The Minneapolis journal. [volume], December 05, 1905, Page 12, Image 12

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ROOSEVELT STANDS
PAT ONRATEBILL,
INALONG MESSAGE
Continued From First Page.
traint or supervision some of the ex
ceptional men use their energies not in
ways that are for the common good, but
in ways which tell against this common
good. The fortunes amassed thru cor
porate organization are now so large,
and vest such power in those that wield
them, as to mate it a matter of neces
sity to give to the sovereignthat is,
to the government, which represents the
people as a wholesome effective power
of supervision over their corporate use.
In order to insure a healthy social and
industrial life, every big corporation
should be held responsible by, and be
accountable to, some sovereign strong
enough to control its conduct. I am in
no sense hostile to corporations. This
is an age of combination, and any effort
to prevent all combination will be not
only useless, but in the end vicious, be
cause of the contempt for law which the
failure to enforce law inevitably pro
duces We should, moreover, recognize
in cordial and ample fashion the im
mense good effected bv corporate agen
cies in a oountrv such as ours, and the
wealth of intellect, energy, and fidelity
devoted to their service, and therefore
normallv to the service of the public
by their officers and directors. The
corporation has come to stay, just as
the trade union has come to stay. Each
can do and has done great good. Each
should be favored so long as it does
good. But each should be sharplv
checked where it acts against law and
justice.
Question of Supervision.
So long as the finances of the nation
are kept upon an honest basis no other
question of internal economy with
which the congress has the power to
deal begins to approach in importance
the matter of endeavoring to secure
proper industrial conditions under which
the individualsand especially the
great corporationsdoing an interstate
business are to act. The makers of omfrom
national constitution provided especially
that the regulation of interstate com
merce should come within the sphere
of the general government. The argu
ments in favor of their taking this
stand were even then overwhelming.
But they are far stronger today, in view*
of the enormous development of great
business agencies, usually corporate in
form. Experience has shown conclu
sively that it is Useless to trv to get
any adequate regulation and supervision
of these great corporations by state
action. Such regulation and supervision
can only be effectively exercised by a
sovereign whose iunsdiction is co
extensive with the field of work of the
corporationsthat is, by the national
government. I believe that this regula
tion and supervision can be obtained
by the enactment of law by the con
gress. If this proves impossible, it will
certainlv be necessarv ultimately to con
fer in fullest form such power upon the
national government by a proper amend
ment of the constitution. It would
obviously be unwise to endeavor to
secure such an amendment until it is
Certain that the result cannot be ob
tained under the constitution as it now
is. The laws of the congress and of the
several states hitherto, as passed upon
by the courts, have resulted more often
in showing that the states have no
power in the matter than that the
national government has power so that
there at present exists a very unfortu
nate condition of things, under which
these great corporations doing an inter
state business occupy the position ot
subjects without a sovereign, neither
any state go\ernment nor the national
government having effective control
over them. Our steady aim should be
by legislation, cautiously and carefully
undertaken, but resolutely persevered
in, to assert the sovereignty of the na
tional government by affirmative action.
Must Meet New Conditions.
This is only in form an innovation.
In substance it is merely a restoration
for from the earliest time such regula
tion of industrial activities has been
recognized in the action of the law
making bodies and all that I propose
is to meet the changed conditions
such manner as will prevent the_ com
monwealth abdicating the power it has
always possessed, not only in this
country but also in England before and
since this country became a separate
nation.
Tt has been a misfortune that the
national laws on this subject have
hitherto been of a negative or prohib
itive rather than an affirmative kind.
S?S!i,JXo
gans
c^^^Msp^^ff^iwm^^.
altho by no means the ant
*n*
mMiism.
and it creates a burden of interest pay-1 niCiouSsas a rebate rn any other way.j
ments which is a fertile cause of im- No lower rate should apply, on goods
moper reduction in or limitation qf imported than actually obtains on do-
waffes- it damages the small investor I mestic goods from the American sea-
aiscourages thrift, and encourages board to destination except in cases
ambling and speculation while per- where water competition is the con-
worst of all is the trickiness and, trolling influence. There should be pub-
dishonesty which it implies--for harm' licity of the accounts of common ear-
to morals is worse than any possible riers no common carrier engaged
harm to material interests, and the de-1 interstate business should keep any
tha an actual material evil they do and these
the public. Until the national govern
Tlient obtains, in some manner which the
Wisdom the congress may suggest,
proper eohtrol over the big corporations
engaged in, interstate commercethat
te, over the great majority of the big
corporationsit will be impossible to
4eal adequately with these evils% jf
-V Hasty Acttbn Bangerous^5^
~X*m wuU aware^f thetfffietffltietfof
and of the need of temperate and cau
tious action in securing it. I should
emphatically protest against improperly
radical or hasty action. The first thing
to do is to deal "with the great corpora
tions engaged in the business of inter
state transportation. As I said in my
message of Dec. 6 last, the immediate
and most pressing need, so far as legis
lation is concerned, is the enactment
into law of some scheme to secure to
the agents of the government such
supervision and regulation of the rates
charged by the railroads of the country
engaged in interstate traffic as shall
summarily and effectively prevent the
imposition of unjust or unreasonable
rates. It must include putting a com
plete stop to rebates in every shape and
form. This power to regulate rates, like
all similar powers over the business
world, should be exercised with modera
tion, caution, and self-restraint but it
should exist, so that it can be effectively
exercised when the need arises.
