Newspaper Page Text
TrkTimTt S 4 tlAT Tiff 4 r?m4T4TT?XL
4 'ft ill n If- THE PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE. Tdlon-CitizeM of the Senate r ' 7V ' ;" ' andof the Route of epreentative: the Constitution requires that the President shall, from time to time, not only recommend to the coa ideration of Congress such measures as he pay .indze necessary and eipedient, but also thatjie thall aire informaUon to them of the sUteof the tJnion. To do this fully involves exposition of all matters in the actual condition of the country, do mestic or foreign, which essentially-concern the gen-, eral welfare. While performing his constitutional duty in this respect, the President does not speak merely to express personal convictions, but as the executive minister of the government, enabled by his position, and called upon by his official obliga tions, to scan with an impartial eye tho interests of the whole, and - of every part of the United States Of the condition of the domestic interests of the Union, its agriculture, mines, manufactures, navi gation, and commerce, it is necessary onljf to say that the internal prosperity, of the country, its con tinuous and steady advancement in wealth and pop ulation, and In private as well as public well-being, attest the wisdom of our instuutions, and tho pre dominant spirit of intelligence and patriotism, which notwithstanding occasional irregularities of opinion or action resulting from, popular treedom, has dis tinguished and characterised the people of America. In the brief interval between the termination of the last and the commencement of the present ses ;nn nt Pnnm-psa h nnblic mind has been occu pied with the care of selecting, for another consti tutional term, the President and Vice-President of the United States. The determination of the persons, who are of right, or contingently, to preside over the adminis tration of tho government, is, under our system, committed to the States and the people. We appeal to them, by their voice pronounced in the forms of law, to call whomsoever they will to the high post of Chief Magistrate. ' And thus it is that as the senators represent the respective States of the Union, and the members of the House of Representatives the several constitu encies of each State, so the President represents the aggregate population of the United States. Their election of him is the explicit and solemn act of the sole sovereign authority of the Union. It is impossible to misapprehend the great prin ciples, which, by their recent political action, the people of tho United States havo sanctioned and anuounced. They have asserted the constitutional equality of each and all of the States of the Union as States; they have affirmed the constitutional equality of each and all of the citizens of the United States as citizens, whatever their religion, wherever their birth, or their residence ; they have maintained the inviolability of the constitutional rights of the dif ferent sections of the Union ; and they have pro claimed their devoted and unalterable attachment to the Union and to the constitution, as objects of in terest superior to all subjects of local or sectional controversy, as the safeguard of the rights of all, as the spirit and the essence of the liberty, peace and greatness of the Republic. In doing this, they have, at the same time, em phatically condemned the idea of organizing in these United States mere geographical parties ; of marshalling in hostile array towards each other the different parts of the country, North or South, East or West Schemes of this nature, fraught with incalculable mischief, and which the considerate sense of tho people has rejected, could have had countenance in no part of the country, had they not been disguised by suggestions plausible in appearance, acting upon an excited state of the public mind, induced by causes temporary in their character, and it is to be hoped transient in their influence. Perfect liberty of association for political objects, and the widest scope of discussion, are the received and ordinary conditions of government in our coun try. Our institutions, framed in the spirit of con fidence in the intelligence and integrity of the peo ple, do not forbid citizens either individually or as sociated together, to attack by writing, speech, or any other methods short of physical force, the Con stitution and the very existence of the Union. Un der the shelter of this great liberty, and protected by the laws and usages of the government they as- , sail, associations have been formed, in some of tho States, of individuate, who, pretending to seek only to prevent the spread of . the institution of slavery into the present or future inchoate States of the Union, are really inflamed with desire to change the . domestic institutions of existing States. To accom plish their objects, they dedicate themselves to the odious task of depreciating the government organ ization which stands in their way, and of calum niating, with indiscriminate invective, not only the citizens of particular States, with whose laws they find fault, but all others of their fellow-citizens throughout the country, who do not participate with them in their assaults upon the Constitution, framed and adopted by our fathers, and claiming for the privileges it has secured, and the blessingslt has conferred, the steady suppoi t and grateful ref erence of their children. They seek an object which they well know to be a revolutionary one. They are perfectly aware that the change in the relative condition of the white and black races rn the slaveholding States, which they would promote, is beyond their lawful authority ; that to them it is a foreign object; that it cannot be effected by any peaceful instrumentality of theirs ; that for them, and the States of which they are citizens, the only path to its accomplishment is through burning cit ies, and ravaged fields, and slaughtered populations, ' and all there is most terrible in foreign, complicated with civil and servile .war; and that the first step in the attempt is the forcible disruption of a coun try embracing in its broad bosom a degree of liber ty, and an amount of individual and public prosper ity, to which there is no parallel in history, and sub stituting in its place hostile governments, driven at once and inevitably into mutual devastation and fratricidal carnage, transforming the now peaceful and felicitous brotherhood into a vast permanent camp- of armed men like the rival monarchies of Europe and Asia. Well knowing that such, and such only, are the means and the consequences of their plans and purposes, they endeavor to prepare the people of the United Slates for civil war bv do ing everything in their-power to deprive the Con stitution, and the laws of moral authority, and to undermine the fabric of the Union passion and sectional prejudice, by indoctrinating ite people with reciprocal hatred, and by educating them to stand face to face as enemies, rather than euuuiuer iv uuuuiiier as inenas. It is; by the agency of such unwarrantable inter ference, foreign and domestic, that the minds of many, otherwise good citizens.'Tiave been so inflam-j.