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... IX. Tim DOLLAKS PER AHNUM, The National fntelhg(ncer will Ken< efbrth fee conducted by 1 -feunrtL H. Smith, and PH Calks, Jan. ati.l printed :u the Office of ihe thrmrr, to whom Bubscribers anil eorrejpoudKnts are requested Still to K'Uh VPB. The anmi ". « dollars. Tl • port;': A i. ■ en i's, not i square in I insertedthe first time atjS/J I 'or every subsequent loser !f inaerte ' tint c times a J)> but once aweek, an addition of one < part is made. Other adverti tnthe name, ratio. CONGRESS. tSM OF KIiPnKSIiSTAriVKS. JANUARY 30. Debate, on raining and au thorising Letters of Manjue and Refi risal — Co n tinned. Mr, Aichoiaa moved to fill the blank in the substitute with the first day of June; Mr. Milnor named the fourth day of March ; and Mr. I). R. WU- Hams named the fifteenth day of Fe bruary. ','ih moved to strike out the words " the day of for the purpose of luseriwig " forth with." —Motion to strike out lost, by a considerable majority. The question recurring on filling the blank with the first day of June, Mr. as the gentleman, the mover ofthe resolution (Mr. Ni cholas) was not present when he had given Inc. reasons why he thought, ll the embargo was to be repealed, it should be removed immediately, re peated them. H<; wished our own citizens to reap some advantage from an early repeal. Or were we, • he asked, by a singular fatality in all our measures only to injure ourselves, \ and benefit our adversaries and the I most dishonest part of our own com sl unity ? Mr. Dana was opposed to a conti- t nuance of the embargo till the first of June. Since it had been generally understood through the country that the embargo was to be further conii lined, many capitalists had forestalled the markets so as to secure to them selves a monopoly of the foreign ar ticles ofthe greatest necessity, there by to command an excessive profit at. the expence of the distressed part of the community. As respected them j Mr. Dana said that he had not a wish that the duration of the embargo < should be protracted, that, they might \ realize their gains and make poor j men their prey ; and if there were \ any description of cur citizens whom j oukl wish to be injured by a re moval of the embargo, these would duly be the persons. There was another reason why he did not wish the embargo to continue so long. However important it was that the ge neral authority of the government should be maintained as respacted c states, vas it not known that the reins of government, from their extreme tension, where failing in the bands ot the administration ? Were :.ot their acts placed at defiance, es pecially sirce the passage ol the last act for enforcing the embargo ? Look at the whole northern frontier, said be ; recollect the facility of transpor oon the ice and snow. Recollect with what facility in this season the produce Sc lumber, &c. will pass from Vermont, into the British provinces. As respected she whole of that iron, tier, Mr. Diina said, it would he in vain to attempt to enforce the ci laws. The mound was already broken down which retained our pro duce ; and it was to be feared that the whole would soon be swept away. The question which now offered itself to the consideration of the House was this, and it was requisite that it should he decided promptly—whether, if the i acts of government were set at defi ance, the authority ofthe government i ahouid be sustained or not. If the acts ofthe govcrment were placed at defiance, he said, Congress had but to decide instantly to enforce them by ' arm:; ; or to ab/'Hsh them. Did they ; mean to hesitate between advancing i and retiring ? If you mean to retire, (said he) doit whilst you can—whilst it wili seem to be an attention to the wishes and sufferings of the commu nity, instead of giving to those who set your laws at defiance, the sig nal of your defeat and the evidence of their triumph. Mr. Dana asked, if gentlemen had estimated what would i take place between this day and the first day of June ? Did they conceive the force that it would be necessary to employ to enforce the laws ? Be fore they decided that point it would be well to pause. Did gentlemen recol lect bow much dan n iced the ' of attachment to their coun ■ r foreign indulijencies (as WASHINGTON CITY, PRINTED BY SAMUEL HARRISON SMITH, FENNSVLVANIA AVENUE. the liberty of trading derived from the j continuity of the British provinces) . arc given to the citizens of any por I tiofi of a country wliich refuses to allow them those privileges? Need I re en, asked Mr. D. illustrative of my idea ? v -Vi 1 ci» the navigation of the Mississippi was at (he command of the Spaniards, before the treaty of San Lorenzo way carried into effect, recollect the opportunity which that state of things gave to the agent* <>f the Spanish government, for masking attempts to detach the west< i from th« Union. Mow far they ? ceeded I do not undertake to say ; but the fact is well known, that some men of considerable distinction were so \'w drawn aside from their attach ment to the Union, as to give coun tenance to the intrigue ; and the tact having come to light, the public au thority of one of the states, (Kentuc ky) have undertaken the examination and inve of the subject. I speak of this no; ps a reproach, but as an I Must ration ofthe temptation whi< h is offered to any portion of the peo i , haying an outlet through « river te possession of a : >wer, eh is denied them by their own governtfCprt I will not pursue the subject, sir; for it is unpleasant to dwell on subjects which may even , tend to jeopardize the Union. But I deem it useless to rely on the patriot ism of the people, when the go. ment forgets the cement of patriot ism. \Vhat is country ? That portion ofthe globe where we have friends, freedom and protection. It is the re ciprocation of good offices, which is I the cement of private friendship. It is the reciprocation of protection and I support, between the government and individual, a reciprocation of benefits, j wliich is the cement of allegiance.