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JTHE EVENING STAB.
Wtt Sunday Konlaf Sdltloa. f WASHINGTON. SUNDAY August 11, 1912 THEODORE W. NOTES Editor The Evealac Star Jf?w?p???r Cempeey. ?utllMi Office. 11th St. and FaniUTlnsit inin*. New York Office: Tribune Bnildli(. Cbictfo Office: First Nitioul l^ak BnUiaf. luiosua Office: 1 Recast St., London. The RTPnlne 5tar. with the tnornliut rtltteu. Is drllftml by carriers within the city ? t 45 cents per mnnfh; dally only, 2X cents per Konth: Sunday only. 'JO cnts per month. Orders ?is; be sent by mail, or telephone Main 2440. Collection is made by carrier at the cad of each ?Math. By mall, postage prepaid: Psfly. Fnnlay Included. om> ir*>ntb. AO ceata. I?ally. Sunday eicepted. on<? month. 40 centa. fcaturday star, $1 year. Sunday Mar. 92.4V yea Catered as second-class msll matter at the post office at Washington. D. C. E7Ia order to avoid delays on account of ferscnal abaenee letters to THE STAR should cot be addressed to any individual connected with the c-ffi^p; but simply to THE STAR, or to the Editorial or Buswesa Department, according to tenor or purpose. Mr. Wilson and the Stnmp. Mr W ilson's decision not to make a cart-tail stumping tour is probably well taken. Therj1 is no nwpssily for it, and lie has no talent in that line. The situation Mr. Bryan confronted six teen years ago was very different lrom the present situation. Then the democ racy was divided, and the regular branch of the party considerably discouraged. Moreover, Mr. Bryan's nomination had t "tne as a surprise to the country. Me needed introduction, and proved to be the very man to Introduce himself. In a pre eminent degree he had the faculty of drawing and interesting a crowd. He could not have afforded a front porch campaign such as Mr. McKinley made. Had he gone from Chicago to l,tncoln and remained at home, or spoken at only a few places by special appoint ment. his candidacy would have fallen flat. To be sure, after all the racing from place to place, he did not win, but be Ipst nothing. That style of campaign in* presented him In his best light, atid secured a large number of the six and a half million votes that were cast far him. Today the democracy, while divided as to issues, seems united in a campaign for office. And Mr. Wilson's nomination did not come a surprise. His name had been slightly canvassed for the Denver nomination four years ago. and con spicuously so for the Baltimore conven tion. He stands, therefore, in no need of an introduction to his party, or to the general public. He can afford the pro gram he has mapped out. Nor is he fitted for such a campaign as Mr. ,Bryan made. He is not an orator after the Bryan order. He has very fine powers of expression, but with him the pen is mightier than the tongue. He is ru>t handsome, as Mr. Bryan was In hjs first campaign. He is humorous at bis own expense on the subject of pulchri tude. W hile agreeable, he is not. as Mr. Bryan then was and still is, a master of "Jolly." So that, all things considered, Mr. Wil sop s decision is to be commended. He will save his strength lor what will con front him in this town if the people put him in commission here. He will need to be strong. It has been nearly sixteen years since Mr. Cleveland said good-bye to Mr. McKinley and left for New York. I?uring all that time the republicans have been on the inside and the democrats on the out. Once again inside, the demo erotic hosts will be impatient for the dis tribution of the good things, and Mr. Wil son as dispenser-in-chief, will have on hand the job of his life. A Very Little Safeguard. After rooiv than four weeks of "consider ation i? is announced that the two street railway corporations have agreed to take precautions to prevent further accidents similar to thaj which occurred at 9th street and Florida avenue, and which c aused the death of a passenger, when two car? collided in consequence of a mis understanding of motormen's signals. Flagmen are to be stationed at the two ? junctions at 9th and 7th streets on Flor ida avenue But mark the manner in which this obvious necessity is met. These fl^S^'-n are only to be employed while thf- Washington base ball club is play ing at hem*. In other words, only when thcie is exceptionally heavy traffic at these junctions. The companies are ignoring absolutely the tact tljat there is danger of collisions at practically all of the track intersec t ons in this city. The authorities are not compelling them to take cognizance of tite n^ril to which the public is exposed daily, hourly; at these many places. A little is done. y?ossibly to allay public ap prehension. bat so little that it seems hopeless to look to the corporations them selves* for a remedy. Collisions at street car crossings are due to motormen's misunderstandings. Those misunderstandings may occur any where and in any condition of the traf fic. It does not require a base ball crowd to cfcnse such confusion that two ?ar operatives will simultaneously try to g<*t ahead first. The Star repeats its plea to the Com miss loners to exer.