The first consideration to be kept in
mind is that the power should be
affirmative and should be given to some
administrative body created by the con
gress. If given to the present inter
state commerce commission or to a
reorganized interstate commerce com
mission, such commission should beweapon
made unequivocally administrative. I
do not believe in the government inter
fering with private business more than
is necessary. I do not believe in the
government undertaking any work
which can with propriety be left in pri
vate hands. But neither do I believe in
the government flinching from oversee
ing any work when it becomes evident
that abuses are sure to obtain therein
unless there is governmental super
vision. It is not my province to indi
cate the exact terms of the law which
should be enacted but I call the atten
tion of the congress to certain existing
conditions with which it is desirable to
deal. Jn my -judgment the most im
portant provision which such law should
contain is that conferring upon some
competent administrative body the
power to decide, upon the case being
brought before it, whether a given rate
prescribed by a railroad is reasonable
and just, and if it is found to be un
reasonable and unjust, then, after full
investigation of the complaint, to pre
scribe the limit of rate beyond which
it shall not be lawful to gothe max
imum reasonable rate, as it is commonly
calledthis decision to go into effect
within a reasonable time and to obtain
thence onward, subject to review
by the courts. It sometimes happens
at present, not that a rate is too high
but that a favored shipper is given too
low a rate. In such case the commission
would have the right tofixthis already
established minimum rate as the max
imum and it would need only one or
two such decisions by the commissionto
cure railroad companies of the practice
of giving improper minimum rates. I
call vour attention to the fact that my
pi*oposal is not to give the commission
power to initiate or originate rates gen
erally, but to regulate a rate already
fixeel or originated by the roads, upon
complaint and after investigation. A
heavy penalty should be exacted from
any corporation which fails to respect
an order of the commission. I regard
this power to establish a maximum rate
as being essential to any scheme of real
leform in the matter of railway regu
lation. The first necessity is to secure
it and unless it is granted to the com
mission there is little use in touching
the subject at all.
Rebate Prevention.
Illegal transactions often occur under
the forms of law. It has often occurred
that a shipper .has been told by & traffic
officer to buy a large quantity of some
commodity and then after it has been
bought an open reduction is made in the
rate to take effect immediately, the ar
rangement resulting to the profit of the
one shipper and the one railroad and
to the damage of all their competitors:
for it must not be forgotten that the
big shippers are at least as much to
blame as any lailroad in the matter of
rebates. The law should make it clear
so that nobody can fail to understand
that any kind of commission paid on
freight shipments, whether in this form
or in the form of fictitious damages, or
of a concession, a free pass, reduced
passenger rate, or payment of brokerage
is illegal. It is worth while consider
ing whether it would not be wise to
confer on the government the right of
civil action against the beneficiary of
a rebate for at least twice the value
of the rebate this would help stop what
is really blackmail. Elevator allow
ances should be stopped, for they have
now grown to uch an extent that they
are demoralizing and are used as
rebates.
The best possible regulation cf rates
would, of course, be that regulation
secured by an honest agreement among
the railroads themselves to carry out
the law. Such a general agreement
would, for instance, at once put a stop
to the efforts of any one big shipper or
roads
W^t .Actively prohibited, and have in part ""i ?X
in their prohibitions confounded what
should be allowed and what should not
be allowed. Tt is generally useless to
try to prohibit all restraint on competi
tion, whether this restraint be reason
able or unreasonable and where it is
not useless it is generally hurtful.
Events have shown that it is not pos
sible adequately to secure the enforce
ment of anv law of this kind by in
cessant appeal to the courts. The deing
partment of justice has for the last four
years devoted more attention to the
enforcement of the antitrust legislaion
than to anything else. Much has been
accomplished particularly marked has
been the moral effect of the prosecu
tions but it is increasingly evident that
there will be a very insufficient bene
ficial result in the way of economic
one device evade the law immediately i given
Of
develops another device to accomplish the lapse of a Jonable time goes
the same purpose. What is needed is not, into full effect, subject to leview oy
sweeping prohibition of every arrange- the courts.
ment, good or bad, which may tend to i Private. Oar Line Control.