-, ed into the passionate condemnation of the domestic institutions' of the southern States, as at length to pass insensibly to almost equally passionate hostility towards their fellow-citizens of those States, and thus finally to fall into' temporary fellowship with the avowed and active enemies of the Constitution. Ardently attached to liberty in the abstract, they do not stop to consider practically how the objects they would attain can be accomplished, nor to reflect that, even if the evil were as great as they deem it, they have no remedy to apply, and that it can be only ag gravated by their violence and unconstitutional ac tion. A question, which is one of the most difficult 8 Pjrk'ein8- ' social institution, political ewnomy and statesmanship, they treat withunrea soning intemperance of thought and languazo. Ex tremes beget extremes. , Violent attack from the North finds its inevitaWo consequence in the growth of a spirit of angry defiance at the South. - Ihus in the progress of events we had reached that consum" mation, which the voice of the people haa now pointedly rebuked of the attempSSothe States, by a sectional organization and movement, to usurp the control of the government of the United Dtates. -'-. - I confidently believe that the erreat Kim- ... who inconsiderately took this fatal step, are sincer I attached to the Constitution and tt 7 neT.woald Pon deliberation, shrink with iinafl fected horror from any conscious act of disunion or civil war. But they have entered into a path which leads nowhere unless it be to civil war and disunion and which has no other possible outlet They have proceeded thus far in that direction in consequence of the successive stages of their progress having consisted of a series of secondary issues, each of which professed to be confined within constitutional and peaceful limits, ttVwbttefipW4 AttJ. .v.f r mrt --r wiliiriaoovdAreeUVi ibat is, to act airgressivelv against theconsfatuionrfrigMa t..irr?h tKfctMMiW:SiktHL SV i thirst was tha atremio tne nrsi; w i ivnA- f i' of I. the question of negro emancipation in the Southern States. ' :7 - ' v .' -. ,; ' . , The second step in this path of evil consisted pf ctn nf the neonle of the Northern States, and in several instances, of their governments, aimed to fa cilitate the escape of persons held to service- in the Southern States, and to prevent their extradition when reclaimed according to law and in virtue of express provisions of the Constitution.' To promote this object, legislative enactments anu oiuer u-- ..lw.tA1 f n tnlro wav nr dpfp.Jlt ritihtP. wlllCh ilnntml in tnlctt iwiv or . defeat rishts, ih fVniRtitntinti solemnlv euarantied In order to nullify the then existing act of Congress concerning the extradition of fugitives from service, laws were enacted in many States forbidding their officers, un der the severest penalties, to participate in the exe cution of any act of Congress whatever. In this way that system of harmonious co-operation between the authorities of the United Sates and of the sev eral States, for the maintenance of their common in stitutions which existed in the early years of the Republic, was destroyed; conflicts of jurisdiction came to be frequent, and Congress found itseff com pelled for the support of the Constitution and the vindication of its power, to authorize the appoint ment of new officers charged with the execution of its acts, as if they and the officers of tho States were the ministers, respectively, of foreign govern ments in a state of mutual hostility rather than the fellow magistrates of a common country, peacefully subsisting under the protection of one well-constituted Union. Thus here, also, aggression was fol lowed by reaction, and the attacks upon the Consti tution at this point did but serve to raise up new barriers for its defence and security. The third stage of this unhappy sectional contro versy was in connexion with the organization of territorial governments, and the admission of new States into the Union. When it was proposed to admit the State of Maine, by separation of territory from that of Massachusetts, and the State of Missou ri, formHl of a portion of the territory ceded by France to tho United States, representatives in Con gress objected to the admission of the latter, unless with conditions suited to particular view? of public policy. The imposition of such a condition was successfully resisted. But, at the same period, the question was presented of imposing restrictions up on the residue of the territory ceded by France. That question was, for the time, disposed of by the adoption of a geographical line of limitation. In this connexion it should not be forgotten that France, of her own -accord, resolved, for consideia tionsof the most far-sighted sagacity, to cede Lou isiana to the United States, and that accession was accepted by the United States, the latter expressly engaging that "the inhabitants of the ceded territo ry shall be incorporated in the Union of the United States, and admitted as soon as possible, according to the principles of the Federal Constitution, to the enjoyment of all the rights, advantages and immu nities of citizens of the United States; and in the meantime they shall be maintained and protected in the free enjoyment of their liberty, property, and the religion which they profesa" that is to say, while it remains in a territorial condition, its inhab itants are maintained and protected in the free en joyment of their liberty and property, with a right then to pass into the conditio n of States on a foot ing of perfect equality with the original States. The enactment, which established the restrictive geographical line, was acquiesced in rather than ap proved by the States of the Union. It stood on the statute-book, however, for a number of years; and the people of the respective States acquiesced in the re-enactment of the principle as applied to the State of Texas ; and it was proposed to acquiesce in its further application to the territory acquired by the United States from Mexico. But this proposition was successfully resisted by the representatives of the Northern States, who, regardless of the statute line, insisted upon applying restriction to the new territory generally, whether lying north or south of it, thereby repealing it as a legislative compromise,and, on the part of the North, persistently violating the compact, if compact there was. Thereupon this enactment ceased to have binding virtue in any sense, whether as respects the North or the South ; and so in effect it was treated on the occasion of the admission of the State of California, and the organization of the Territories of New-Mexico, Utah and Washington. Such was the state of this question, when the time arrived for the organization of the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska. In the progress of con stitutional inquiry and reflection, it had now at length come to be seen clearly that Congress docs not possess constitutional power to impose restric tions of this character upon any present or future State of the Union. In a long series of decisions, on the fullest argument, and after the most deliber ate consideration, the Supreme Court of the United States bad finally determined this point, in every form under which the question could arise, whether as affecting public or private rights in questions of the public domain, of religion, of navigation, and of servitude. The several States of flie Union are, by force of the Constitution, co-equal in domestic legislative power. Congress cannot change 9 law of domes tic