-ise their police regula ? tion authority and to compel the street railway companies, as a measure of pro te<^i?>n of life, to establish flagmen at the ?~r?ssinsrs of frequent use. The progressive party platform did not contain any ringing reference to ? he political status of the colored man. In the excitement of the moment the example of Abraham Uncoln was overlooked. Wood row Wilson's supporters see no reason Jnr his maklnsr a personal scramble /or the presidency when there s?*>ms to he a prospect of his hieing broucht into place by the law of srr.-\ vity. > see i - The Hour of Parting. " \u revoir. colonel." "Sav, Johnson, that will never do. Plain T'aited States every time, old man. We're for the common people, you know." "Well. th?iD. good-bye. Proud to be with you in this business." "Same here." "Youj ordinary recognjtion is a decora tion. but to be your companion on a presidential ticket is a crown of glory." "Now. by Georse. that's fcandsome. Johnson, do you know, you understand ret only our movement, but, what is more. me. That one remark justifies the convention's selection of you. Anything I can do for you?" "By the v ay. yes. o was Fremont's running mate?" "Now that's funny! -ft the moment I do_*>'t rernember. Why do you ask?'' ? Because our campaign is likened to the Piemont campaign, and naturally I'm ? urious about the man who ran with the J'athflnder." ? But, old man. l ot not only the Fre irvint hut the Uncoln of progres^ivensss. I'M going to *Mn." "Oh, of course. 1 know that. But 1 I want a line on tha fellow who helped Fremont lose." "Well, look him op In the hooka. His name has escaped me." "I hope to make more of an Impres sion." "Oh. yon wffl. m see to that. When we take charge. I'm going to consult you ?occasionally, and that'll give you a share of the spotlight." "I want a better chance than Breckin ridge had under Buchanan." "Tell me about that." "Breckinridge laughingly declared at the end of his term as Vice President that his only consultation with his chief had been about the phraseology of a Thanks giving proclamation." "Ha. ha! Well. I'll do better than that. I promise you." "Can T do anything for you, colonel?" "By George, yes. Write me about the latest sentiment in the west now that our ticket and platform are before the people. 1 want it for use on the stump when I ge out your way. I know I'm going to be tackled about my change of front and all that, and I want to be ready. The bosses and the trusts?Taft's, you know will cry 'apostate* and 'Two-face Teddy," and all that, and I must meet 'em." "A carefully prepared impromptu Is a good thing on the stump." "You bet! To soak a fellow the minute after he has tiled to soak you catches the. crowd every time. I want a general line on both curbstone and mining camp talk, for us and against us, but particu larly against us. You arc feeling well?" "Like a mountain goat. And you?" "Still like a bull moose." "See you later, and I hope In Wash ington next March." "Sure thing, old man. I'm on the job; and you know what that means." Fighting for National Health. Roughly speaking, 15.500.000 files have been killed in this District during the past three months by tho children who have been working for the prizes offered by The Star. Of this total about 500.000 vic tims fell In May, 3.200,000 in June and 11,800,000 in July. Sanitary statisticians may work out Impressive figures of the possible progeny of these millions of disease-bearing insects If they had been allowed to live, but the popular imagination requires no such specific stimulant, for it is by this time clearly understood by all sorts and conditions of people that flies multiply with great ra pidity, and that a single fly killed in May means a heavy net reduction of the pos sible fly population during the season. This is one of the educational effects of the present crusade, a fight for the pub lic health that promises remarkable re sults for the future benefit of humanity. It has already been noted by the Dis trict health officials that there is less ty phoid in Washington this summer than ever before, so far as records run. This comparative Immunity from the disease may be directly attributed to the killing of such an Immense number of flies and the destruction of so many breeding places. The children who have been en gaged In this competition have been little missionaries for the public health. They have scoured