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JO (7S.M AX. JUNIOR RANK DISCRIMINATION AGAINST WHOLE STATE Omaha and North-Western Figures That Hit Everybody in Minnesota—Taken From Reports. Comparison of lowa and Minnesota Rates That the Volume-of-Traffic Argument Won't Explain. '"*" . ■'■: I ■'■ \ . ."' :.■■-.? <$> <S> Omaha railway officials who are prone to deny or defend Omaha rate dis- <$> <*s crimination against Minnesota traffic are invited to examine and explain the <$> <s> following facts, derived from their own official reports made to the railway .<s> <$> commissions of the states of Minnesota and lowa. i ■■ Vi:;: ■ <§> <§> —Forty-one per cent of the Omaha gross earnings for the fiscal year •*> <?' ending June 30, 1900, were derived from Minnesota business, although only 28 <S> <?•• per cent of the average mileage operated was in Minnesota. <$> <?■ Second—Fifty-six per cent of the Omaha net earnings were from Minne- <s> <§> sota business—in other words, twice as much compared to mileage in Minne- <S> <s> sota as for the entire line. '."'•■'■' <§> <$> Third—Omaha freight earnings per mile of road were $7,580.50 in Minne- <8> <?> sota, as compared with $4,880.90 for the entire line, or, 55 per cent greater per <§> <$> mile in this state than for the line entire. .* - <§> 4> Fourth—Omaha freight earnings per train mile were 41 per cent higher <S> ♦ in Minnesota than for the entire line; while the net earnings per train mile <S> <* N were 73 per cent greater in Minnesota. <$> <<> Fifth—Omaha net earnings per mile of road were $5,157.54 in Minne- <§> <S> sota, as compared with $2,627.92 for the entire line—or 96 per cent greater for <$> •♦ the Minnesota mileage than for that of the entire line. ■ <$- <S> Finally, Minnesota traffic contributes to the Omaha over $3,300,000 of <$> <S> freight earnings, per annum, as compared with less than $600,000 contributed <$> ♦ by the traffic of Iowa; and yet Omaha rate 6 in Minnesota are at least 25 per <$> <$* cent higher than those charged in lowa. <$> "t- ■'".:' ■'. <S> The defense of the North-Western and other Chicago roads for charging higher rates in Minnesota than out of Chicago is volume of traffic. They claim that Chica go is eil titled to better rates than the twin cities because Chicago gives them more business. But how does this defense apply to dis crimination against the twin cities as compared with rates in Iowa? Why should the twin cities with a population of nearly 400,000 pay 25 per cent higher freight rates than Dcs Moines whose pop ulation is 65,000, or Dubuque with 37,000. or Davenport with 35,000, or Clinton and Ce.lar Rapids with 25,000? The four largest towns of lowa —Dcs Moines, Dubuque, Davenport, and Sioux City—have by the census of 1900 just 166. --801 population, or about that of St. Paul. The next twelve lowa towns—Burlington, Cedar Kaplds. Clinton, Council Bluffs. Ot tumwa, Keokuk, Muscatine, Marshall- I town, Osknloosa, Boone, Mason City and I Fort Dodge—possess in the aggregate j about 200,000, which is less than the pop- ! ulation of Minneapolis. In fact, the twenty principal towns of lowa together show about the population and traffic business of the twin cities, and yet the Chicago roads charge twin city traffic 20 per cent to 40 per cent higher freight rau-s-than they chaVge cny one of these lowa xowns. By Way of Illustration. Take the following case: Prom Clinton, the easternmost point on the North-West ern in lowa, to Sioux City is 380 miles; end from Minneapolis to Sioux City, via the Omaha branch of the North-Western. it is 2SO miles. That is, Minneapolis is 100 miles nearer than Clinton to Sioux City via the two branches of the North- Western system; nevertheless, Minneapo lis is charged the same rate. Minne apolis pays the same merchandise rate of 60c per hundred for a 280-mile haul, that Clinton pays for a 380-mile haul over the same system to the same point. On the basis of distance, Minnesota freight pays a 35 per cent higher rate. Take another illustration. iFrom the twin cities to Mankato via the Omaha is not quite 100 miles —indeed, via Merriam Junction, It is only 79 miles —and the rate on first-class merchandise is 30c per hun dred: while the maximum which the Oma ha is allowed to charge for 100 miles in I lowa is 24c. Again, from the twin cities j via the Omaha to Bigelow near the lowa border it is close to 200 miles and the merchandise rate is 63c; while the maxi mum 200-mile rate in lowa is 40c. That Is to say, the North-Western sys tem charges 25 per cent more for the 100 --mile merchandise haul in Minnesota than in lowa, and far the 200-mile haul it charges 35 per cent more—notwithstanding j that the twin cities give the Omaha ten times the volume of business that any one lowa shipping point furnishes. One* again, the Omaha gets Bee per cwt. for the first-class merchandise haul from the twin cities to Kansas City, 570 miles. Of the 85c charged. 