restrict competition, but such adequate
supervision and regulation as will pre- All private car lines industrial roads,
vent any restriction of competition I refngerator chsrges and the like _should
theseoabuses,s
per-
floia. result in tt. way ecox,,.PJJg 1l^SS^^^^^^^^S^^^
J25SfTC\JSZ^\&2?3$m n* which rate, after l/ia the growth of the ew industrial
voBmihl
industriacar
mormon iir tnese aouses. uer- are concerned. The private car owners old days the highway
Sfe cMef auLb^n mean' Th and the owners of railroads whethers bthwater orb a road o land
IL if'overLSaHzation-gen-^re. entitled to a fair and reasonable was opeuL to-all: it.belongto the pub-
only one is overcapitalizationgen
*SV itself the MSS^^SST?^:i compensation *on"theT i^rtme^7bn lie an^theVaft^along^it was^free.^At
rSLl^iiUiS.'S'tt.^m^SS'^.'li! 5rftC^U"^'ior'tato^i' ra iVe^nt the ^Tfway is this hiAyvav and
& business panic it always eon- rate=, A ^~ffi&& S|2& fo^lSlX^l^^!ft
"bauehery of politics and business by i books or memoranda other^ *aan .if The opponentseof government regulation
fereat dishonest corporations is far worse reported pursuant to law, or J|p" awell upon the difficulties tcoo bee encoun-
S*n -material evil thev do and these books or memoranda should .,e ,_.,_._^_ __
be open to the inspection of the gov
ernment. Only in this way can viola
tions or evasions of the law be. surely
detected. A system of examination of
railroad accounts should be provided
similar to that now conducted into the
national banks by the bank examiners
a few first-class railroad accountants,
if they had proper direction and proper
authority to inspect books and papers,
couid accomplish mtwh in preventing
the legislation that I am suggesting, wilful violations of the law. It wtfuld this peculiarly responsible and delicate
not be- necessary for them to examine
into the accounts of any railroad unless
for good reasons they were directed to
do so by the interstate commerce com
mission." It is greatly to be desired
that some way might be found by which
an agreement as to transportation with
in a stato intended to operate as a fraud
upon the federal interstate commerce
laws could be brnigh under the juris
diction of the federal authorities. At
present it occurs that large shipments
of interstate traffic are controlled by
concessions on purely state business,
which of course amounts to an evasion
of the law. The commission should
have power to enforce fair treatment by
the great trunk lines of lateral and
branch lines.
Expeditious Action Needed
I urge upon the congress the need ef
providing for oxpeditious action by the
interstate commerce commission in all
these matters, whether in regulating
rates for transportatio or for storing
or1
fd handling-propertn or commodities
in transit. The history of the cases
litigated under the present commerce
act shows that its efficacy has been to
a great degree destroyed by the weapon
of delay, almost the most formidable
in the hands of those whose
purpose it is to violate the law.
Let me most earnestly say that these
recommendations are not made in any
spirit of hostility to the railroads. On
ethical grounds, on grounds of right,
such hostility would be intolerable and
on grounds of mere national self-interest
we must remember that such hostility
would tell against the welfare not
merely of some feW rich men, but of
a multitude of small investors, a multi
tude of railway employees, wage-work
ers and most severely against the in
terest of the public as a whole. I be
lieve that on the whole our railroads
have done well and not ill but the
railroad men who wish to do well should
not be exposed to competition with
those who have no such desire, and
the only way to secure this end is to
give to some government tribunal the
power to see that justice is done by the
unwilling exactly as it is gladly done
by the willing. Moreover, if some gov
ernment body is given increased power
the effect will be to furnish authori
tstive answer on behalf of the railroad
whenever irrational clamor against it is
raised, or whenever charges made
against it are disproved. I ask this
legislation not onlv in the interest ot
the public but in the interest of the
honest railroad man and the honest
shipper alike, for it is th# who areFrench
chiefly jeoparded by the practices of
their 'dishonest competitors. This legis
lation should bo enacted in a spirit as
remote as possible from hysteria and
rancor. If we of the American body
politic are true to the traditions we
have inherited we shall always scorn
any effort to make us hate any man
because he is rich, just as much as we
should scorn any effort to make us look
down upon or treat contemptuously any
man because he is poor. We judge a
man by his conductthat is, by his
chaiacterand not by his wealth or
intellect. If he makes his fortune hon
estly, there is no just cause ot
quarrel with him. Indeed,TOhave
nothing but the kindliest feelings ot ad
miration for the successful business
man who behaves decently, whether he
has made his success by building
or managing a railroad or by ship
ping goods over that railroad.
The big railroad men and big
shippers are simply ,Americans of the
ordinary type who have developed to
an extraordinary degree certain great
business qualities. They are neither bet
ter nor worse than their fellpw-cit^ens
of smaller meins. They are merely
more able certain lines and therefore
cxpcseri to certain peculiarly strong
y--P-7--'- r\ ~K'rr8
temptations. JJ^
*^Vjon
not spiung nn\' into being,^trie ex
centicnaHv successful among mankind
have always been exposed to them but
they have grown aita/ingly in power as
a result of the cxtiaordinary develop
ment of ludubtiialism along new lines,
and uli-lei these nrv? conditions, which
th- lawmakers of eld could not foresee
and therefore coulo. not provide against,
they have become Vo serious and menac
ing as to demand entirely new remedies.
It is in the lr-teiest of the best 'type
of railroad man and the best type of
shipper no less than of the public that
there should be gcvernmental super
vision and regulation of these great
business peraticns for the same rea
son that it is MI Hie interest of the cor
poration which wishes tc treat its em
ployees aright that there should be an
effective system of factory laws to pre
vent the abuse of women and children.
