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INDEPENDENT lifSraanM(jointtre Published Ever? Thuraday By THE MICHIGAN CHRONICLE PUBLISHING COMPANY MAIN OFFICE: 268 *Eliol Detroit 1 Mich. TEmple 1 4177 8 LOUIS EMANUEL MARTIN Ediioi Entered as second class matter May I 1940 at the Post Office et Detroit Mich, under the act ot March 1 1879. Terms ot Subscription (payable in advance): One Year 54.00: Nine Months S3.SO; Six Months. S2.SO LETS TALK WITH FACTS There are a preat many mistaken ideas about political candidates and issues floating around these days and reactionary forces benefit when these questions are not clarified. Rut not only as Negroes, but also a> citizens of thi> country and ol the world is it necessary for u> to examine parties, candidates and issues cooly and objectively. I nless we do we are likely to follow the example of the writer of the letter to the editor tills week who has made certain erroneous statements about the election. The election this November is probably the most important in this nat'ons history. Voters will choose a man who will direct the country, but e\en moie, a man who will sit at the peace table and do much to determine the course of world history for many Years to come. It .s in this realm that Roosevelts experience and v sion are particularly valuable. His Years at the head of our government have given him a broader grasp of world allairs and personalities than any man in public life would normally have. Yet Mr. Dewey, even in an ordinary election, has nothing to recommend him as a student of world affairs. His record in the past has been one of retreat from world responsibilities rather than an attempt to cope with them. His running mate, Gov ernor Bricher of Ohio, is likewise without an appre ciation of the interdependence of nations and the views held by Republican Wendell Willkie whose rejection by his party is the most concrete evidence of their beliefs. Mr. Willkie last week in an article in Colliers stated that the Democratic platform on foreign affairs was stronger than that of his own party. It was not mere chance that Mr. Bricker was selected by Gerald L. K. Smith as his first choice as running mate on the America First ticket. When we examine the issues from a purely racial viewpoint the decision is equally clear. Mr. Roose velt’s 12-year record of efforts in behalf of the com mon man are balanced against a few Dewey ap pointees. Our correspondent states that he has read nothing of what this administration (Roosevelt’s) has done for the Negro. Where was this gentleman when the Wagner Labor Act was passed to protect the interests of labor? What of the record of the Farm Security Administration which has made great strides toward true democracy even in the Deep South and has met widespread opposition from reactionary Republicans and southern Democrats as well? What of housing provided Negroes by fed eral authority? What of the years when the WPA, the NYA, the CCC, the Federal Writers’ Project, etc., alone protected the Negro from the effects of the depression in which this country had been plunged before the election of President Roosevelt? The FKPC and the Texas Primary decision by a liberal Supreme Court (chiefly Roosevelt appointees) are other undeniable gains for the Negro. That is only a portion of the record with which the President can face Candidate Dewey. Dewey, on the other hand, has on his side only a number of glowing generalities on the Negro question included in his speeches and in his party’s platform. For instance, the platform states that the situation'of the Negro in the Army would be investigated and the proper steps taken. But why an investigation? The facts are known. Is it because it would be simpler to shelve the issue after the campaign if no definite promise of action was given? Mr. Dewey’s action this spring in New York State on the anti disrimination bills proposed by a committee ap pointed by him took this form. He advised another committee to investigate the findings knowing that the report from this second group would come in well after the election and thus he would do nothing to alienate his southern friends in Congress. Because of his action, ( banning Tobias, Lester Granger and some of the w hite members of the anti-discrimina tion committee resigned in protest. The reactionary elements in both parties have formed a coalition which has consistently voted against Administration proposals and all liberal legislation. On the poll-tax question, for example, Mr. Dewey as his party’s candidate did not ask that Republican members of Congress vote for cloture, and the measure was defeated. This was the fate of the Murray-Kilgore bill as well which would have provided adequate unemployment compensation on a national basis but on which Mr. Dewey held his peace. On the soldiers’ vote bill he was also for states’ rights rather than in favor of a federal