53c is for the 200 miles •within Minnesota from Minneapolis to Bigelow, and only 32c for the remaining 370 miles from Biselow into Kansas City. That is, the 200 Minnesota miles pay nearly two-thirds and the 370 lowa and Missouri miles pay a little over one-third of the 850 charge. It is. of course, true that the first hundred miles of the haul should pay a somewhat higher proportion- ! ate rate because of the handling; but it is j significant that the highest rate which the i Omaha or any other read can charge in lowa for 200 miles Is 40c, instead of the 63c charged by the Omaha in Minnesota. The extra 13c Is an arbitrary 33 per cent discrimination toll -which the Omaha levies upon Minnesota traffic because of the fact, that the 200-mile haul is on Mm- j nesota soil instead of on lowa soil. Twin j city traffic pays the extra 33 per cent over i and above Dcs Moines, or Cedar Rapids, or Sioux City traffic, although the latter is tar less in volume. Minnesota n« n Traffic Gold Mine. As a matter of plain fact. Minnesota is the traffic gold mine of the Omaha rail way. Not only does Minnesota give the Omaha its best traffic iv volume, but the cream of the Omaha business from a re paying standpoint. Of 288,945 tons of merchandise which the Omaha railroad handled in 1899, 144,969 . tons, or over half, was Minnesota tonnage. Of 38,693 tons of agricultural, imple ments handled by the Omaha, 27,949 tons, or 70 per cent, was for Minnesota. Of 21,161 tons of sugar handled. 16, --808, or 80 per cent, was Minnesota ton nage. .'.: V "''.'-. ; . ". ■-';; Of 21,303 tons of oil handled, 14.905, or two-thirds, was for Minnesota. Of a total of 1.466,443 tons of grain handled in 1899 by the Omaha railway, 928,891 tons, or about 65 per cent, was Minnesota grain. Of 692,724 tons of lumber handled by the Omaha in the year, 271,888 tons, or over 40 per cent, was Minnesota lumber. Of 281,953 tons of flour handled by the Omaha, 241,225 tons, or over 85 per cent, was Minnesota flour. Finally, of the entire tonnage of 4,740, --198 tons of freight hauled by the Omaha railway during the fiscal year, 2,439,581 tons, or over 61 per cent, was Minnesota THE MINNEAPOLIS JOURNAL? tonnage. In 1900, again, over 50 per cent of the Omaha's tonnage was Minnesota state and interstate freight, notwith standing that only 28 per cent of the Omaha mileage is within Minnesota. But it is when the subject of freight revenue and gross and net earnings is considered, that Minnesota shows up as an Omaha asset. Over 44 per cent of the Omaha freight earnings are drawn from Minnesota ton nage; while over 66 per cent of Omaha net earnings are due to Minnesota patronage. Omaha In Minnesota vs. Entire Line. The following statistics of the Omaha railway are from the last report to the state railroad and warehouse commis sion, made by the Omaha company for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1900: Minn. Minnesota. Entire Line P.Ct. Average mileage operated 435.76 1,519.69 28 Passenger earn ings $981,421.19 $2,850,622.13 34 Freight earnings 3,303,277.88 7,429,619.01 44 Gross earrings. 4,363,744.37 10,409,863.89 41 Net earnings... 2,247,448.71 8,993,496.55 66 The earnings per mile of road for Min nesota and for the entire line, respective ly, with computation showing the increase in Omaha earnings snd charges in this state as compared with entire line, fol low: Entire. Minn.P.C. Minnesota. Line. Inc. Inc. Freight earn ings per mile of road $7,580.50 $4,880.90 $2,699.60 55 Pass'ngs earn ings per mile of road 2,252.21 1,875.79 376.42 20 Gross earn ings per mile of road 10,014.10 6,849.99 3,164.11 46 Net earn ings per mile of road 5,157.54 2,627.83 2,529.71 96 Earnings per train mile—that is, per mile traveled by each revenue paying paying freight, passenger, mail and bag gage train —with comparisons, are, in dol lars, cents and mills: Minne- Entire Minn. Inc. sota. line. Inc. Pr ct. Freight earnings per train mi1e.53.26.558 $2.30.795 .95.793 41 Passenger earn ings per train mile 1.00.242 .94.034 .06.208 6.5 Gross earnings per train mile. 2.28.067 1.76.933 .51h34 29 Net earnings per train mile. 1.17.461 .67.876 .49.585 78 Rate Discrimination Explains It. Considering the significance of these two facts: First —Omaha freight earnings, per mile of road, are 55 per cent higher in Minnesota than for the entire line. Second—Omaha freight earnings per train mile are 41 per cent higher in Minnesota than for the entire line. Let us now look for the explanation. Minneapolis vs. Cedar Raplda. Cedar Rapids is a city of 25,000 popula tion and Minneapolis has upwards of 200, --000. Both are located on the North- Western railway system. The