— But, sir, when the power of the go < vernment is exerted merely to check ' the ordinary industry oftiie commu nity, when the people feel the power of their government In being block aded in port by it, instead of being protected against blockade by an en - my, what must-be their feeling ? Pa triotism is too precious a feeling to make many experiments upon i..— Really, sir, 1 should not wish to know, in relation to many of my fellow-citi izens, what would be the extreme point to which their patriotism could be Stretched There appears to be reason to apprehend that the reins of ! government are already failing in the I hand's of government. I should there ! fore wish my countrymen to be no ' longer exposed to being alienated from their government, and that the government should not be placed in a situation to have its acts set at deli ance. Mr. Troup observed, that I>' could not see the propriety or expediency of fixing on a day beyond the adjourn ment of the present Congress, on wliich this change of measures shou d take place. What would be effect of it ? It could be considered in no other point of view than a» a declaration of war, to be binding on the next Con gress. The mere declaration ecu id not be considered as adding coercion to our measures ; for whatever honor foreign nations might possess (and he believed they possessed lit tie indeed of that) they certainly did possess cou rage, h were not to be. frightened into an accommodation with ua by such a threat. Hot the measure was not ob ligatory and binding on the next Con gress, even admitting that it should be composed of the identical individu als who composed the present Con gress. There was no authority in the constitution by which va< could bind • them, unless indeed this declaration involved v matter of.contract—An 1 to be sure, he said, it might be consi dered ih some sort a matter of con tract ; a political contract of a singu lar quality—a contract between this great government, and an unruly fac tion in New England, whicn threaten ed opposi ion to the laws, and was , breaking- out into nbedion. Yes, sir, | said Mr. Troup, you come out with a , ; solemn measure, and tell them if they will forbear to rebel till the first day of June next, you will agree to issue letters of marque. It is an invasion even of the powers of the next Con gress, supposing it to be composed of th« 3 same men as constitute the pre • sent Congress, to bind them to de clare war, not under the circum stances then existing, but under those ; which existed at the time you were pleased to enter into this declaration But not only will this measure not be obligatory; but it is very possible that the next Congress may be as differ ent in its composition from the pre sent, as the present Congress is from the JuiH of Spain, or the British par liament. In every point of view FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 3,1809. ! therefore, Mr. Troup said, he con- t i ceived it a futile proposition. Mr. Milnor was opposed to post poning t he repeal oT the embargo till the first day of June ; ich he assigned the same which he before for proposing the 4lh day of March. If it was so extremely ' oppressive as to excite discontent and rebellion, its extremely unfavorable effects to ourselves would be a suffici ent reason for its repeal. Mr. M. said, that although he would fix a day for the repeal of the embargo, he could not carry his cnility lotbebel ligerenls so far as to give them notice onwhatday we would commence war rist them. Were we in such a sim tion that we could instantly bid defi nee to Great Britain ? When war conies, said he, it will be proper to consider whether it he politic, proper and necessary ? If it be po litic and the ;„aon cannot continue out of it without a sacrifice of its ho n»>r, then let us have it, and not take it in this manner, declaring to the belligerent' that jflbeydonot come forward on a certain day we will com- ; mence hostilities against them. The j next Congress will be belter able to will he proper on the j first day of June than we can now do ; if we ate not instantly logo to w ir, it will be decorous, wise and I right in us to let the question rest till i the next Coi gtcss come here in the end of May, and leave the responsi- ' bility with (hi j Mr. 1). H Williams said if ever | a man's mind was embarrassed on a j topic on which he had to legislate, he i confessed that his was. He saw a measure and a system which he thought susceptible of the clearest demonstration to be more warlike than war itself, a system which pre* ' ed this nation in peace and happi ness, about to be abandoned, and for the causes which had been assigned. When the late intelligence had reach ed him from the north-east, he s. id it had borne a character most distress ful to every man who valued the inte grity oft he government. It appear ed to him to be of such a character as not to leave a (doubt as to what course should be pursued. Thete could he but two courses, either to extend the strong arm of the government, or to abandon the law. Under that im pression (said Mr. W.) (busing not to enforce the law with the bayonet, I thought it proper to acknowledge to the House that J v.as ready to aban don the embargo. 