relation in the State of Maine; no more can it in the State of Missouri. Any statute which -proposes to do this is a merenullity; it takes away no right, it confers none. It remains on the statute book unrepealed, it remains there only as a monu ment of error, and a beacon of warning to the leg islator and the statesman. To repeal it will be only to remove imperfection from the statutes, without affecting, either in the sense of permission or of prohibition, the action of the States, or of their citi zens. Still, when the nominal restriction of this nature, already a dead letter in law, was in terms repealed by the last Congress, in a clause of the act organi zing the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska, that repeal was made the occasion of a wide-spread and dangerous agitation. It was alleged that the original enactment being a compact of perpetual moral obligation, its repeal ' constituted an odious breach of faith. An act of Congress, while it remains unrepealed, more especially if it be constitutionally valid in the -judgment of those public functionaries whose duty it is to pronounce on that point, is undoubtedly binding on the conscience of each good citizen of j that the enactment the Kepublic, But in what sense can it be asserted in question was invested with perpetuity, and entitled to the respect of a solemn compact? Between whom was the compact? No distinct contending powers of tiie government, no separate sections of the Union, treating as such, entered into treaty stipulatiens on the subject It was a mere clause of an act of Congress, and like aftjr other controverted matter of legislation, receiv ed its final shape, and was passed by compromise of the conflicting opinions or sentiments of the mem bers of Congress. But if it had moral authority over men's consciences, to whom did this authority attach 1 Not to those of the North, who had repeatedly-refused to confirm it by extension, and who had zealously striven to establish other and in compatible regulations upon the subject And if, as it thus appears, the supposed compact had no ob ligatory force as to the North, of course it could not have had any as to the South, for all such compacts must be mutual and of reciprocal obligation. It has not unfrequently happened that law-givers, with undue estimation of the value of the law they give, or in the view of imparting to it peculiar strength, make it perpetual in terms; but they can not thus bind the conscience, the judgment, and the will of those who may succeed them, invested with similar responsibilities, and clothed with equal authority. More careful investigation may prove the. law to be unsound in "principle.? Experience may show it to be imperfect in detail and impracti cable in execution. And then, both- right combine not merely to justify, but to require its repeal. v -' . : - The Constitution, supreme as it is ver all the de partments of the government, legislative, executive, and judicial,, is open - to amendment , by its very nd ConSre88 or the.; States may, in their discretion, propose amendments to it, soieinn com pact thougi it in truth is between' the sovereign States of the Union. In the present instance, a po ioJS,UCtmt! WHch .ceased to have legal S.r Wtho.cfl1 kind,' was repealed The position assumed, that Congress had no moral right vll Kgafcrljii! of --BJWMnat the - arguatfen Sexist nir lav i CVDe Hm' iuu9i w uw, vi-jv.,'" r , " . m- f lawljof, tftonvoaving xne same ppuiar i thu most nositive and obligatory injunctions, of the Constitution itself, and sought, by every means " within their reach, to deprivo. portion of. jthcir fel : W-itxens of the equal enjoyment of those rights and: privileges guarantied alike to aU oy tne lunaa mcntal compact of our Union." :". ' ; ' . - This; argument against the. repeal of the statute line In- question,'., was accompanied by hnother; of congenial - character, and equally witli the-; former destitute of foundation in reason and truth,-' It was imputed that the measure originated in the concep tion of extending the limits; of slave labor beyond those previously assigned to it and that such was its natural as well as intended effect ; and these base less assumptions were made, in the northern States, the ground of unceasing assault upon constitutional right . . .. . - 'V, : . ; The repeal in terms of a statute, which was alrea dy obsolete, and also null for unconstitutionality, could have no influence to obstruct or to promote the propagation of conflicting views of political or social institution. When .the act organizing the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska was passed, the inherent effect upon that portion of the public do main thus opened to legal settlement, was to admit settlers from all the States of the Union alike, each with his convictions of public policy and private in terest, there to found in their discretion, subject to such limitations as the Constitution and acts of Con grcss might prescribe, new States, hereafter to be admitted into the Union. . It was a free field, open alike to all, whether the statute line of assumed re striction were repealed or not That repeal did not open to free competition of the diverse opinions and domestic institutions a field, which, without such re peal, would have been closed against them : it found that field of competition already opened, in fact and in law. All the repeal did was to relieve the statute-book of an objectionable enactment, unconstitu tional in effect, and injurious in terms to a large por tion of the States. Is it the fact, that, in all the unsettled regions of the United States, if emigration be left free to act in this respect for iteelf, without legal prohibitions on either side, slave-labor will spontaneously go every where, in preference to free labor ? Is it the fact, that the peculiar doaicstic institutions of the south ern States possess relatively so much of vigor, that, wheresoever an avenue is freely open to all the world, they will penetrate to the exclusion of those of the northern States? Is it the fact, that the form er cniov. compared with the latter, such irresistibly superior vitality, independent of climate, soil, and all other accidental circumstances, as to bo able to produce th; supposed result, in spile of the assumed moral and natural obstacles to its accomplishment, and of the more numerous population of the north' em States? ' The argument of those, who advocate the enact ment of new laws of restriction, and condemn the repeal of old ones, in effect avers that their parti cular views of Kovernment have no self-extending or self-sustaining power of their own, and will go nowhere unless forced by act of Congress. And if Congress do but pause for a moment in the policy of stern coercion; if it venture to try the experi ment of leaving men to judge for themselves what institutions will best suit them ; if it be not strained up to perpetual legislative exertion on this point ; if Congress proceed thus to act in the very spirit of liberty, it is at once charged with aiming to extend slave labor into all the new Territories of the United States. Of course, these imputations on the intentions of Congress in this respect, conceived as tney were in prejudice, and disseminated in passion, are utterly destitute of any justification in the nature of things, and contrary to all the fundamental doctrines and