difference between the two cities in volume of rail way traffic is even greater than in popu lation, because Minneapolis as a manufac turing and jobbing point supplies an ex tensive territory, distributing farm ma chinery, boots and shoes, and dry goods, for example, throughout the west, and sending flour and lumber to the Atlantic coast and Europe. Notwithstanding this fact, Minneapolis shippers are compelled to pay the North-Western on the aver age at least 25 per cent higher rates than are charged in lowa. The following are shipping rates westward from Cedar Rapids on ths North-Western and southwestward from the twin cities on the Omaha, show ing the difference between lowa and Mm I nesota rates on first-class freight for the Some Roosevelt Anecdotes A New Yorker who was in the assem bly with Roosevelt twenty years ago says that the appearance of the young man who now occupies the most prominent position in the eyes of all mankind, was strange, not to say ludicrous. "He was a queer little whippersnap per," says the New Yorker, "not weigh ing over 125 pounds. His manner was that of a bantam, and his funny voice, when he raised it in appeal to 'Mr. Speaker,' was enough to make us all turn around and laugh. But he was an awful fighter!" During the campaign of 1900, one day the train bearing Roosevelt was halted within calling distance of that from which William Jennings Bryan was making "jrear-platform" speeches. Roosevelt recognized his political opponent and called: "Hello, Bill!" "Hello, Teddy!" came the democratic candidate's answer. "How's your voice!" SATUBDAY EVENING, SEPTEMBER 21, 1901. same distances and on the same railway system': Distance. Rate Discrimination. Shipm't points, miles, per IQO. Pr ct Minneapolis to Jordan 49 23c 3a or 15 Cedar Rapids to Tama 60 20c Minneapolis to Mankato 96 SOc C.20 or 21 Cedar Rapids to Ames 105 24.80 Minneapolis to Bingham Lake.ls3 41c 9a or 2S Cedar Rapids to Jefferson 150 S2o Minneapolis to Wortbington ..188 SOc 13.50 or 35 Cedar Rapids to Maple Riv. J...180 86.80 Minneapolis to Adrian 207 540 12.4 c or 30 Cedar Rapids to Denison 210 41.60 Minneapolis to Luverne 221 870 12.20 or £7 Cedar Rapids to Anon 230 44.80 The Omaha branch of the North-West ern, therefore, charges Minneapolis job bers and manufacturers about 25 per cent higher rates on first-class freight than the North-Western charges Cedar Rapids shippers. nO a distance of 200 miles the Minneapolis shipper must stand a handi cap of over 12 cents per 100 pounds, which amounts to a discrimination of about 30 per cent. This discrimination is heavy enough to eat up the entire margin of profit on the shipment. Minneapolis gives the North-Western system perhaps ten times the volume of traffic that Cedar Rapids does. There is no just reason on earth for this bare-faced discrimination. Winona vs. Clinton Rates. Winona, Minn., and Clinton, lowa, are Mississippi towns of a size, both on the North-Western railway. Through central lowa and southern Minnesota the North- Western in its western extension from these two river towns has parallel lines. The two parallel branches run through a thickly settled farming country in each case. Winona and Clinton have each about 23,000 population. Each is a river town. Each sends westward more or less manufactured wares; Winona, if any thing, sending a larger volume because of its extensive sawmills. Winona is the distributing point also of a considerable neighboring territory in groceries, fruit, provisions and farm machinery. The southern Minnesota counties through which the North-Western passesl in going westward from Winona are populous and prosperous, comparing favorably with the best lowa counties. There is no just reason why freight rates out from Winona on the North- Western should be a cent higher per 100 than on the parallel branch from Clinton westward. Nevertheless, the North-Western charges Minnesota shippers on its Winona-St. Peter division 20 per cent to 50 per cent higher rates than it does lowa shippers on the Clinton-Council Bluffs line for the same freight and distances, as witness the following tariffs on first class freight: Dis Rate Discrim tances. per 100. ination. Shipping Points— Miles. Cents. Pet. Winona to St. Charles 28 24 7c or 40 Clinton to Gd Mound 25 17 Winona to Rochester 50 30 10c or 50 Clinton to Stanwood 50 20 Winona to Claremont 78 34 11.6 c or 50 Clinton to Ced. Rapids 80 22.4 Winona to Waseca 105 35 9.4 c or 36 Clinton to Luzerne .. 110 25.6 Winona to Nicollet .. 153 38 6c or 19 Clinton to Mars'town 150 32 Winona to Tracy 229 52 7.2 c or 16 Clinton to Dcs Moines 225 44.8 Winona to Watertown 321 76 19c or 33 Clinton to Logan 320 57 Winona to Huron .. 