All such legislation trees the corpora
tion that wishes to do well from be
ing driven into doing ill, in order to
compete with its rival, which prefers
to do ill. We desire to set up a moral
standard. There can be no delusion
more fatal to the nation than the de
lusion that the standard of profits, of
business prosperity, is sufficient in judg
ing any business or political question
from rate legislation to municipal gov
ernment. Business success, whether for
agents for enforcing tJ ir dividual or for the nation, is a
the law. The power vested in the,gov- good thine oniy so far as it is accom
eminent to put a stop to agreements to paniel by fna develops a high stand
the detriment of the public should, in
my judgment, be accompanied by power
to permit, under specified conditions
and careful supervision, agreements
clearlv in the interest of the public
But, in my judgment, the necessity for
giving this further power is by no
means as great as the necessity for giv
the commission or administrative
body the other powers I have enumer
ated abovr and it may well be inad
visable to attempt %p vest this partic
ular power in the commission or other
administrative body until it already pos
sesses and is exercising what I regard as
by far the most important of all the
time froes
detriment of the pub-1 be expressly put under the supervision, vantage over tL- weak man. frmn hpinp- to the detriment of the pub- 1 be expressly put uncie tn supervision vanaj uv v,^ We wish
fiao well asisSen Supervision and of the interstate commerce commission I tj insure as fau treatment for the small
reaulatioTas *ill prevent other abuses I or some similar body so far as rates ^hnd town as for the big city for the small
S ncTwaV connected Sith restriction, agreements practically, affecting rates, shipper as for the big shipper La the
of
Competition"
iru of conducthonor, integrity, civic
courage. The kind of business pros
perity that blunts the standard of
honor, that puts an inordinate value on
m*re% wealth that makes a man ruth
less and conscienceless in trade and
weak and cc wardly in citizenship, is not
a good Ining at all, but a very bad
thing for the nation. This government
stands for manhood first and for busi
ness only as an adjunct of manhood.
Boot of Industrial Success..
The question of transportation lies at
the root of all industrial success, and
the revolution in transportation which
conditions. Most emphatically we do
not wish to see the man of great talents
refused the reward for his talents. Still
less do we wish to see him penalized
but we ao de^re to see the system of
l.uiroad transportation so handled that
the strong n?n shall be given no ad
private owners old dav highway of commeice,
ment. But it can1
only be so man&ged
on condition that justice is done the
public. It is because, in my judgment,
public ownership of railroads is highly
undesirable and would probably in this
country entail far-reachihg disaster,
that I wish to see such -supervision and
regulation of them in the interest of
the publicj as will make it evident that
i(
a
a VXOTIll i Lua
ne
fo
bU
wnrship
3
tere and th intricate and involved *n a
ture of the problem* Their contention
is true. It is a complicated and delicate
problem, and all kinds of difficulties are
sure to arise in connection with any
plan of solution, while-
no plate will
bring all the benefits, hoped 'for by its
more optimistic adherents. Moreover,
under any healthy plan, the benefits wili
develop gradually and not rapidly.
Finally, we must clearly understand
that the public servants who are to do
THE MmNEAmi^^JOURNAL.
PRESIDEN ^ROOSEVEET'S MESS^GEfiDELIVEREDETO CONGRESS
work must themsetves be of the highest
type both a regards integrity and ef
ficiency They must'^e' well paid, for
otherwise able men cannot in the long
run be secured and they must possess
a lofty probity which wili revolt as
quickly at the thought *of pandering to
any gust of popular prejudice against
rich men as ^t the thbught of anything
even
remotel.y resemblingI
to rich men1
APPEALS FOR AID
TO FINISH CANAL
President Galls on Congress to
Help Carry Out America's
Pledge.
The treaty between the United
States and the republic of Panama, un
der which the. construction of the Pan
ama canal was made possible went
into effect with its ratification by the
United States senate on February 23,
1904. The canal properties of the
Canal company were trans
ferred to the United States on April
23, 1904, on payment of $40,000,000 to
that company. On April 1, 1905, the
commission was reorganized, and it
now consists of Theodore P. Shonts,
chairman, Charles E. Magoon, Benja
min M. Harrod, Bear Admiral Morde
cai T. Ehdieott, Brigadier General Pe
ter C. Hains, and Colonel Oswald H.
Ernst. John F. Stevens was appointed
chief engineer on July 1, last. Active
work in canal construction, mainly
preparatory, has been in progress for
less than a year and a half. During
that period two points about the canal
have ceased to be open to debate.
First, the Question of route the canal
will be built on the Isthmus of Pana
ma. Second, the question of feasibil
ity there are no physical obstacles on
this route that American engineering
skill will not be able to overcome with
out serious difficulty, OT that will pre
vent the completion of the canal with
in a reasonable time and at a reason
able cost. This is virtually the unani
mous testimony of the engineers who
have investigated the matter for ^the
government.
^tP^oi
Oana}.
The point ^w^ich^jfemains, unsettled
is
thesea question,4 of type,a.whether the
tnnmtntions have canaleshall be one of several lqcks
8
na ^"abov level or at se level with a
ginj?l
ttide k
single lock
On^s
thi point I hope
to lay before the congress at an early
day the findings of the advisory board
of
Americaninvitation
that at my1
and European engineers,
have been con
sidering the subject, together with the
report of the commission thereon and
such comments thereon or recommen
dations in reference thereto as may
seem necessary.
The American people is pledged to
the speediest possible construction of a
canal adequate to meet the demands
which the commerce of the world will
make upon it, and I appeal, most earn
estly to the congress to aid in the ful
fillment of the pledge. Gratifying prog
ress has been made during the past year
and especiallv during the past four
months. The greater part of the neces
sary preliminary Work has been done.
