in the Telegraph, and find it, to our apprehension, entirely satisf.ic tory. As we contributed to circulate the accusation against Lewis, and as his reply is excluded from its length, this acknowledgment appears to he due to fair play. ^ ^ last accounts from London, appriso us that the intelligence of Mr. Van Huron's rejection had reached that Metropolis, and him of course. Some ofthe London papers give extracts from the Speeches of t hose who voted against the Ex-Plcni. potentiary, disclosing the reasons of his rejection, hut without comment. The following paragraph furnishes the only intelligence which we have seen from Mr. V. B. himself, since he had learned his mishap. lie appears to take it coolly, and we im agine, rejoices in secret, at the opportunity it gives him of returning to the U. States, and the attidude of a “persecuted man" in which it prcfendcdly places him before the American peopl*. Persecuted ! The author of proscription, a persecuted man ! Good ! “The New York Evening Post mentions the re. ceiptofa letter from Mr. Van Ihiren to the Com. mittcc of New York, in which that gentleman si'*, nities his intention of tarrying some time in London to attend to private business, and afterwards to visit the Continent." P. S. Since we penned the above, we find the following in the N. Y. Standard of Monday : “Sir—Deputed l>y the gen raleommi lcc, appo'n - ed under the direction ot the great meeting at Ta u many Hill, to prepare and transmit to you the en closed expression of the sentiments of vour fid. low citizens, as to the decision of the Senate on ymir nomination ns .Minister Plenipotentiary to Great Britain, we beg leave in addition to the fits, charge of this grateful duty, to express a concur rent wish for your health, happiness and prosperity. Respectfully, your fellow citizens GIDEON LEE, MY Ell MOSES, W.M. P. HALLET. To His Excellency Martin Van Birfn, Minister, At-c. Alc. New York, Feb. 1st, 1832. REPLY. Gnr.tlemen—I enclose you my reply to the letters which you had the goodness to common. ‘■••iic, iind beg you •<> accept foryourse!vbp, the ns. surunco of my sincere regard and my cordial thank* lor the very "kind ami (Filtering manner in which yon have been pleased to discharge your trust. 1 am very respectfully Yourob’nt servant, M. VAX BL'KK.Y Messrs Gideon L-e, Mver Moses, W. 1*. ilallct, Fondon, Feb. 24, l>*3g. « „a , . New York, Fob. 1. 163*’. Mr:—J l,o lituiersigned, a commitiee appointed ft “ iHcncrous meeting of your fellow ciiiaem., have the honour of transmitting to Vm. a copy of their proceedings and resolutions, unanimously entered into, and growing out of, tho rejection by the .Senate of tho United States, of your nomina tion as Minister Plenipotentiary to the'United King dom ot Great Britain and Ireland. liilo they rejoice that an opportunity is pfe sented to them to reiterate an expression* of their personal regard, and of their unequivocal confidence in your patriotism and probity, and a renewed ussu ranee 0t the estimation in which they hold your ca pability to the proper discharge of the most'iuiport unt trusts, they regret the circumstances calling for this communication, and deplore the departure from that dignitied course which should have influenced, ami which in the instance of your rejection, was disregarded by the Senate of the United States. However, sir, they feel assured that this general and voluntary expression of tlio opinions of citizen* Who best know your worth, will he properly annre mated by you, and when iho.>.,,„ds throughout tm> vast country shall as a measure of justice, reiterate those opinions, the occurrence will leave 1io other impression than that the arrow has fallen far from its mark, and that the object at which it was aimed, stands unscathed and Unhurt.—With our best wish es for your heult h and happiness, and cur earnest prayer for your sail: &. speedy return to the land of your fathers, l ermit us respectfully to subscribe ourselves, Your tricuds and fellow-citizens, *\ alter Rowno, John Targce, Benjamin Bailey, . Gideon Fee, Samuel A. Talcott, Wm. |>. llallett Abraham Bloodgood, 1>. B. Tallmadgc. Saul Alley, Join, Lovett, Preserved Fish, Klisha Tibbits, James Cainphill, KIdad Holmes, Asa Mann, Win. M. Price, Thomas J. Woodruff, Montgomery Rankin Krastus IVivnes, Alcxn M. Muir, F. B. rutting, Henry Hone, Chas. Henry Hall, Con’s. W. Lawrence. London, February 24th, 1832. Gknti.emrn: I liavo been honored with your Kind letter of the tirst instant, communicating to me the sentiments of a public meeting of mv fol low-Citizens on the subject of the rejection f.y tho Senate of my nomination as Minister to this coun try. Having always observed, nnt.be part oftlie r.-pub. licans.it the city of New York, a frank mid fearless independence of opinion, and a disinterested regard to truth and iusti .• in their estimate and support of public men, 1 ha ve looked to their upprobal ion with solicitude ns a criterion of conduct, and have re. reive,1 the testimonials of respect with which they have ncnsii.tially honored me, with correspon dent satisfaction, hut never with such deep feltsen sihilily ns in the present instance. Severed for the first time from my country and friends, and placed in a conspicuous situation among strangers, in a foreign land, advantages has been taken n mv position to level it me a shaft intended to w omul me to the quick, and to humiliate me in the eyes oftlie Government and nation with whom I was to treat, and to ... 