365 80 20c or 33 Clinton to Sioux City. 380 60 The average discrimination against Min nesota shippers doiring the entire length of the North-Western from Winona west ward into South Dakota, as compared with lowa rates on the same railroad is there fore about 33 per cent, What do south ern Minnesota shippers think of this treatment ? GEORGE P. TAWNEY, WINONA Chancellor Commander Minnesota Grand Lodgre, Knights of Pythias. The grand lodge will meet in annual convention at St. Paul next Tuesday. The year Just closing has been a very prosper ous one with the order, and Mr. Tawney's report will make a satisfactory showing, notwithstanding that presidential cam paigns interfere greatly with the work of secret orders. Mr. Tawney has been a knight ever since he was old enough to Join the order and, prior to being elected chancellor commander by the state lodge, was honored by the Winone lodge by be ing chosen chancellor commander. At the request of many friends, Mr. Tawney has consented to stand for re-election to the position he now holds. He has worked hard the past year for the building up of the order in the state, and believes that the experience thus gained would permit him, if the lodge saw fit to honor him again, to give it better and more efficient service in the year to come. Mr. Tawney has been warmly received in his official visitation to the different lodges of the state and his management of the office seems to have been generally approved. IN THE PRESENCE OP GREATNESS. Detroit Free Press. Parke—l suppose you have great hopes of that new baby of yours, haven't you? Lane—Well, yes, I have, old man. When I think of what the baby is likely to be I i fairly tremble at my own insignificance! "About as strong as the democratic platform." shouted Roosevelt, hoarsely. "And yours?" "Oh," wheezed Bryan, "mine's in about the condition of republican promises!" And the trains passed on. ■•Shortly after, Dr. Leonard Wood and Colonel Roosevelt had organized the Rough Riders in the southwest, one of the troopers rode up to Colonel Wood in the familiar manner of the prairies and said: "You're Colonel Wood, all right, ain't you?" "Yes, sir; I am Colonel Wood," gasped the astonished officer. "Well," said the cowboy soldier, "I •want to tell you the boya didii't much know what to make o' you an' Roosevelt when you first came down, but we've been sizing you up an' talkin' it over an 1 we've 'bout made up our minds you're both whits, an' I reckon most o' the fooye would go plumb to hell for you bow." THEODORE ROOSEVELT'S REMARKABLE CAREER Vivid Sketches of a Powerful Voting Man's Meteoric Rise—His Polit ical Reforms in New York—Vigorous Literary Work—Some of His "American Ideals"—Amusing Anecdotes. The strange and untoward fate that has so suddenly placed at the head Of a great nation Theodore Roosevelt, after a career of rare variety, interest and excitement, has been somewhat overlooked in the sorrow attending the death of the late well beloved president whom he has suc ceeded. President Roosevelt who was graduated at Harvard college only as late as 1880, was born at No. 28 East Twentieth street, New York city, on October 27, 1858. Eight generations of his father's family have lived in that city. From 1652 to the Political and Reformatory Work He Opposed a Third Term. On leaving college he began the study of law, taking, meanwhile, an active interest in politics. In the fall of 1881 he was elected to the assembly from the Twenty first district of this city, then known as Jacob Hess's district, and was three times re-elected, serving in the legislature of 188S, 1884 and 1885. Prom the first, he manifested the activity and energy which throughout his pubHc career have been his most prominent characteristics. Ho was among the most uncompromising oppo nents of all kinds of unclean and dishonest jobs. After his second election he was the leader of the republican minority and was his party's candidate for speaker. This was rapid advancement for a young man of 25. In the legislature of 1884 he was chairman of the committee on cities and chairman of the special investigating committee. His effort to get Judge West brook impeached, though not sucessful, had a beneficial influence upon other mem bers of the judiciary. He also played a prominent part in securing the legislation by which the power of confirming the mayor's appointments was taken away from .the New York board of aldermen. As a delegate to the national republican convention where the "third-term men," under the late Roscoe Conkling, attempted to force the nomination of General Grant upon the party, Mr. Roosevelt stood up and contested every point with the sen ator, who in the end was defeated in his fight. Mr. Roosevelt's next appearance in politics was as the republican candidate for mayor of New York against Abram S. Hewitt and Henry George, a race in which he