1 did talk about insurgency and rebellion too, sir ; rfnd the reproof which 1 received from tbe gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. Rowan) was correct ; that ihe best way o (hive people into rebellion is to accuse them of it Perhaps, sir, I ought to apologise to the gen tleman from Virginia (Mr. Nicholas) for calling up tbissubject, when the resolution was | rpposed by him, and he was not disposed to call it up. I applied to him to call it-up, and un derstood that, it woidd be disagreeable to him on account of his indisposition. Hut I felt myselftbliged tocallitup, and not to permit such a preposition to he on the table beyond the moment when I could get to act on it. Like entlemen from Pennsylvania and Georgia, 1 am disposed that we should act for ourselves and in next Congress. To m«j sir, the embar go always appeared a blessii country. True, it has alwajs Ope rated to prevent us from making money, but that was all that was in jurious in its operation ; and, sir, I was so much of a fool, had so lit-le knowledge of human nature as to be lieve that (here was /latriut/am enough, love of country enough, ruiDE e nough in the nation, to induce its freemen to be willing to abstain from making money, for the good ofthe nation. I have been egregiously mis taken, sir, I thought I was l< for freemen who valued their rights ; that whilst they were the oniy people ;' in the world trusted with arms to fend thems :'ives, they Would have scorned to take money for the prosti tution of their countty. I did not think there was a man in the nation who would act the part of a pimp to his mother. It has been so. however ; and dreadful, cruel must be the tor ments of those who have been acces sory to it. [Mr. Williams here went at consi derable length into an examination of the arguments of Mr. Pitkin on Sa turday last in reply to a former speech of Mr. W. on the subject of the em bargo*] We have !.ut small choice of courses to pursue,said Mr. Williams. One course is to admit foreign vessels into our 9 embar go continues. Now, though Ido be lieve should he perfectly jut j tillable in enforcing the embargo and suffering foreign vessels to come and take away our produce, as a punish ment In a certain class of men in the country for their treasonable conduct ; yet, sir, legislating for a whole na tion, not for any particular class, I • cannot consent to that. Another course is that recom mended by a gentleman from New York, (Mr. Gbrdenier) to go back and undo all you have done. Will you Mead back your steps and go back with him to J y's treaty ? I have no hesitation in saying that it we wete even placed in the situation in which we then were, I would not accept of it. That treaty carried a feature in it which ought to have damned it at the J first view. It took propei t\ from one portion of the community to pay for advantages to the other. Yes, sir, it did. You know that a solemn stipu lation whs made in a treat} of peace. to pay us for the property which they had stolen from us ; and you and the House know it was treated awaj I secure commercial advantages ; and I yet, thank God, the southern states j did not rise in rebellion against it. We must select either a continu j ance of the embargo or war, sir. II ever there were a numherof men in this world who had the destinies of a nation in their grasp, the opposition ists to the embargo have that high power. There cannot he a doubt, if ' excitement had not been made, or if | after it was mad< it had been allayed jbv those who excited it—and, sir, I I have no wish now to excite a disa i greeable sensation in the breast of any man; for 1 have said enough on this head heretofore—if they would noiu. attempt to allay the fervor instead ot increasing it, that it would he pat down j and if put down, there cannot be a doubt but we should be preserv ed in peace, and gain stipulations of peace honorable to our country. For God's sake, let me conjure gentle men not to forget that we have a country. If they repeal the embar go they must support war, btcause their character—yes, sir, their cha racter as men loving their country is at stake. Will you drive us to a re peal of the embargo, and make no resistance ? Are you ready to sit down quietly under the impositions laid upon you? You have driven us from the embargo. The excitements in thecasl render it necessary that we should enforce the embargo with the bayonet or repeal it. I will repeal it —and I could weep over it more than! oter a lost child. If you do not resist, you are no longer a nation—you dare tot call yourself so—you are the merest vassals conceivable. Sir, if' gentlemen will not support us in a I war, and I give fair notice that if we take off the embargo I am for war—j they must support it, or they will sink the character of the nation. If they will support neither war or em bargo, if they destroy the effect of both, 1 ask you, sir, docs not the prostitution ol the character of the country lie at tltii uoors? If they mean submission, I will thank them to say so. It some how or other hap pens that republicans arc thought to j be friendly to France, and federalists ! to Great Britain. I believe neither imputation to be correct to the extent to which it is carried. But it is a fact that the British ear is (-pen to that side of the question sooner than to us. Now, sir, I appeal to the mino rity, who hold the destinies of the nation