ballot which would have guaranteed the vote for all sol diers. The solution lies perhaps within neither party but in the emergence of a new liberal party. In the interim Negroes can only choose the best of two fi Dll OKI A L PAGE OF THE MICHIGAN CHRONICLE not very different parties, and two strikingly dif ferent men. The line-up of supporters behind the candidates is another indication of the true issues involved. Behind President Roosevelt is the CIO and the great majority of organized labor, PM, the liberal news paper, the New York Rost, the t Nation, the New Republic and other liberal publications. With Mr. Dewey are the arch-conservative Chicago Tribune and the majority of the daily press long known for its devotion to big business. Supporting the Presi dent are white liberals like Lillian Smith, Carey Mc- Williams, and Clark Foreman, and such Negro lead ers as Adam Clayton Powell, Channing Tobias, Mary McLeod Bethune, Robert Weaver, Captain H ugh Mulzac, Paul Robeson, and Langston Hughes. On the Dewey side of the fence are ranged only Bishop Sims and J. Finley Wilson among the better known Negroes. Is this mere coincidence? The recent attack launched on the CIO Political Action Committee is an indication of the danger the Republicans see in the support of the President by organized abor. Mr. Harold Ickes in his address to the UAW-CIO convention last week made a good point when he asked why it was acceptable for the Republicans to receive contributions of hundreds of thousands of dollars from single individuals yet ob ject to thousands of laborers contributing SI.OO. Is the Negro today to turn his back on his friends and natural allies in the organized labor movement and range himself with the party of big business? The stakes today are too great for the Negro voter to allow himself to be confused. An intelligent voter will discuss the issues, question those who wish to advise him but above all learn the facts. We be lieve that Candidate Dewey, his party and his record cannot bear this examination. THE NEGRO IN FICTION The treatment of the Negro in literature and particularly in fiction in the past has left much to he desired. Two recent articles on the subject by Dr. Harry A. Overstreet in the Saturday Review of Literature present an original approach to the prob lem of correcting misapprehensions about the Negro. Dr. Overstreet suggests that fiction writers and psychologists “should put their heads together on this wholly fundamental problem of the kinds of images that need now to be created.” Dr. Overstreet states the need for the image in fiction of white and colored working together. “As we become accustomed to this in fiction and in fact we shall be the more ready to admit its per fect naturalness.” “The race problem is basically one involving prejudice; and where prejudice lives, reason cannot get in,” Dr. Overstreet writes. “The strategy of overcoming racial prejudice, therefore, cannot depend upon marshalling powerful reasons . . The story can turn the trick; for a rattling good story takes the reader by surprise on all fronts.” We think Dr. Overstreet’s suggestion an excel lent one and hope that the magazine will get many responses to its request for suggestions for bringing together psychologists and fiction writers interested in a more accurate representation and characteriza tion of the Negro. Until all the old stereotypes of the Negro as indolent, stupid, ignorant, child-like, criminal, etc., are removed from the minds of whites, little can be accomplished in the field of practical race relations. THE CHRONICLER By CONFUCIUS Throw a grain or two of salt on the latest statement of that great Anverlcan philanthropist. Itenry Ford. Henry recalling his pioneer- Inc ware* for labor In 1914, con veniently forgetting his anti-union basis for his liberal wages. prom ises the best wage* now to his men. in an evident attempt to put the government and even the FAW on the spot. The latter is forced to pat Ilenrv on the hack for the first time, and llenrv’s words are meant to discredit the government’s price and wage control war meas ures. In the past ten unionlied years of the auto industry, many other companies* wages have ex ceeded the world heating ones of the Ford sweatshops. * * * Girls, better watch your polities. Mr: Crystal Rird Fauset's husband. Arthur, divorced her right after she deserted Eleanor and Frank I n. Never let your husband catch you with your vo*e down! * * £ A* one commentator said. the M. C. at the Indiana Republican gathering when Bricker spoke real ly made the most brilliant observa tion of the campaign. “This Is the first time . . . ue've had two candidates of such equal stature. Thomas E. Dewey and John W. Bricker.** Dewey Tom must have been sore for the next week. * * * The UAW convention h.i.s envied wrh everything at the V*' u« quo same number of vice-pn x:c.