was badly defeated. Reform Work in New York. Mr. Roosevelt's work in the legislature, especially the part which he took in the investigation of the city government, and especially of the police department, then as now a sink of incapacity and corrup tion, had marked him out as a leader in every movement for civil service reform, and Mr. Harrison accordingly appointed him a republican member of the United States civil service commission, a position which he held until the Ist of May, 1895, discharging the,duties of it with a degree. of ability and independence which gave him a high position in the confidence and esteem of the public. So clearly did he establish his fitness for the position that Mr. Cleveland, on returning to the White House for his second term, continued him in office, but he ultimately resigned in or der to become police commissioner in Mayor Strong's administration. Here he found a task entirely congenial Rough Riders and Spanish War A Fine "War Record. It was on April 7, 1897, that Mr. Mc- Kinley nominated him to be assistant secretary of the navy, and ten days later he resigned his police commissionership, which had been one of the most eventful in the history of New York city. He carried all his energy with him to the navy department. There were already unmistakable signs of the possibility of a conflict with Spain, and he began to pfepare for it. He pushed the repairs on all ships, he visited all the naval sta tions, inspected all the reserves, ac quainted himself fully with all the per sonnel, and paid especail attention to the development of marksmanship, insisting upon constant practice, and seeing to it that the supply of ammunition was ample for all purposes. The fine shooting done by the American fleet at Santiago and Manila has been attributed in no small degree to his foresight. When war actu ally broke out he, as is still fresh in the memories of all, was among the first to volunteer for active service. At first he tried to get an appointment upon the staff of General Lee, but then he con ceived the idea of organizing a corps of rough rider's out of the wild western horsemen whose intimate acquaintance he had made in his many hunting expedi- His Ideals as Shown in His Books His Literary Work. There are many sides to Mr. Roosevelt's life outside his public engagements. He has a strong taste for literature, and in the midst of his busy days has found time to write many books and essays. The year after he was graduatexl from college he published his 'Naval War of 1812'; in 1886 there came from his pen a "Life of Thomas H. Benton." published in the American Statesmen Series"; the follow ing year he published a "Life of Gouver neur Morris," which was followed in 1888 by his popular "Ranch Life and Hunting Trail." In 1889, the year of his appoint ment as civil service commissioner, were published the first two volumes of "The Winning of the West." In 1890 he added to the series of "Historic Towns," a "His tory of New York City." "Essays on Prac tical Politics," published In 1892^ was fol lowed the next year by "The Wilderness Hunter," while in 1894 he added a third volume to his "Winning of the West." He has collected a volume of essays en titled "American Political Ideals," and in collaboration with Henry Cabot Lodge has written a volume of "Hero Tales from American History." Most of these books have been written while on his vacations on his western ranch. Some of the President* Ideal*. . Perhaps the best Illustrations .of. Mr. Roosevelt's mature views, are shown In; his booky "American Ideals," and certainly they are the " most 1 important at ; this - mo ment when he has just become the head of, the American * nation. Here he shows himself something of a ; hero-worshipper. ■wh*n he says: 7 ~'.\, w" ■'■ '-;-■ .v*..,"" ■ j . Every great nation owes to .the men whose lives have formed part "of Its greatness ■ not merely the material ; effect of what they <tid, not merely ; the "' laws they placed upon - the statute books, or the victories they won over armed foes, but also :, the i immense .