Actual work of excavation could be be
gun only on a limited scale till the canal
zone was made a healthful place to live
in and to work in. The isthmus had to
be sanitated first. This task has been
so thoroly accomplished that yellow
fever has been" virtually extirpated from
the isthmus and general health condi
tions vastly improved. The same meth
ods which converted the island of Cuba
from a pesthole, Tvhich menaced the
health of the world, into a healthful
place of abode, have been applied on
the isthmus with satisfactory results.
There is no reason to doubt that when
the plans for water supply, paving and
sewerage of Panama and Colon and the
large labor camps have been fully car
ried out, the isthmus will be, for the
tropics, an unusually healthy place of
abode. The work is so far advanced,
now that the health of all those em
ployed in canal work is as well guarded
as it is on similar- work in this country
and elsewhere.
For the Employees.
In addition to sanitating the isthmus*,
satisfactory quarters are being provided
for employees and an adequate system
of supplying them with wholesome food
at reasonable prices has been created.
Hospitals have been established ^nd
equipped that are without superiors of
their kind anywheres* The country has
thus been madefitto work in, and pro
vision has been made for the welfare
and comfort of tho*se who are to do the
work. During.the past year a large por
tion of the plant with which the work is
to be done has been ordered. It is con
fidently believed that by the middle of
the approaching year a sufficient pro
portion of this planfwill have been in
stalled to enable us to resume the work
of excavation on a large scale.
commission to the e"nd of the year^ Un
less the congress shall appropriate be
fore that time all w^r must cease. To
arrest progress for. any length of time
now, when matters are advancing so
satisfactorily, would be deplorable.
There Will be no,money with which to
meet payroll obligations and none with
whieh to meet bills corning due for ma
terials and supplies and there will be
demoralization o'f the forces here and
on the isthmus, now working so har
moniously and effectively, if there is
delay in granting an emergency appro
priation. Estimates of the amount
necessary will be found in the accom
panying reports of the secretary of
war and the commission.
AMERICA'S PART:
1
Af
S
subserviency
But while fully admit
the difficulties in the way, I do not for
a moment admit that these' difficulties
warrant us in stopping in our effort to
seeure a wise and just system. They
should have no other effect than to spur
us on to the exercise of the resolution,
the even-handed justice, and the fertil
ity of resource, which we like to think
QI as typically American, and which will
ite the end achieve good results in this
as in other fields of activity. The task
is a great one and underlies the task of
dealing with the whole industrial prob
lem. But the fact that it is a great
problem does not warrant us in shrink
ing from the attempt to solve it. At
present we face such utter lack of super
vision, such freedom from .the restraints
of law, that excellent men have often
been literally forced into doing what
they deplored because otherwise they
were left at the mercy of unseruplous
competitors. To rail at ana assail
the men who have done as they best
could under such conditions accom
plishes little. What we need to do is
to develop an orderly system and such
a system can only come thru the grad
ually increased exercise qf the right of
efficient government control.
nearly exhausted, .There is barely the.peace of justice--the real Pfaevfor
enough pf.^it remaining to carry the which the most law-abiding andi.high-
if^|
CAPITA,
$25^**
BI
&
PE
S^lslte New lortr Mall
Jolm D, Rockefellec's income wUl be $40,000
O0O, from which It MU.j M?n
at
the Ameri
can Press Humorists'Association has the larg
est pea- pinita ittxfiBTonfly Uterary ctab In
the world"
IN WORLD PEACE
Roosevelt Deals with Hague Con
ference and Measures Against
Wars.
The first conference of nations held
at The Hague in 1899, being uteable to
dispose of all the business before it,
recommended the consideration and set
tlement of a number of important ques
tions by another conference to be called
subsequently and at an earlv date.
These questions were the following (1)
The rights and duties of* neutrals (2)
the limitation of* the armed forces on
land and sea, and of military budgets
(3) the use of new types and calibers of
military and naval guns (4) the in
violability of private property at sea in
times of war (5) the bombardment of
ports, cities and villages by naval
forces. In October, 1904, at the instance
of the Interparliamentary union, which',
at a conference held in the United
States and attended by the lawmakers
of fifteen different nations, had reiter
ated the demand for a second confer
ence of nations, I issued invitations to
all the powers signatory to The Hague
convention to send delegates to such a
conference and suggested that it be
again held at The Hague. In its note
of Dec. 16, 1904, the United States gov
ernment communicated to the represen
tatives of foreign governments its be
lief that the conference could be best
arranged under the provisions of the
present Hague treaty.
From all the powers acceptance was
received, coupled in some cases with the
condition that we should wait until the
end of the war then waging between
Russia and Japan. The emperor of Rus
sia, immediately after the treaty of
peace which so happily terminated this
war, in a note presented to the president
on Sept. 13, thru Ambassador Rosen,
took the initiative in recommending
that the conference be now called. The
United States government in response
expressed its cordial acquiescence and
stated that it would, as a matter of
course, take part in the new conference
and endeavor to further its aims. We
assume that all "civilized governments
will support the movement, and that the
conference is now an assured fact. This
government will do everything in its
power to secure the success of the con
ference to the end that substantial prog
ress may be .made in the cause oi in
ternational peace, justice, and good will.
America's Attitude.