« Which this time precluded » durk er brother getting one of the ixists. Get in there and work! * * * Heard from the Chronicle staff that Dearborn folks don't relish the Idea of us folks moving in. They weren't all Southerners, cith er Since school starting Is right here, thought comes to Confucius’ mind. What in hell Is wrong with our schools? Be better for some of us Instead of wasting our ener gies on fights too far away for our efforts to count, to get in there and rassle with hoards of educa tion and teachers, etc, about what our children of all ra- es learn. If aiiitudea learned In childhood wera strong democratic ones, there would not be as many bigoted adults. * * * Is that business of young B O Davis (the colonel) getting the MV**Continued on Page Se\cn ‘VP.RESPECTS NEITHER RACE NOS RANK-STAMP ItOUT THE FACTS IN OUR NEWS By HORACE A. WHITE SCHOOL DAI’S ARE lIERE AGAIN With the opening of school' all over the country at this time of the year. It Is Important for parents and their rhildren to think about the meaning of school. Because of the neoessity of war. young people have been able to make a lot of money doing some very Important fobs. As Import* ant as these Jobs are. It Is much more important that young people continue their education There should not be any question In anv parent's mine about his child’s re turning to school By all means every child of school age. should find himself in some school. It will be harder for Negro par* ents to make the division to send their children back to school, than for the parents of other racial groups in our population The Ne .;ro y ing person has been denied jobs so long, because of his color and race, that now, he has the opportunity to work, it would ap pear on the face of it, that he .should work In addition to this, the Negro breadwinner has been a marginal worker so long that he will feel the added inconve from his children cannot be spared. It must be remembered by Negro par ents especially, that much of the progress made by us as a race has been made because we have con tinued to improve ourselves. The basis for anv real improvement Is education. Education is the learn ing of new skills whirh we call knowledge, and an application of those skills to hettpr one's way of life, which we call wisdom. Ne groes know that democracy has a way of passing by people who are not fitted to carry on with meaning and purpose the struggle to have democracy unfold for all of its people. A Negro child starting out In the first grade, has about one chance in three hundred of gradu ating from high school. To me. your correspondent, this should not be. for getting more young Negroes through high school, and into col lege, or other professional training, is primarily the responsibility of the oarents. When we say the responsibility of the parents, we do not mean just the immediate parents alone; we mean all of the adult Institu tions that go to make up a com munity. should point toward hav ing voting people fulfill themselves, first by adequate preparation and then by getting Into a Job or ac tivity that will lend Itself to the development of a community, whether that community is local, state-wide, or national. Parents must see to it that the young go to school. Without proper school ing this democracy of ours will lag. Peonle of college ace will have a much harder time deciding to go back to school. Their arguments will be. that they can put off get ting their education until after the war. They argue thnt they can save money and be ready for school when the war is over. Such a pro gram is silliness and a parent is being ‘ foolhardy” to listen to such an argument from a college age person who should be in college. In the first place, students do not save money when they are out of school, as a general rule. They usually have no more after a year or two of work, than they had when they "started saving." There fore parents should see to It, that children of college age drop their jobs and return to school. Your correspondent has been con cerned for some time about the mediocrity displayed by the average Negro college student. There seems to be little effort on the part of many college students to learn any thing In college. These students harelv get by in many instances. 