principles of civil liberty and self-government. While therefore, in general, the people of the northern States have never, at any time, arrogated for the federal government tho power to interfere directly with the domestic condition of persons in the southern States, but on the contrary have disa vowed all such intentions, and have shrunk from conspicuous affiliation with those few who pursue their fanatical objects avowedly through the con templated means of revolutionary change of the gov ernment, and with acceptance of the necessary con sequences a civil and servile war yet many citi zens have suffered themselves to be drawn into one evanescent political issue of agitation after another, appertaining to the same set of opinions, and which subsided as rapidly as they arose, when it came to be seen, as it uniformly did, that they were incom patible with the compacts of the Constitution and the existence of the Union. Thus, when the acts of some of the States to nullify tho existing extra dition law imposed upon Congress the duty of pass ing a new one, the country was invited by agitators to enter into party organization for its repeal ; but that agitation speedily ceased by reason of the im practicability of its object So, when the statute restriction upon the institutions of new States, by a geographical line, had been repealed, the country was urged to demand its restoration, and that pro ject also died almost with its birth. Then followed the cry of alarm from the North against imputed southern encroachment ; which cry sprang in reali ty from the spirit of revolutionary attack 011 the do mestic institutions of the South, and, after a troubled existence of a few months, has been rebuked by the voice of a patriotic people. Of this last agitation, one lamentable feature was, that it was carried on at the im.i.ediate expense of the peace and happiness of the people of the Terri tory of Kansas. That was made the battle-field, not so much of opposing factions or interests within itself, as of the conflicting passions of the whole people of the United States. Revolutionary disord er in Kansas had its origin in projects of interven tion, deliberately arranged by certain members of that Congress, which enacted the law for the organi zation of the Territory. And when propagandist colonization of Kansas had thus been undertaken in one section of the Union, for the systematic promo tion of its peculiar views of policy, there ensued, as a matter of course, a counter-action with opposite views, in other sections of the Union. In consequence of these and other incidents, many acts of disorder it is undeniable, have been perpetra ted in nansas, to tne occasional interruption, rather than the permanent suspension, of regular govern ment Aggressive and most reprehensible incur sions into the Territory were undertaken, both in the North and the South, and entered it on its north ern border by the way of Iowa, as well as on tho eastern by way of Missouri ; and there has existed within it a state of insurrection against the constitu ted authorities, not without countenance from incon siderate persons in each of the great sections of the Union. But the difficulties in that Territory have been extravagantly exaggerated for purposes of po-. litical agitation elsewhere. Tho number and gravity of the acts of violence have been magnified partly by statements entirely untrue, and partly by reiter ated accounts of the same rumors or facts. Thus the Territory has been seemingly filled with extreme violence, when the whole amount of such acts has not been greater than what occasionally passes before us in single cities to the regret of all good citizens, but without being regarded as of general or perman ent political consequence. . '.- Imputed irregularities in the elections held in Kan sas, like occasional irregularities of the same descrip tion in the States. -were beyond the sphere of action r of the Executive. " But incidents of actual violence or Of organized obstruction of law, pertinaciously re 'hewed from time to time, have been met as they. oc curred, by such means as were available and as the circumstances required ; and nothing of this charac ter now remains to affect the general peace of the Union. . The attempt of a part of the inhabitants of the .Territory to. erect a revolutionary government, though sedulously . encouraged and . supplied with pecr-niary aid from active agents of disorder in some of the States, has completely failed. ' Bodies of arm . ed men, foreign to the Territory, have been prevent ed from entering or compelled to leave it. .v Preda tory bands, engaged in acts of rapine.- under cover of the existing political disturbances, nave been art - rested Or dispersed. ' And every well disposed person is now enabled once more to devete himself in peace to the pursuits Of prosperous industry, for the prose- cation of which he undertook to; participate in the settlement of the Territory. ,: " - ... -''.J : It affords me unmingled . satisfaction thus to'an nounce the peaceful condition of things in Kansas, especially- considering the means to . which lr was ; necessary to have recouVbr tttf attainment of the i enact atiph rine1. ilBttcVnoagh; anrf end,j nanVel ,:rfary force pf ; MiaF- iorct irwM ) propter owiy Ol v eiepomff jne . coujfitry aeamst foreiga foer,jot - the savafcesof the : froritier,tt6 employ H for tiie sapcressipRof domes- .V ic rhsurrection; isr," wheij the- exigency1' occurs, a matter of the .most earnest solicitude. ? VO' this oc- J. casion pf imperative necessity it has been done with the best results, and my satisfaction in the attain-';. ment of such' results by-such means is' greatly en hanced by theconsideration that,' throngh: the wis dom and energy of the present Executive of Kansas and the prudence, firmness and vigilance of the mil- itary officers on duty there, tranquility has been re-, stored without one, drop of blood having been shed in its accomplishment by the forces of, the Urn ted States.. ":, . -''"':-i'' :. '. :: ":-- . .. The restoration of comparative tranquility in that Territory furnixhes the means of observing calmly and appreciating at their just value tne events which have occurred there, and the discussions of which the government of the Territory have been the "sub ject.. :: '.