This renders it proper at this time to
say something as to the general attitude
of this government toward peace. More
and more war is coming to be looked
upon as in itself a lamentable and evil
thing. A Wanton or useless war, or a
war of mere aggressionin short, any
war begun or carried on in a conscience
less spirit, is to be condemned as a pe
culiarly atrocious crime against all hu
manity. We can, however, do nothing
of permanent value for peace unless
we keep ever clearly in mind the ethical
element which lies at the root of the
problem. Our aim is righteousness.
Peace is normally the handmaiden of
righteousness but when peace and
righteousness conflict, then a great
war. TheTe are persons who ad-1 own.
vocate peace at any price there are
others who, following a false analogy,
think that because it is no longer neces
sary in civilized countries for individu
als to protect their rights with a strong
hand, it is therefore unnecessary for
nations to be ready to defend their
rights. These persons would do irre
parable harm to any nation that
adopted their principles, and even as it
is they seriously hamper the cause
which they advocate by tending to ren
der it absurd in the eyes of sensible and
patriotic men. There can be no worse
foe 6f mankind in -general, and of his
own country in particular, than the
demagog of war, the man who in mere
folly or to serve his own selfish ends
continually rails at and abuses other
nations, who seeks to excite his coun
trymen against foreigners on insuffi
cient pretexts, who excites and in
flames a perverse and aggressive na
tional vanity, and who may on, occa
sions wantonly bring on conflict be
tween his nation and some other nation.
But there aTe demagogs of peace just
as there are demagogs of war, and in
any such movement as this for The
Hague conference it is essential not to
be misled by one set of extremists any
more than by the other. Whenever it
is possible for a nation or an individual
to work for real peace, assuredly it is
failure of duty not so to strive, but if
war is necessary and righteous then
either the man or the nation shrinking
from it forfeits all title to self-respect.
We have scant sympathy for the senti
mentalist who dreads oppression less
than physical suffering, who would pre
fer a shameful peace to the pain and toil
sometimes lamentably necessary in or
der to secure a righteous peace. As yet
there is only a partial and imperfect an
alogy between international law and in
ternal or municipal law, because there
is no sanction of force for executing the
former while there is in the case or the
latter. The private citizen is protected
in his rights by the law, because the law
rests in the last resort upon force ex
ercised thru the forms of law. A man
does not have to defend his rights with
his own hand, because he can call upon
the police, upon the sheriff's posse, upon
the militia, or in certain extreme cases
upon the army, to defend him. But
there is no such sanction of force for
international law. At present there
could be no greater calamity than for
the free peoples, the enlightened, inde
pendent, and peace-loving peoples, to
disarm while yet leaving it open to any
barbarism or despotism to remain
armed. So long as the world is as un
organized as now, the armies and navies
of those peoples who on the whole stand
for justice offer not only the best,
but the only _possible security
for a just peace,
&4
-ForinstanceDCifUithi What is needed now and without de
lay is an appropriation by the congress
to meet the current and jaccruing ex
penses of the commission. ThefirstapUnited
propriation of $10,600,000, out of the
$135,000,000 authorized by the Spooner aitrM-ir, a^ri *"J HU" M'M UUIU xur-
act,,was made three years* ago. It is would ceaseavoibe to of weight securing
,'o, a
States alone, or in company only j.
with the other nationsthat^on the whole wholesome. 'Alh
tend to act 3v^ duumed,
sometimes Woodshed,in but we
minded men must at times be filling to
fight. As the world is now, only that
nation is equipped for peace that knows
how to fight and that will not shrink
from fighting if ever the conditions be
come such that war is demanded in the
name of the highest morality.
Efforts for Peace.
So much it is emphatically necessary
to say in' order both that the position
of the United States may not be mis
understood, and that a genuine effort
to brin nearer the day of the peace of
justice among the nations may not be
hampered by a folly which, in striving
to achieve the impossible, would render
it hopeless to attempt the achievement
of the practical. But while recognizing
most clearly all above set forth, it re
mains our clear duty to strive in every
practicable way to bring nearer the
time when the sword shall not be the
arbiter-among nations. At present the
practical thing to do is to try to mini*
mize the number of cases in which it
must be the arbiter, and to offer, at
least to all civilized powers, some sub
stitute for war which will be available
in at least a considerable number of in
stances. Very much can be done thru
another Hague conference in this direc
tion, and I most earnestly urge that this
nation do all in its power to try to
further the movement and to make the
result of the^ decisions of The Hague
conference effective. I earnestly hope
that the conference may be able to de
vise some way to make arbitration be
tween nations the customary way of
settling international* disputes in all
save a few classes of cases, which
should themselves be as sharply de
fined and rigidly limited as the present
governmental and social development of
the world will permit. If possible,
there should be a general arbitration
treaty negotiated among all the nations
represented at the conference. Neutral
rights and property should be protected
at sea as they are protected on land.
There should be an international agree
ment to this purpose and a similar
agreement defining contraband of war.