* but in definable moral 1 influence 1 produced by their deeds and * themselves upon the national \ charj acter. It would Ibe dHßctiit \to % exaggerate the national «ffect* or|thejcharact«ra;of Lin coln and Wash in on th« United States. present, the name has always been found in contemporary records and the city di rectory; and has figured prominently in the business, social, and political affairs of New York. Of mingled Dutch, Scotch, Irish, and French Huguenot ancestry. Theodore Roosevelt was born in prosperity, but not to a life of idleness. He was a sickly, delicate boy, and was reared with some difficulty, but by the time he entered Harvard he was able to take part in all kinds of sports, and was graduated sound in mind and body. to his character, his experiences and his ambition. Notoriously, the department was alive with corruption of every kind, and he set to work to cleanse it with characteristic vigor, against opposition within and without. He announced to the force that duty must be performed faith fully and inexorably, and promised that all delinquents should be punished and all good officers upheld, in spite of all political influence against them. This was the note which he maintained in public addresses and in many published articles. But he found himself hampered in all di rections, and saw that a change in the government of the force was imperative. His first step was to secure the removal of Superintendent Byrnes; his next waa to close the Sunday saloons—one of the most prolific sources of police blackmail and thus to convince the rank and file of the force of his sincerity. Space will not permit any detailed account of a struggle which at the time caused pro found excitement, not only in political, but general circles. Even among the friends and supporters of Mr. Roosevelt there were divisions of opinions, but he held to the proposition that a law, even if a bad one, ought to be enforced, and persisted in his purpose, achieving some thing like a decided victory. His diffi culties were increased by the opposition which he encountered from one of his. as sociates on the police board, Andrew D. Parker, but he went on his way, without hesitation. The rank and file of the police soon learned that they were never safe from the inquisitorial eye of their chief, who was likely to appear at unheard-of hours of the night or morning'in the most unfrequented districts of the city. In all directions reform was worked. The vile police lodging-houses were abolished, the sanitary conditions of the police sta tions themselves were improved, the de tective bureau was reorganized from top to bottom, and innumerable abuses against peddlers and other tinfortunates of the streets were corrected. But much was left unaccomplished, owing to the stumbling blocks continuously put in his way by the politicians. He was unable to secure the promotions which ought to have been the reward of good service, or to insure the permanence of the reforms, which were observed only under the spur of his own supervision. The political enemies which he made in all directions were, of course, innumerable, with the whole body of liquor dealers at their head, but he won the esteem of the privates of the police force, and, in spite of his driving discipline, the men deplored the day when he retired from office. tions. Everybody remembers the imme diate response to the suggestion, and the great rush of recruits from all quarters to fight under his standard. Old, too, now, but too vivid in public remembrance to need repetition, is the story of the fight at Las Guasimas, or the still more memorable charge of the newly organ ized cowboys through the hail of shot upon San Juan Hill. Their behavior on that trying occasion was an eloquent trib ute, not only to their devotion to their leader, but to his capacity for 1 inspiring enthusiasm and enforcing discipline. On his- return to the United States with his victorious cowboys, Mr. Roosevelt was on the top of a wave of popularity which might have carried him anywhere, and his name was already in men's mouths as that of the future governor of New York. His nomination and election fol lowed in due course, and his career at Albany, although marred by some mis takes, was largely that which might have been foreseen from his character and ac complishments In the past. Extraordi narily rapid as his advance in public life had been, there were yet higher honors and trials in store for him, and when Mr. McKinley was renominated for the presidency, it was Theodqre Roosevelt who was chosen for the second place on the ticket. la another paragraph he registers his scorn of "smart" politics and personal violence in these words, which are par ticularly pertinent at the present time: All through our career we iuave had to war against a tendency to regard, in the individual and the nation alike, as most im portant, things that are of comparatively lit tle importance. We rightfully value success, but sometimes we overvalue it, for we tend to forget that success may be obtained by means which should make it abhorred and de spised by every honorable man. One sec tion of the community deifies as "smartness" j the kind of trickery\ which enables a man without conscience to succeed in the financial or political world. Another section of the community deifiea violent homicidal lawless ness. If ever our people as a whole adopt these views, then we shall have proved that we are unworthy of the heritage our fore fathers