- -'",:. '.. ;; - We perceive that controversy concerning its fu ture domestic ' institutions was inevitable ; that no human prudence, no form of legislation, no wisdom on the part of Congress could have prevented this. It is idle to suppose that the particular provisions of their organic law were the cause of agitation. Those provisions were but the occasion, or the pre-. text of an agitation, which was inherent in the na ture of things. Congress legislated upon the sub ject in such terms as were most consonant with the principle of popular sovereignly which underlies our government It could not have legislated otherwise without doing violence to another great principle of our institutions, the inprescriptible right of equality , of the several Mates. ' : We perceive, also, that sectional interests and par ty passions, have been the great impediment to the salutary operation of the organic principles adopted, and the chief cause of the successive disturbances in Kansas. The assumption that, because in the or ganization of the Teiritories of Nebraska and Kan sas, Congress abstained from imposing restraints up on them to which certain other Territories had been subject, thereforo disorders occurred in the latter Territory, is emphatically contradicted by the fact that none have occurred in tho former. Those dis orders were not the consequence, in Kansas, of the freedom of self-government conceded to that Terri tory by Congress, but of unjust interference on the part of persons not inhabitants of the Territory. Such interference, wherever it has exhibited itself, by acts of insurrectionary character, or of obstruc tion to processes of law, has been repelled or sup pressed, by all the means which the Constitution and the laws place in the hands of tho Executive. In those parts of the United States where, by rea son of the inflamed state of the public mind, false rumors and misrepresentations have the greatest currency, it has been assumed that it was the duty -of the Executive not only to suppress insurrection ary movements in Kansas, but also to see to the reg ularity of local elections. It needs little argument to show that the President has no such power. AH government in the United States rests substantially upon popular election. '1 he freedom of elections is liable to be impaired by the intrusion of unlawful votes, or the exclusion of lawful ones, by improper influences, by violence, or by fraud. But the peo ple of the United States are themselves the all-sufficient guardians of their own rights, and to suppose that they will not remedy, in due season, any such incidents of civil freedom, is to suppose them to have censed to be capable of self government The Pres ident of the United States has not power to inter pose in elections, to see to their freedom, to canvass their votes, or to pass upon their legality in the Ter ritories any more than in the States. If he bad such power the government might be republican in form, but it would be a monarchy in fact ; and if he had undertaken to exercise it in the case of Kansas, he would have been justly subject to the' charge of usurpation, and of violation of the dearest rights of the people of the United States. Unwise laws, equally with irregularities at elec tions, are, in periods of great excitement, the occa sional incidents of even the freest and best political institutions. But all experience demonstrates that in a country like ours, where the right of self gov ernment exists in the completest form, the attempt to remedy unwise legislation by resort to revolution, is totally out of place ; inasmuch as existing legal institutions afford more prompt and efficacious means for the redress of wrong. I confidently trust that now, when the peaceful condition of Kansas affords opportunity for calm re flection and wise legislation, cither the legislative assembly of the Territory, or Congress, will see that no act shall remain on its statute-book violative of the provisions of the Constitution, or subversive of the great objects for which that was ordained and established, and will take all other necessary steps to assure to its inhabitants the enjoyment, without obstruction r abridgment, of all the constitutional rights, privileges, and immunities of citizens of the United States, as contemplated by the organic law of the Territory. Full information in relation to recent events in this Territory will be found in the documents communi cated herewith from the Departments of State and War. I refer you to the report of the Secretary of the Treasury for particular information concerning the financial condition of the government, and the vari ous branches of tho public service connected with the Treasury Department During the last fiscal year the receipts from cus toms were, for the first time, more than sixty-four miliion dollars, and from all sources, seventy-three million nine hundred and eighteen thousand one hundred and forty-one dollars ; which, with the bal ance on hand up to the 1st of July, 1855, made the total resources of the year to amount to ninety-two million eight hundred and fifty thousand one hun dred and seventeen dollars. The expenditures, in- eluding three million dollars in execution of the treaty with Mexico, and excluding sums paid on ac count of the public debt, amounted to sixty million one hundred and seventy-two thousand four hun dred and one dollars ; and, including the latter, to seventy-two million nine hundred and forty-eight thousand seven hundicd and ninety-two dollars, the payment on this account having amounted to twelve million seven hundred and seventy-six thousand three hundred and ninety dollars. Ou the 4th of March, 1853, the amount of the public debt was sixty-nine million one hundred and twenty-nine thousand nine hundred and thirty-seven dollars. There was a subsequent increase of two million seven hundred and fifty thousand dollars for the debt of Texas making a total of seventy-one million eight hundred and seventy-nine thousand nine hundred and thirty-seven dollars. Of this the sum of forty-five million five hundred and twenty five thousand three hundred and nineteen dollars, including premium, has been discharged, reducing the debt to thirty million seven hundred and thirty seven thousand one hundred and twenty-nine dol lars; all which might be paid within a year without embarrassing the public service, but being not yet due, and only redeemable at the option of the hol der, cannot be pressed to payment by the govern-. ment ; On examining the expenditures of the last five years, it will be seen that the average, deducting payments on account of the public debt and ten mil lions paid by treaty to Mexico, has been but. about forty-eight million dollars. It. isbelieved that, un der an economical administration of the government, the average expenditure for the ensuing five years will not exceed that sum, unless extraordinary occa sion for its increase should occur. The acts grant ing bounty; lands will soon have been executed, while the extension of out frontier settlements will cause a continued demand for lands' and augmented; receipts, probably, from that source.' These consid erations will justify a reduction of the revenue from customs, so as not to exceed forty-eight or fifty mil lion dollars. I think the exigency for; such reduc tion is imperative, and again urge it upon the coo-' sideration of Congress. v v7.. , :-sji. jv. -: ' The amount of reduction, as well as the manner - of effecting if, are qdestions of great and general in terest; it being essential to industrial enterprise,and the public prosperity, as welt as the dictate of obvi-1 ous justice that the burden of taxation' be tnadepti - rest as equally as possible upon -all classes, and all -'sections and interests of the . country. -," yi'J hate heretofore recommended to your eonsider-I atkm the revision of the revenue laws, prepared un- : der the direction of the Secretary of the- Treasury, - 3 t - 1 i . ' . . .. . ' . snuaiw legislation open someapeciat questions af fecting the business of, that department, more espe cially , the enactment of a law to punish the absfrae- .' .r --7 ' .' . "(''-- - ' v : - - terf and all ether public property' tto . be turned over .uy wo wai-gomg oincer to ms successor; -or a law;" c4uts mg unuursHig ouicers- io--aepoBite an puouc gal depositories, where 'the sare are. conveniently accessible ; and a law to extern existing penal pro-"-visions, to all persons wha may become possessed of public