During the last century there has
been a distinct diminution in the num-,
ber of wars between the most civilized
nations. International relations have
become closer and the development of
The Hague tribunal is not only a symp
tom of growing closeness of relation
snip, but is a means by which the
growth can be furthered. Our aim
should be from time to time to take
such steps as may be possible toward
creating something like an organization
of the civilized nations, because as the
world becomes. more highly organized
the need of navies and armies will
diminish. It is not possible to secure
anything like an immediate disarma
ment, because it would firstf be neces
sary to settle what peoples are on the
whole a menace to the rest of mankind,
and to provide against the disarmament
of the rest being turned into a move
ment which would really chiefly benefit
these obnoxious peoples but it may be
possible to exercise some check upon
the tendency to swell indefinitely the
budgets for' military expenditure. Of
course such an effort could succeed only
if it did not attempt to do too much
and if it were undertaken in a spirit
of sanity as far removed as possible
from a merely hysterical pseudo-philan
thropy. It is worth while pointing out
that since the end of the insurrection
in the Philippines this nation has shown
its practical faith in the policy of dis
armament by reducing its little army
one-third. But disarmament can never
be of prime importance there is more
need to get rid of the causes of war
than of the implements of war.-
His Wish for Peace.
I have dwelt much on the dangers to
be avoided by steering clear of any
mere foolish sentimentality because my
wish for peace is so genuine and earn
est because I have a real and great
desire that this second Hague confer
ence may mark a long stride forward
in the direction of securing the peace
of justice thruout the world. No object
is better worthy the attention of en
lightened statesmanship than the estab
lishment of a surer method than now
exists of securing justice as between
nations, both for the protection of the
little nations and for the prevention of
war between the big nations. To this
aim we should endeavor not only to
avert bloodshed, but, above all, effect
ively to strengthen the forces of right.
The golden rule should be, and as the*
world grows in morality it will be,.the
guiding rule of conduct among nations
as among individuals tho the golden
rule must not be construed, in fan
tastic manner, as forbidding the exer
Icise of the police power. This mighty
and free republic should ever deal with
all other states, great or small, on a
basis of high honor, respecting their
rights as jealously as it safeguards its
URGES CAMPAIGN
FUND PUBLICITY
President Calls for Laws Against
Bribery in Elections and to
Check Evils.
verified publication in1
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poraii(m Mbitiotl
detail of all th
contributede tby and by
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DOUBLE DMM
MONROE DOCTRINE
Roosevelt Interprets America**
Intent Toward Big Powers _,
and Little Republics.
ur
purpose should be for
ittedy taow use stockholders' money
urpoges an
moreo ver, a pro
kin
woul
a
fa a
effective method of stoppings the evils aimed at in corrupt practice
acts. Not only should both the national
and'the several state legislatures forbid
any officer of a corporation from# using
the money of the corporation in or
about any election, but they should also
forbid sueh use of money in' connection
with any legislation save by the em
ployment of counsel in public manner
for distinctly legal services.
PUTTING HIMSELF ON R.EC0BD,
Chicago Tribune.
Observing that the sturdy old man with the
square jaw, who sat on a front seat, was a
deeply Interested listener, the orator lo. ked him
in the eye as he thundered forth this question*
"Tell me, onpressed toller, who Is It that
builds these great skyscrapers, these monster
ships, these palace carswho Is It that lays
these railway 'tracks, these miles, and miles of
street parements"
Not me,", taterrupted the sturdy old man,
apparently determined to get out from under the
imputation. "I'm in the broomcorn business,
ana i live In Indianapolis/,^
One of the most effective instru
ments for peace is the Monroe doctrine,
as it has been and is being gradually
developed by this nation and accepted,
by other nations. No .other policy"
could have been as efficient in promote
ing peace in the western hemisphere
and giving to each nation thereon the
chance to develop along its own lines,
If^we had refused to apply the doc
trine to changing conditions it would
now be completely outworn, would not
meet any of the needs of the present
day, and indeed would probably bT
this time have sunk into complete ob
livion. It is useful at home, and if
meeting with recognition abroad be
cause we have adapted our application
of it to meet the growing and chang*
ing needs of the hemisphere. When we
announce a policy, such as the Monroe
doctrine, we thereby commit ourselvei
to the consequences of the policy, and
thoBe consequences from time to time
alter. It is out of the question to
claim a right and yet shirk the respon
sibility for its exercise. Not only we
but all American republics who
are benefited by the existence of
the doctrine, must recognize the obli
gations each nation is under as regards
foreign peoples no less than its duty to
insist upon its own rights.
That our rights and interests are
deeply concerned in the maintenance of
the doctrine is so clear as hardly to
need argument. This is especially true
in view of the construction of the Pan
ama canal. As a mere matter of self
defense we must exercise a close watch
over the approaches to this canal and
this means that we must be thdroly
ali\)| to our interests in the Caribbean
sea.
Points to Be Remembered.
There are certain essential points
which must never be forgotten as re
gards the Monroe doctrine^ In the first
place we must as a nation make it
evident that we do not intend to treat
it in any shape or wav as an excuse for
aggrandizement on our part at the ex
pense of the republics to the south.