in their grasp, for they can en force the embargo without the bayo net—lbeg them, if they will not de clare war, that they will do the best they can for their country. If avarice has so seized on our hearts, as to I awry wholly the love of country, (and assuredly it has if we submit) for God's sake let me entreat gentlemen to make the best term's they can for j us—to secure the kind protection of the Ilriiisii government for v—to procure us the miserable boon that i the tax on us may be collected here j without compelling us to g*to Bri tcin to pay it. Sir, the blood which runs through my veins, te Is me 1 was not born to be a British subject ; it teds mc that the opposition to us must have ! ucked the same milk— that weareot the same family. Then let us with one heart and hand take j bold of war. But- says the gentle-i man from Connecticut, (Mr. Tall- ; madge) what will you gain by it ? It j is not money, sir, I want, iou lose | money by a war; but >on gain your rights ; you gain the chance of dying honorably in your country's detence instead of submitting, without reals* tancc, and that will be a cm sol,,ti n to thousands, if their country is to be disgraced. Yes, sir, solemn as the reflection is, if we. take off the emhwr go I am for war, and \ hope the tf AID IN ADVANCE 1 whole House will be for it. It is true ] that it brings along with it mh • ics - without number. You will &cc ; despair, and all the family < ; ses, driving ruthlessly over the coun - try. But it will he infinitely i [ suffering to die in defence of the coun try than to live in bondage. I will not submit. I will plunge into the euW, and I hope every man will follow me, when we have lost our mantle of peace, the embargo. Mr. Dana thought it proper, if gentlemen talked of dying for their country, that they shouldme useful* ly ; for really the mere dying could be of no Service whatever to tl c otm try. He said, he was not disposed at , this time to go into a discussion ol the embargo subject gene] I he would slate o, c general position, viz. that the existing policy is .■ nov< Uy in the history of hum w society. From the earliest period of .i said, there were no proofs tin, the system ever did or ever could pro duce the events whk h gen»h prophesied. When tlven this wai utter novelty on c rth, when gentle men proposed a course never h to savage or civilized die, w-etliey not bound specifically to stati '~< is in contestable in support of i ? And what, (said Mi.Dai a,) have they done? Avowed a general broad political faith and wholesale predictions, that it will produce an effect, in defiance' of all experience. And am 1- bound to say, when gentlemen come for ward thus, that ihe plan wili suc ceed? The thing is against you, sir. No ardor of patriotism, intrepid: courage, or excess; of devotion could make It effectual. He said, that the contest was so Unequal in the nature of things, that the U. S. could not succeed in it. Nothing but sup< r-hu man bid could make it succeed.— When gentlemen came to examine into facts, it would be found that they omitted to exarn'me the hearing thing in general or in detail. Wl i n had any officer ofthe govenmn , any member oi either house of Con gress, undertaken to give a view i ie la live <■ ofthe world upon each otbel. As far as comirfcrce is essential to the ex istence of G. Britain, (said Mr. D.) evtfn now she has the whole World before her As far as com men essential to our existence, tl world is shut to us, by the i Even say that Britain loses one -fourth ol her revenue, we lose ti.e whole of ours. They,h..se a part, but a mode rale part indeed ol' their commerce, i whilst we lose the whole. The bargo cannot succeed in the nature of I things, and I am not astonished that j you do not find it on any of the diplo matic correspondence, stated as a j measure of coercion, because it would be no easy matter to prove it to be so. What are you to operate on fori governments by this measure ? Fa mine and insurrection are to be your chosen troops, your auxiliaries to o verturn their systems. You assail them by famine, which is to all up insurrection. This is, I think, the language of the advocates of the cm ; bargo. And can I wonder that it IS never spoken of in our official diplo matic correspondence, as a men of hostility ? Mr. Dana said, ii unfortunate that the embargo been laid, and peculiar? unfortut that it had been continued. Did gentlemen already say, that i a miserable faction, put the mem at defiance? Were there: government held by such i. hands? If rebellion exisU,, said do you hesitate a moment to deis to your battalions to m put it down ? If you will not do at i nC< repeal the statu; offence. [Mr. Passet asked to l they gave offence;'] lam ofthe obnoxious statues which a. at defiance, said Mr. Dana—for possible use can they be lor tii ued ? Mr. D. said, he had thou the days of ancient chivalry had scarcely returned yet. Time bad I when the champions of old accustomed to have fetes and lomna ments, and fix days of battle for each other, sometimes an h tul ed on each side. This was a species of private I war, a splendid display of personal ! courage. But to talk of one nation: ; giving a day to another to meet it in battle was a thing which, he said, he had not expected to see in these days. Did gentlemen expect after G. Bri tain and Prance had been wading through blood for years past, that they Would be awed into a compliance with i our wishes? With whomsoever wo fought, Mr. Dana said, M . o contemptible foe. 1 est of our troops might saj, II they had been victorious, " NO. 1298.