left us; and our country will go down in ruin. We may learn, too, from this book, his views of an important and much dis cussed public question—namely, Presi dent Cleveland's interference in the great strikes of 1894. Here is what he says on a topic which at any time may present itself in a stage quite as acute as it was in 1894: During the summer of 1894 every American capable of thinking must at times have pon dered very gravely over certain features of the national character which were brought Into unpleasant prominence by the course of events. The demagogue, in all his forms, is as characteristic an evil of a free society as the courtier is ot a despotism; and the at titude of many of cur public men at the time of the great strike in July. 1894, was such as to call down on their heads the hearty con demnation of every American who wishes well to his country. It would be difficult to over estimate the damage (tone by the example and action of a man like Governor Altgeld of Illinois; Whether he is honest or not in his beliefs is not of the slightest consequence. He is as emphatically the foe of decent gov ernment as Tweed himself, and 1b capable of doing far more damage than Tweed. The governor, who began his career by pardoning Anarchists, and whose most noteworthy feat j l$&th&: t~» 'niiT iii rrTF '"Mill I id I I NMtflli'l'liiWlf J ,,....... ..^ i --- inii^^HßßMaßMKMißw^siwaaiiHaaflßHaiiißaßßß* _. _ RESIDENCE OP ANSLEY WILCOX. Tne Buffalo house in which President Roosevelt took the oath of office —Photo by H. W. Hall. since was his bitter and undignified, but fortunately futile, campaign against the elec tion of the unright judge who sentenced the auarchlsts, is the foe of every true American and is the foe particularly of every honest workingman. ■ • With such a man it was to be expected that he should in time of civic commotion act as the foe of the law-abiding and the friend of the lawless classes, and endeavor, in company with the lowest and most abandoned office seeking politicians, to prevent proper meas ures being taken to prevent riot and to punish the rioters. Had it not been for the admira ble action of the federal government, Chicago would have seen a repetition of what occurred" during the Paris commune, while Illinois would have been torn by a fierce social war; and for all the horrible waste of life that this would have entailed Governor Altgeld would have been primarily responsible. It was a most fortunate thing that the action at Wash ington was so quick and so emphatic. Senator Davis of Minnesota set the key to patriotism at a time when men were still puzzled and hesitated. The president and Attorney Gen eral Olney acted with equal wisdom and cour age and the danger was averted. The com pleteness of the victory of the federal author ities, representing the cause of law and order, has been perhaps one reason why it was so soon forgotten; and now not a few short sighted people need to be reminded that when we were on the brink of an almost terrific ex plosion, the Governor of Illinois did his best to work this country a measure of harm as great as any ever planned by Benedict Arnold. Mr. Roosevelt believes that Americans should go into politics, for here is what he says on this point: There is not in the world a* more ignoble character than the mere money-getting Amer ican, insensible to every duty, regardless of every principle, bent only on amassing a for tune, and putting his fortune only to the basest uses—whether these uses be to specu late in stocks and wreck railroads himself, or to allow his son to lead a life of foolish and expensive idleness and gross debauchery, or to purchase some scoundrel of high social position, foreign or native, for his daughter. Such a man is only the more dangerous if he occasionally does some deed like founding a college or endowing a church, which makes those good people who are also foolish forget his real Iniquity, These men are equally A Defense of the Sailors of 1812 His Work on the American Tiavy. It was characteristic of Mr. Roosevelt that in his earliest book he should take up the challenge of a British writer who had slandered American character. A man named James wrote, nearly eightly year's ago, in five volumes, an elaborate history of the navy of Great Britain. It was compiled with the great est care so far as facts are concerned, but few books have ever had a more bit ter partisan bias. He devoted one entire volume of this history to the encounter between the American and British na vies in 1812, and he also wrote a sepa rate book on the same subject. He showed how the sting of the British de feats rankled in his mind, as he at tacked the Americans with a malignity which few writers have ever 1 shown. He oalled them liars, cowards and