money by depositebrotherwise,.or who shall . refuse or neglect on Hue, demand, to say the same into the treasury. .'I invite your attention anew to each of these objects. ':-tfiv - xne army during the past year lias been -so con stantly employed against hostile Indians in various quarters, that it can scarcely be said, with proprie ty of language, to have been a peace establishment.; Its duties have been satisfactorily per formed, and we have reason to i expect,' as a result of the years opera tions greater security to the frontier inhabitants, . than has been hitherto enjoyed.' .Extensive combi nations among the hostile Indians pf the Territories of Washington and Oregon at one .time- threatened the devastation of the newly-formed settlements of that remote portion of the country. . From -recent information, we are permitted to hope that the ener getic and successful operations conducted there will prevent such combinations in future and secure to those Territories an opportunity to make steady progress in - the development of their agricultural and mineral resources. : - Legislation has been recommended by me on pre vious occasions to cure defects in tho existing organ ization, and to increase the efficiency of the army, and further observation has but -served to confirm me in the views then expressed, and to enforce on my mind the conviction that such measures are not only proper but necessary. - I have, in addition, to invite tho attention of Con gress to a change of policy in the distribution of troops, and to the necessity of providing a more rapid increase of the military armament - For de tails of these and othec subjects relating to the ar my, I refer you to the report of the Secretary of War. . . , ' . The condition of the navy is not merely satisfac tory, but exhibits the most grtifying evidences of increased vigor. As it is comparatively small, it is more important that it should be as complete as possible in all the elements of strength ; that it should be efficient in the character of its officers, in the zeal and discipline of its men, in the reliability of its ordnance, and in the capacity of its ships. In all these various qualities the navy has made great progress within the last few years. The execution of the law of Congress, of February 28, 1855, " to promote the efficiency of the navy," has been at tended by the most advantageous results. Tho law for promoting discipline among the men is found convenient and salutary. The system of granting an honorable discharge to faithful seamen on the expiration of the period of their enlistment, and permitting them to re-enlist after a leave of absence of a few months, without cessation of pay, is high ly beneficial in its influence. The apprentice sys tem recently adopted is evidently destined to incor porate into the service a large number of cur coun trymen hitherto so difficult to procure. Several hundred American boys are now on a three years' cruise in our national vessels, and will return well trained seamen. In the ordnance department there is a decided and gratifying indication of progress creditable to it and to the country. The sugges tions of the Secretary of the Navy, in' regard to further improvement in that branch of the service, I commend to your favorable action, The new frigates ordered by Congress are now afloat and two of them in active service. Thcv are superior models of naval architecture, and with their formidable battery add largely to public strength and security. I concur in the views expressed by the Secretary of the Department in favor of a still further increase of our naval force. The report of the Secretary of the Interior pre sents facts and views in relation to internal affairs over which the supervision of his department ex tends, of much interest and importance. The aggregate sales of the public lands, during the last fiscal year, amount to nine million two hun dred and twenty-seven thousand eight hundred and seventy-eight acres; for which has been received the sum of eight million eight hundred and twenty-one thousand four hundred and fourteen dollars During the same period there nave been located, with mili tary scrip and land warrants, and for other purpo ses, thirty million one hundred thousand two hun dred and thirty acres, thus making a total aggregate of thirty- nine million three Hundred and twenty- eight thousand one hundred and eight acres. On the 30th of September last, surveys had been made of sixteen million eight hundred and seventy-three thousand six hundred and ninety-nine acres, a large proportion of which is ready for market The suggestions in this report in regard to the complication and progressive expansion of the busi ness of the different bureaux of the department ; to the pension system ; to the colonization of Indian tribes, and the recommendations in relation to vari ous improvements in 'the District of Columbia, are especially commended to your consideration. The report of the -Postmaster General presents fully the condition of that department of the govern ment Its expenditures for the laot fiscal year, were ten million four hundred and sevec thousand eight hundred and sixty-eight dollars ; and its gross re ceipts seven million six hundred and twenty thou sand eight hundred and one dollars making an ex cess of expenditure over receipts of two million sev en hundred and eighty-seven thousand and forty-six dollars. The deficiency of this department is thus seven hundred and forty-four thousand dollars great er than for the year ending June 30, 1853. Of this 'deficiency, three hundred and thirty thousand dol lars is to be attributed to the additional compensation allowed postmasters by the act of Congress of June 22, 1854. The mail facilities in every part of the country have been very much increased in that period, and the large addition of railroad service, amounting to seven thousand nine hundred and eight miles, has added largely to the cost of trans portation. The inconsiderable augmentation of the income of the Post Office Department under the reduced rates of postage, and its increasing expenditures, must, for the present, make it dependent to some extent upon the treasury for support The recom mendations of the Postmaster General, in relation to the abolition of the franking privilege, and his views on the establishment of mail steamship lines, de serve the consideration of Congress. - I also call the special attention of Congressto the statement of the Postmaster General respecting the sums now paid for the transportation of mails to the Panama Rail road Company, and commend to their early and favorable consideration the suggestions of that offi cer in relation to new contracts for mail transporta tion upon that route, and also upon the Tehuahtepec and Nicaragua routes. " , : ' The United States continue in the enjoyment of amicable relations with all foreign powers. When my last annual message was transmitted to Congress, two subjects of controversy, one relating to the enlistment of soldiers in this country for for;, eign service, and the other tcr Central America, threatened to disturb good understanding between the United States and Great ; Britain. 