We must recognize the fact^ than in
some South American countries there
has been much suspicion lest we should
interpret the Monroe doctrine as in
some way inimical to their interests,
and we must try to convince all the
other nations of this continent once
and for all that no just and orderly
government has anything to fear from
us. There are certain republics to the
south of us which have already reached
such a point of stability, order, and
prosperity that thev themselves, tho
as yet hardly consciously, are among
the guarantors of this' doctrine. These
republics we npw meet not only on a
basis of entire equality, but in a spirit
of frank and respectful friendship,
which we hope is mutual. If all of the
republics to the south of us will only
grow as those to which I allude have
already grown, all need for us to be
the esDecial champions of the doctrine
will disappear, for no stable and grow
ing American republic wishes to see
some great non-American military pow
er acquire territory in its neighbor
hood. All that this couimy desires is
that the other republics on this conti
nent shall\ be happv and prosperous
and they cannot be happy and pros
perous unless they maintain order with
in their boundaries and behave with a
.lust regard for their obligations to
ward 'outsiders. Tt must be under
stood that under no circumstances will
the United States use the Monroe
doctrine as a cloak for territorial ag
gression. We desire peace with all the
world, but perhaps most of all with
the other peoples of the American con
tinent. There are of course limits to
the WTongs which any self-respecting
nation caa endure. It is always pos
sible that wrong actions toward# this
nation, or toward citizens of this na-
In my last annual message I said: 1 tion, in some state unable to keep or-
Th power of the government to] der among its own people, unable to
protect the integrity of the elections seeure justice from outsiders, and un-
u vc nfGoiaia ia inhfirPTit flnri has willing to do justice to those outsiaers
who treat it well, may result in our
of its own officials is inherent and has willing to do justice
been recognized and affirmed by re
peated declarations of the supreme
court. There is no enemy of free gov
ernment more dangerous and none so
insidious as the corruption of tho elec
torate. No one defends or excuses cor
ruption, and it would seem to follow
that none would oppose vigorous meas
ures to eradicate it. I recommend the
enactment of a law directed against
bribery and corruption in federal elec
tions. The details of such a law may
be safely left to the wise discretion of
the congress, but it should go as far
as, under the constitution, it is possible
to go, and should include severe penal
ties against him who gives or receives
a bribe intended to influence his act
or opinion as an elector and provisions
for the publication not only of the
expenditures for nominations and elec
tions of all candidates, but also of all
contributions received and expenditures
made by political committees."
I desire to repeat this recommenda
tion. In political campaigns in a coun
try as large and populous as ours it is
having to take action to protect our
rights but such action will not be
taken with a view to territorial ag
gression, and it will be taken at all
only with extreme reluctance and when
it has become evident that every other
resource has been exhausted.
No Shield Intended.
Moreover, we must make it evident
that we do not intend to permit the
Monroe doetrine to be used by any na
tion on this continent as a shield to pro
tect it from the consequences of its
own misdeeds against foreign nations.
If a republic to the south of us com
mits a tort against a.foreign nation,
such as an outrage against a citizen of
that nation*, then the Monroe doctrine
does not force us to interfere to pre
vent punishme-it of the tort, save to
see that the punishment does not as
sume the form of a territorial occupa
tion in any shape. The case is more dif
ficult when it refers to a contractual
obligation Our own government has
uf.v..
inevitable that there should be much always refused to enforce Buch contra*
expense of an entirely legitimate kind.
This, of course, means that many con
tributiens, and some of them of large
size, must be made, and, as a matter of
fact, in any big political contest such
contributions are always made to both
sides. It is entirely proper both to give
and receive them, unless there is an im
proper motive connected with either
gift or reception. If they are extorted
by a'ny kind of pressure or promise, ex
press or implied, direct or indirect, in
the way of favor or immunity, then
the giving or receiving becomes not
only improper but criminal. It will un
doubtedly be difficult as a matter of
practical detail to shape an act which
shall guard with reasonable certainty
against such misconduct but if it is
possible to secur lawexpende the full
ande
tual obligations on behalf of its citizeis
by an appeal to arms. It is much to be
wished that all foreign governments
would take the same view. But they
do not and in consequence we are liable
at any time to be brought face to face
with disagreeable alternatives. On.the
one hand, jthis count-y would certainly
decline to go to war to prevent a for
eign government from collecting a just
debt on the other band, it is very in
advisable to permit any foreign power
to take possession, even temporarily,
of the customhouses of aW American re
public in order to enforce the payment
of its obligations for such temporary
occupation might turn into a permanent
occupation. The only escape from these
alternatives may at anv time be that we
must ourselves undertake to bring about
some arrangement by which so much as
possible of a just obligation? shall be
paid. It is far better that this country
should put thru such an arrangement,
rather than allow any foreign country
to undertake it. To do so insures the
defaulting republic from having to pay
debts of an improper character under
duress, while it also insures honest
creditors of the republic from being
passed bv in* the interest of dishonest
or grasping creditors. Moreover, for
the United States to take such a posi
tion offers the only possible way of in
suring us against a clash with some for
eign power. The position is, therefore,
in the interest of peace as well us in
the interest of justice. It is of benefit
to our people it is of benefit to for
eign peoples and most of all it is really
of benefit to the people of the country
concerned.
This brings me to what should be one
of the fundamental objects of the Mon
roe doctrine. We must ourselves in
good faith try to help upirord toward
peace and order'those of our sister re
publics which need such help. Just as
there has been a gradual growth of the
ethical element in the relations of one
individual to another, so we are, even
tho slowly, more and more coming to
recognize the duty of bearing one.
another's burdens, not only as among]
individuals, but also as among nation!
/L