thieves, and according to his account, the Ameri can ship always ran away when she saw the British ship, the gallant British ship pursued, overtook the American and forced a fight in which the British ship was either captured or destroyed. This book was accepted as a standard in Great Britain and had gone through many editions. Fenimore Cooper was asked to answer it, and he did so in a measure in his "History of the Ameri can Navy," but he would not go into any partizan argument. It remained for the fiery young Roosevelt to do so. His wrath was stirred by the preposterous attacks on American character, and he proposed to reply himself to Mr. James. He went to Washington and plodded RESIDENCE OF COMMANDER COWX.ES. The temporary Washington residence of President Roosevelt, whose sister is Mrs. Cow!t». JOUINAL JUNIOR careless of the worklngmen, -whom they op press, and of the state, whose existence is imperil. There are not very many of them, but there is a very great number of men who approach more or less closely to the type, and, just in so far as they do approach, they are curses to the country. The man who la content to let politics go from bad to worse. Jesting at the corruption of politicians; the man who Is content to see the maladministra tion of justice without an immediate and res olute effort to reform. It, is chirking his duty and is preparing the way for infinite woe la the future. Hard brutal indifference to tha right, and an equally brutal shortsightedness as to the inevitable results of corruption and; injustice, are baleful beyond measure; and yet they are characteristic of a great many Americans who think themselves perfectly respectable, and who are considered thriving, prosperous men by their easy-going fellow citizens. True Americanism. Mr. Roosevelt "then defines what he con siders true Americanism. Ha<says: The strongest and truest Americans are the very men who have the least sympathy with the people who invoke the spirit of Americanism to aid what is vicious in out government or to throw obstacles in tha way of those who strive to reform It. It is con temptible to oppose a movement for good because that movement has already succeeded somewhere else, or to champion an existing abuse because our people have always been wedded to it. To appeal to national prejudice against a given reform movement Is In every way unworthy and silly. It is as childish to denounce free trade because England has adopted it as to advocate it for the same r^son. It is eminently proper, In dealing v..eh the tariff, to consider the effect of tariff legislation in time past upon other nations as well as the effect upon our own, but in drawing conclusions it ia in the last degree foolish to try to excite prejudice against on* system because it is in vogue in some given country, or to try to excite prejudice in its favor because the economists of that country have found that it was suited to their own peculiar needs. In attempting to solve our difficult problem of municipal government it is mere folly to refuse to profit by Manches ter and Berlin because these cities are for eign, exactly as it is mere folly blindly to copy their examples without reference to our own totally different conditions. through all the old mildewed annals of the navy, stored away In boxes where) no one had touched them for two genera-* tions. He read accounts of these battles' as reported to the navy department by the captains themselves. He also inves tigated the reports of them made in Eu rope, and when* he had finished he sat himself down and said, "I, too, will writ* a book about the navy." This book, a large, red volume, appeared when Mr. Roosevelt was only 24 years old, but it was thoroughly like the man as h« was then and as he is now. Jt con tained no brilliant passages. There waa hardly a line in it that "would stir one's blood. A reader seeking there for literary power would not find it. But it was a de tailed, technical account of each naval battle Just aa it was fought, and therefore was most valuable to a real student of this period of our, history. These qualities have given it life until this day. He also showed in the preface to it his capacity for plain speaking, for he wrote partic ularly of Mr. James, and he did not hesi tate to denounce him in terms almost as severe as Mr. James himself had used against the Americana. When a new edi tion of Mr. James' book was issued in Dondon some reply was attempted to Mr. Roosevelt, but it was a lame one, and it is a significant fact that the publishers of a new and great naval history of Great Britain on a scale more elaborate than has ever 'been attempted before have asked Mr. Roosevelt to write for it the account of the contest between Great Britain and the United States on the sea In 1812.