3lany of them have superior minds, but they seem to major In being a college student, rather than In the material given at the college. This can partly he laid at the door of Negro college ppople In the com munity. It Is surprising and sad dening In many instances, to see how irresponsible many adult Ne gro college people are. This Irre sponsibility on the part of Negro adults, who have had college ex perience. gives the young college student the idea that the end and aim of going to college Is. to gradu ate. become a member of one or two of the social groups of college people, and continue to act a fool the rest of his life. A college education should give a person knowledge enough to live creatively with his neighbors, and to carry out a line of activity that will make it easier for one's neigh bors to find happiness in this world of ours. A college education should NOT THE PARTY - BUT THE PEOPLE! eve» sEt^| 4 j r The Real Philadelphia Story By DOUGLAS MacMAHON (Mr. Mar.Mahon, who U (hr lntrrnation.il irrrtUry-irramrrr of (hr Trans* port Workers I nion of the CIO. supervised the organizing campaign at the Philadelphia Trans.t Company. He maintains that company opposition to the CIO. Republican disunity were responsible for the paralyzing Philadel phia transit strike.) (Condensed from New Masses.) There was no “strike against the Negro” in Philadelphia. On this point 1 want to take v issue with the guest editorial of K. Washington Rhodes. Mr. Rhodes started from the mis take'll premise that the Philadelphia transportation tieup was u strike and therefore reached the disheartening and un founded conclusion that ”... the prejudices of the Philadel phia strikers against the Negro were more powerful than their love of country.” The nature of the Philadelphia events was clearly established by the 240 officers and shop stewards of Philadelphia Local 23 J of the Transport Workers Union in two meetings they held while the tran sit system was tied up. In a resolu tion adopted at their second meet ing on Sunday, Aug. 5, and sent to President Roosevelt, they stated: "Mr. President, let us assure you that the interruption of transporta tion service on the Philadelphia Transportation Company lines w r as not a strike. It w'as not a labor dispute. As the rank and file lead ers intimately associated with the men and women of PTC, we can assure you that the vast majority of these workers are devoted, loyal, and understanding Americans. They did not want any part of this plot. The national and local leaders of our union condemned this work stoppage We are unqualifiedly against strikes nr other interruption of work in wartime. We are even gfve a person wisdom A person ought to come out of college steeped in the sanctity of human endeavor, that all that he has learned, and is He "ought’* to have learned there, available for him to learn is the result of many years of living and struggle by many millions of peo ple before him. A college student ‘•ought" to learn to become dis criminating in his activities. This does not mean he should be a snob. He should be able to sit down and talk to the most unlettered of men. and have that man feel his warmth and interest A really edu cated man does not disdain the ways of men, but seeks to better the ways of men. SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 23, 1944 more emphatic in our opposition to defiance of the policies and orders of our own government. Must PTC workers uphold the American prin ciples and progressive policies of the Transport Workers Union and of the Congress of Industrial Or ganizations, with which we are affiliated.” From the very beginning, my fellow-officers of the union. Presi dent Michael J. Quill and Vice Pres ident James J. Fitzsimon, as well as myself, charged that the paralysis of transportation in the Quaker City was the result of a conspiracy That charge was later repeated by Attorney-General Francis Uiudle and many of his subordinates. In the judgement of experienced ob servers. not more than ten percent of PTC employes would have taken any action to prevent the promotion of Negroes to uniformed jobs. •’WHITE SUPREMACY” MAIN ISSUE OF UNION VOTE On March 14, 1944. there was a collective bargaining election among PTC employes under the supervi sion of the Pennsylvania la bur Re lations Board. In the long campaign that prerrded It. the company union succeeded in making “white supre macy” the main issue. The Trans port Workers Union stood four square on the CTO policy of no dis crimination and in favor of obeying government orders. The Amalga mated Association of Street Electric Railway and Motor Coach Employrs- AEL was non-committal on the rec ord, but Its organizers campaigr <1 against Negro promotion by word of mouth. The company-dominated PRT Employes’ Union openly cam paigned on a platform of ’Well keep the ‘Niggers* oft.” The em ployes of the transportation division, who were the ones involved in the tie-up, voted in a separate unit with the following results: Transport Workers Union 293 f» Amalgamated (AEI.) 1109 PKT Employes Union 1291 No Union K*» At the height of the anti-Negro agitation last fall and winter, the leaders of the company union, the Amalgamated and other anti-CIO groups, assisted by minor company officials and clerks, were able to get only 1,700 signatures expressing employes’ refusal to work with Ne groes, an action much milder than striking in wartime*. At the mass membership meeting held in Phila delphia's Town Hall on June 30, attended by nearly 2.000 PTC work ers who unanimously ratified their first TWU contract, an