1 was, as yet, hut little known.— Thanks to the generous and warm hearted prompt uessof my Fellow ('itizens of New York, the same moment tliat brought me the poisoned shaft of mv enemies, brought also the missive of mv friends udh healing on its wings.” \\ hen yo : i ’*■ j'our constituents of this circumstance, tin once perceive Imiv troll timcil mid efJeetual ,i , i j. the assurance of sympathy, cste-in and or, ami how- deeply it must have sunk into my in-art In testifying to mv public conduct, they arc . to speak with eulogium of mo ns contributin w , in the Cabinet, to the success of the present .vdinm islration. That signal success, I feel called upon to declare, is pre-eminently duo to the political sagacity, unwearying industry, and upright straight forward policy of our present veneratedChief. AH the humble merit 1 can claim is, that of having exerted myself to the utmost to execute his patriotic and single hearted views, and of having sacrificed all personal considerations to ensure their success, when threatened with extraneous embarrassments’. Thai my exertions were arduous, painful, and in cessant, 1 may without vanity, assert: whether my sacrifices have not been repaid with unmerited detraction and reproach, I leave to my eontrymrn to determine. .Still f shall ever regard my situa tion in that Cabinet, as one oftlie most fortunate events of mv life, placing me as it did in close and familiar relation w ith one w ho has well been de scribed by ,\Ir. Jullerson as, “possessing more of the Roman in bis character than any man living,” and whose administration will he looked to, in In tore times, as a golden era in our history. To have served under such a Chief, at such a time*, and to have won his confidence and esteem is a sufficient glory, and ol that, thank God, my ene mies cannot deprive me. the particular act of hostility to which l am happily indebted for (lie present expros-iou of feel ings on the part of my Republican fellow citizens, d is not, perhaps, proper, and I would fain think, not. necessary, that I .should say much. The courtesy due to the highest of our Legislative bodies, old me* us to presume that the reasons assigned by the ma jority tor their decision were sincere; if so, I console myself with the persuasion, that public sen timent, of which I have an earnest before me, iu likely to determine the futility of those reasons, and the injustice of that derision. Allow mo, gentlemen, in conclusion, to thank you heart ily tor the expression of individual feelings with which you have accompanied the resolutions of your constituents. Knjoying a personal acquaint ance with everyone ol you, and kuowitm Imw much Of private worth and public respect ability you repre sent, I feel flattered and gratified to receive such sympathy at such hands; and situated as I am, l cannot hut look forward with heart.cheering antici pation to the welcome with which you pro mise to greet my return to my native land. A few weeks residence here will he required to place the alfairs of the legation in a proper train, as well ns to settle my own private concerns; after which, I propose to avail myself of the only opportunity that will proba'dy ever ho afforded mo to visit a few of the most interesting points of thn Continent, After that I shall make the best of mV way home, where I hope to arrive early in the sum mer. I shall then he able more adequately to express m person, mv deep, my uH'eclionatc sens** of the vi gilance and protect iiig kin,hn-ss of my I'ellow Citi zens, and of the honest zeal with which flicv hay., stepped forward to vindicate mo from assaults ,luring mv absence. In the mean time, with a proud and grateful feeling of sincerity, I leave my character in their keeping I remain, gentlemen, with the highest respect, V our servant and friend, M. VAN Til UK V. To Messrs. Walter Hnwnc, Ilenj, Hailey, Sami. \. faleott. Vbm. fiiundgood, Saul * Aliev Preserved I ish, .lames Campbell, Asa Mann’ I hornis I. \\ oooruti, Kr.istus Harms K |« CuH.ng Chas. Henry 11,11. .lohn Targce! Lee p. Tlarltft, I). B. Tallmadge, .lo| n Lovett, Li:ha I ibl.its, William M. Price, Montgo. imcryRankm, Alexander M. M ir, Henry Hone, f ons VV . Lawrence. Kl la,l Holmes, Committee rn the part of Citizens of New York, Ac. A pialrici and it- Capital, m (,, temala, havo had * he name o! Livingston bestowed upon them, as a testimony „fihc high sense enter ained ,>fih» merits of our Secretary of St.aic, whoso TVnnl Code is adopted by (ioatpmala. Thi> is a high compliment to Air. Livington, alike unexpectod, delicate and veil merited.— Ir, n. The erops of Whe t in the Western part of Afa. ryland and the neighboring counties of Virginia are said fo present an unpromising appearane*, in con. sequence of the backwardness of the opricr. T ,e firmer* in the Alidd'eton Valley Trod rick CvinJ*', 'Id nf* plepg'ung :p their grain fob’!-. Tii',1 Am»~