'Of the pro-" : gress and termination of the. former question you were.informed at the time ; and. the other is now in ' the way of. satisfactory adjustment." - j-. : The object of the convention between the United States and Ore at Britain of the 19th of April, 1350, ws to secure,' for the benefit of all nations, the neutrality and the common nse of "anv transit wv. or interoceanic communication. ' across the isthmus of Panama, which might be opened with in tne limits ot ventral. American xue pretension sub sequently asserted by Great Britain, to dominion or control over-territories, in or near two '.of the' routes, those of Nicaragua and ' Honduras,-" were deemed by :' the United States, '. not ; merely incompati ble with the' main object of the treaty, but opposed even to its express stipulations. '-"Occasion of controversy, on this point nas' been removed by an. additional treaty, which oar minister at London has concluded, and which will be immediately submitted io the Senate for its consid eration.. Should the proposed supplemeptal amnjrWieat J ua vuuvurreu iu oj hi we parties w ue-uocieu njr is objects contemplated by. the original convention will have neeu tuny anainea two countries, bv securing to tbe United States the right of fishery on the coast of the British Norlh American pro; vineea, with advantages equal to those' enjoyed by British subjects, .Besides the signal benefit' of this treaty te: 'large chua of ourettisens engaged in. a pursuit connected. 16 no inconsiderable degree with ear national prosperity and strength, it has bad a favorable effect upon other inter ests in tbe provision it made tor reciprocal freedom of trade between tbe United State and the British provinces in,' - L. ". . i.1. ;:'" . 1-:-1 ;.: . ' rfr tv of fortv cents nee toe r and- althoue-h the law bas not 7 .e VVri? yKmtr T? . S'S1 """!Z i 6jen Put rce, yet the right to enforce it is still asserted, Pf tbe 5th of Jutie, 1, wb4ch went rmto effertive opera- L ,t j ted on by the government of tton la 1855. unt an end to causes of irritation between the 1 ,,, '. . . . 6 to those neatly seven Bnluoaa nt uollar and the imDofu nf by fronv doriogihe aame period, amounted tonore a jumiuuB, nuicrease 01 six millions utxm ik" pf thpmiouayear. rv ? .. 4 - ""P0" those is mainly attributable to the. above mectioned treat. auc iinprvreu con union oi mis oranco of our com . - ,.-.." uuwc, miw unt urucie oi that tn,i. , a commission to designate 'the month. f 'V'Mor tbfl i common fishery, on tbe-coast of the United 8.iWhiefc the British Provinces, was not to extend. This Tm? n1 ha. been employed a part of two seasons,' bat withnl!'(,'8sio, progress in accomplishing the object for which it im uhlntiMl -in .. - VU lb Willi , " much was in. iii wumjuwwin wnuiu uiaereuce of n . between the commissioners, not onlv m tnth .Plmm where the rivers terminate, but in manv in.,!l P"t what constitutes a rirnr. . Tha A i fRi. i JR.- to . ineeBompereveringly prosecuted since the comment ncnt of my administration, to relieve our trade toih' from the exaction of sound dues by - Denmark hvl beea attended with success. Other goverumenlTL?01 ct sought to obtain a like relief to their was thus indnced to propose an arrangement lo'all tbVTn' jurcrount in ue suoiect : and the m which her proposition was received; warranting lievethat a satisfactory arrangement with ".to be. be concluded, she made a stronir appeal to thi, T.Z , 80011 for temporary suspension ef definite actin. :?:Tcrnm't consideration of the embarrassment which mieht reV. L,tt European negotiations by an immediate adjustment question with the Unitecf States. This Moah?L? ceded to, upon the condition that the sums collected 16th of June last, and until the 16th of June nexPff nhe wis and cargoes belonging to our merchants, are toTl!!" sidercd as paid under protest and subject to future adiusT." There is reason to believe that an arrangement, be,T Denmark and the maritime powers of Europe on the w will be soon concluded, and that the pendiuneeotiati Eft the Dnited State, may then be resumed aud tomS i satisfactory manner. ' Wiith Spain no new diftlculties have arisen, nor has m,k prowess been made in the adjustment of pendinon Negotiations entered into tor the purpose of relieving commercial intercourse with the Island of Cuba of ZL its burdens, and providing for the more speedy etE5 of local diaputesrowing out of that intercourse hav t yet been attended with any results. ' OTe not ouou iue commencement oi toe late war in Fnmn. this Kovernnient submitted to the consideration ot aJI time nations, two principles for the security of neutral T!" merce: one, that tiie neutral flag should" cover goods, except articles contraband of war; andtneoM.S that neutral property on board merchant vessels of behW rents should be exempt from con lemnation with tho ception of contraband articles. These were not nrcsVnhS as Jew rules of international law ; having bceuLiiera claimed by neutrals, though not always admitted bvboli ; Crents. One of the parties to the war-Uusaia-as'n-S I several neutral powers, promptly acceded to these nron?! sitions: and the two other principal belligerents Great Brit am and France, having consented to observe them for th present occasion, a favorable opportunity seemed to be nn! sented for obtaining a general recognition of them both in Europe and America. - u But Great Britain and France, in common wilh most f the states of kurope, while forbearing to reject, did not af firmatively act upon the overtures of the Uuited States While the question was in this positiou, the represents, tives of Russia, France, Great Britain. Austria, Prussia Sardinia, and Turkey, assembled at Paris, took into con sideration the subject of maratime rights, and put forth a declaration containing the two principles which this eor eminent had submitted, nearly two years before, to the consideration of maratime powers, and adding thereto the followmg propositions: "Privateering is and remains abol ished, and Blockades, in order to be binding nmt be effective, that is to say, maintained bv a force, sufficient really, to prevent access to the coast oflhe enemy;" and to the declaration thus composed of tour points, two of which had already been proposed by the United Stales, this cov. ernment has been invited to accede by all the powers rep resented at Paris, except Great Britain and Turkey. To the last of the two additional propositions that in relation to blockades there can certainly be no objection. It is merely the definition of what shall constitute the effectual iuvestnuut of a blockaded place, a definition for which this government has always contended, claiming indemnity for hisses where a practical violation of the rule thus defined has been injurious to our commerce. . As to the remaining article of the declaration of tbe con ference of Paris, "that privateering is aud remains abolish ed," I certainly cannot ascribe to the powers represented in the conference of Paris, any but liberal and philanthro pic views in the attempt to change the unfpiesliouablerule of maritime law in regard to privateering. Their proposi tion was doubtless intended to imply approval of the prin ciple that private property upon the ocean, although it might belong to the citizens of a belligerent State, should be exempted Irons capture ; and had that proposition been so framed as to give full, effect to the principle, it would have received my ready assent on behalf of the United States. But the measure proposed is inadequate lo that pur pose. It is true that if adopted, private property upon the ocean would be withdrawn