announce ment that the company had agreed to comply with the War Manpower Commission order to upgrade Ne groes, was greeted with loud ap plause. Then why was the Phila delphia Transportation tie-up una nimous? Because It was an organized plot, engineered by people who were thoroughly familiar with the transit system and had effective control over the opeiation and over the personnel The shop stew ards' reso lution to President Roosevelt stated: "We trust . . . that the investigation will begin with the role of the man agement of PTC In conceiving this conspiracy and in its execution. Un mistakable surface evidence points to collusion on the part of important cnmjvany officials. COMPANY AGENTS AC TIVE IN PLOT The federal grand jury investigat ing the conspiracy, if it will resist the p:essure that will no doubt be exerted to drop the probe, will un doubtedly uncover company atent* among the authors and participants in the plot. There Is no doubt that the company welcomed the tie-up Had it been successful, the spurious strike would have seriously weak ened end perhaps even destroyed the Transport Work: rs t nion, which was hitteily fought hy the company. The first contract has alicady urought PTC employe* inpr Ye menis totaling $3 000.000 I’lV. man agement. controlled by fiv, uicial in terests trat are the backb no of the most reactionary Republican 1 , es, nas shown every sign of j deter mination to get l.d of the CIO. Judge George A Welsh, in charg ing the g:and jury, told them to be.ir in mind that a "national elec tion is impending" Judge Welsh has an intimate knowledge of PTC corporate structure and manage ment and is more than a superficial student of Pennsylvania politics. REPUBLICAN GOVERNOR AND MAYOR SILENT It could not have been an acci dent that the Republican governor of Pennsylvaaia, in the greatest emergency to hit his state, said and did nothing. The Republican mayor of Philadelphia did worse than nothing, lie and his police commis sioner behaved in such an inept manner that they actually encour aged the plotters. To the best of our knowledge not a single promin ent Republican made any statement condemning the walkout or urging the workers to return to their jobs. George Sokulsky und Westbrook Pegler, who are among the most ardent Dewey supporters in the press, actually condoned the transit tie-up Pegler went so f. ( r a* to justify use of the strike weapon by PTC management in its ‘war" against the Transport Workers Union Disunity is the keystone of Repub lican strategy this year T e\ are desperately trying to win <mr Ne gro voters in the no. them and b. r der states. At the same tun. they seek to strengthen tin’ ; alliance with the southern Bourboi * ~i J are attempting to scare away from Roosevelt voters who* have strong prejudices against Negroes and other minorities, with the p opa ganda that the admin oi.o >n favors them .is against the w ite native Protestant majority Had the provo cation been successful and I. j i ice riots and disruption ensued in other cities, it would have been possible for those who paride a- the partv WSfr PHILADELPHIA, page 12 I EDITOR’S MAIL EDITOR'S N(HT President Ro»-r\Ht had nothing to do with Dilho's henim- Ins “mayor" of Washington. The v« n lor member of the majority p.tttv (now the Democrats) heroines auto matically Ihr chairman of anv com mittee on which he sits. In this rise lllbo happened to he the senior mem ber of the commuter handling th« affair* of thr District ol t olnmhia. I have just read your r i t<>ri.il in this week's Chronicle m wnuti you are lavish in your praise of the Democratic administration. They are tine words and it i» too bad they are not true. Hut the record of this administration ptoves oth erwise and 1 can't und< rstand how any well informed Negro can make such assertions 1 read a lit tle but I have not read of anything that this administration has done for the Negro. Since he is the Commander - in - Chief Roosevelt could have stopped nun h of the brutality our boys in the armed forces and in the Southern coups hav«* suffered. Yet he las sud or done nothing, and one or two weak orders issued b> the War depart ment are disobeyed by (lie South erners. When Hoo>e\rlt ni.nie the Negro-hating Bilbo mayor of Wash ington it was an insult to every Negro. It is a reflection on the in telligence of the Nt " o wini votes to keep Ins worse enemies in pow rr for when he votes the l)emo, rat io ticket he is votoi: to keep the South in power and it certainly is a gamble with our future when he does so. Southerners are not only the autocntic rulers of the South but will also rule the North if they stay in office. We may yet sec Jim Crow street cais in Detroit and Washington. Again, to keep one man with hi* many bure lurrat* in office indefi nitely is a dangerous precedent, and one that will work to the det riment of thp American way. Rvsp«ctfii!lv, J C Stubb*. Beauoien St.