troin one mode of plunder, but left exposed, meanwhile, to another mode, which could be used with increased effectiveness. The aggressive capacity of great naval powers would be thereby augmented, while the defensive ability of others would be reducad. Though the surrender of the means of prosecuting hostilities uy employiug privateers, as proposed by the conference of Paris, is mutual in terms, yet, in practical effect, it would be the relinquishment ot a right of little value to one class of States, but of essential importance to another and a far larger class. It ought not to have been anticipat ed that a measure, so inadequate to the accomplishment of the proposed object, and so unequal in its operation, would receive the assent of all maritime powers. Private proper- A I J I'll I I- . . t , . . - ... . . ' iy wuuiu ue sun leu io me acprcaations ot toe public ai m ed cruisers. - I have expressed a readiness on the part of this govern ment, to accede to all the principles contained in the decla ration of the conference of Paris, provided that relating to the abandonment of privateering can be so amended as to effect the object for which, as is presumed, it was intended, the immunity of private property on the ocean from hostile capture. To effect this object, it is proposed to add to the declaration that "privateering is and remi ins abolished," the following amendment : " And that tbe private property of subjects and citizens of belligerent on the high seas, shall be exempt from seizure by the public armed vessels of tbe other belligerents, except it be contraband." This amendment has been presented not only to the powers which have asked our assent to the declaration to abolish privateering, but to all other maritime states. Thus far it has not been rejected by any, and is favorably entertained by all which have made any communication in reply. Several of the governments, regarding with favor the proposition of the United States, have delayed definitive action upon it, only for the purpose of consulting with oth ers, parlies to the conference of Paris. I have the satisfac tion of stating, however, that the Emperor of Russia has en tirely and explicitly approved of that modification, and will co-operate in eudeavoring to obtain tbe assent of other powers : and that assurances of a similar purport have been received in relation to the disposition of the Emperor oflhe French. Tbe present aspect of this important subject allows us to cherish the hope that a principle so humane in its character, so just and equal in its operation, so essential to the pros perity of commercial nations, and so consonant to tbe sen timents of this enlighteced period of the world, will com mand the approbation of all maritime powers, and thus be incorporated into the code ol international law. My views on the subject are more fully set forth in the reply of the Secretary of Stale, a copy of which is herewith transmitted, to the communications on the subject made to this government, especially to the communication of France. The government of tbe United States has at all times re garded with friendly interest the other States of America, fonnerly, like this country, European colonies, and now in dependent members of tbe great family of nations. But the unsettled condition of some of them, distracted by fre quent revolutions, and thus incapable of regular and firm internal administration, has tended to embarrass occasion ally our public intercourse, by reason of wrongs which our citizens suffer at their hands, and which they are slow to redress. - Unfortunately it is against the Republic of Mexico, with which it is our special desire to maintain a good un. derstanding, that such complaints are most numerous; and although earnestly urged upon its attention, lliev have not as vet received tho consideration which this govern ment bad a right to expect. While reparation for past injuries has been withheld, others have been added. Tbe political condition of that country, however, has bsen such as to demand forbearance on the part of the United States. , I shall continue my efforts to procure fur tbe wrongs of our citizens that redress which is indispensable to the continued friendly association of tbe two Republics. The peculiar condition of affairs in Nicaragua in the early part of the present year, rendered it important that this government should have diplomatic relations with that State. -Through its territory had been opened one of the principal thoroughfares across the isthmus connecting North and South America, on whcb a vast amount of prop erty was transported, and to which our citizens resorted in great numbers, in passing between tbe Atlantic and Pacific coasts of the United States. Tbe protection of both re quired that the existing power in that State should be re garded as a responsible government ; and its minister was accordingly received. But he remained here only a short time, v Soon thereafter the political affairs of Nicaragua underwent unfavorable change, and became involved in much uncertainty and confusion. Diplomatic representa tives from two contending parties have been recently sent to this government ; but, with the imperfect information possessed, it was not possible to decide which was the gov ernment de facto; and, awaiting further developments, I have refusea to receive either. - , Questions of tbe most serious nature are pending be tween tbe United States and the Republic of New Grenada. -The government of that republic undertook, a year since, to impose tonnage duties on1 foreign vessels in ber ports, but the purpose was resisted by this government, as being con trary to existing treaty stipulation with the United States and to rights conferred by charter upon tbe Panama Railroad Company, and -was accordingly relinquished at that time, it being admitted that our vessels were entitled to be exempt from tonnage duty in tbe free ports of Pana ma and Aspinwall But the purpose has been recently re vived, oh the part of New Grenada, by the enactment of a law to subject vessels visiting ner ports to tne tonnage ou- The Congress of Newt Grenada has also enacted a law, during the last year, which levies a tax of, more than three ' dollars on every pound of mail matter transported across -the Isthmus. The sum thus required to be paid en the mails of the United States would be nearly two millions of , .dollars, anoaafly, in addition to the large sum payably by i contract to thePanama Railroad Company. If the only ob jection to this exaction were the exorbitancy of its amount, It conld not be submitted to by the United States. Tbi venei tract Tbe If fectol on tn end t govei deter ordin atipul road sboull State! tentioj theU last, i mitte railro near I Unite! of all panyj and itv I Gran 4 that yanisl citizeJ demul TM far a J over i tend to rod grouij are nt havinl ures tbe i Ui State const come Bessie tmim andt lie ad of th lb lawk my d of Pi and i ports Andi naval actioi adeqi tion i so im but i A me! Me of a i indct ' 1st hi of th i In sion : ulati tho 1 the s of all itary whic fectl, bene Ni peuc pros sea ; ly oi citie char the i Unil Bultl and can O ceiv the till! voh the v fine V thii ton tuti gen and V can orti strc T Vv ' ca, ' nit ' cm int( lar pro awl Uu I 8111 foil pel coi am am int tni Di ov to ns & m ti w in hi . EC tl w P' tt vi CI tt o Cl b h ci tl a t li r r t 1 i i i i i t A J.- - tS'v; .