the city in search of flies, and in their rounds they have carried Into all quarters the word that flies breed dis ease. They have uncovered places where flies have hitherto bred without molesta tion. The health office, shrewdly inter preting the returns, has been enabled to pay corrective attention to these disease centers. Thus the city has been given the benefit of a quiet, steady, effective cleaning process that could not posslply have been started by any other means. What The Star has undertaken in Washington in this respect Is now being done in many cities throughout the coun try*. The remarkable success of its first anti-fly campaign last summer, which was of an experimental nature, has been widely reported, and from hundreds of places have come Inquiries as to ways and means which have been promptly and fully answered, until now the anti-fly fight Is well nigh national in scope. In asmuch as typhoid is virtually an Inter state disease, with every community de pendent for its health In large measure upon conditions elsewhere, the importance of this attack upon the chief germ-bear ing agency cannot be overestimated. Thus the children of Washington, who have shown such a splendid spirit in the fly crusade, stand today virtually as spon sors for the public health of the entire country. Col. Roosevelt notes that living con ditions have grown more difficult throughout the world. But for the present his supervisory attention will be confined to a single hemisphere. Even Sergt. Mingo Sanders did not escape the agitated Interest that Col. Roosevelt feels when a military man comes in for any sort of governmental recognition. There are many things about the democratic party of which W. R. Hearst strongly approves. But it is not any Independence League, by a great deal. A man who buys automobile tires has hard work in believing that the big in terests are compelling South American Indians to collect rubber free of charge. Dublin is now waiting to see whether the militant suffragettes sentenced to prison will have to be liberated on the grounds of loss of appetite. England and Germany believe in battle ships as a means of settling argu ments. Over here the proposition to build them starts one. Remarkable Partisan Perversity. It appears that the anger of English militant suffragettes over the severe sentences given to the women who tried to tire a Dublin theater and threw a hatchet at Prime Minister Asquitb is in spired chiefly by the suggestion of the presiding judge that the sentences might be remitted if the militant tactics of the women are abandoned. This, cries the organization, Is an attempt to bribe which could not be accepted without dis loyalty to the cause. This evidences a perverse indisposition or inability to re gard the acts which the court has under taken to punish by the sentences Imposed as crimes against society. It matters nothing that these crimes were committed in the name of a political propaganda, that they were part of a program of fore, ing the government of England to grant certain rights to women, that they are representative of an unquestionably deep conviction of grievous wrong on the part of a very large class of people. It Is dangerous to ignore the single principle which governs the infliction of penalties for offenses against peace and order, life and property, namely, the principle of punishment to deter others from commit ting similar acts. Every court is influenced by a willingness to remit penalties upon tho promise of good behavior in the fu ture. The modern probation and parole laws are a definite expression of this doc trine. The Dublin judge who hinted at a remission of the penalties K the mili tant practices of the suffragettes were abandoned did no more than is done con tinually by jurists who. In passing sen tences, express the hope that the ex amples given will convince others that the law must be obeyed. An attempt was made to bring sym pathy for those who have broken the i laws and Buffered punishment in the name of the suffrage cause br Insisting that this course is Justified because the government of England has shown, bad faith In promising the enactment of a suffrage law and failing to make any practical move in that direction. This does not avoid the point really at Issue, that lives have (been menaced and prop erty has been destroyed, the lives and property of Innocent persons who ha\e no particular stake in the game that s being played, and who are in no wise responsible for the alleged failure of ? ? government to keep Its pledge. It is mon strous that any attempt should be made to justify the effort to burn a theater full of people or to assassinate the prime minister of England on the ground that the British ministry has not squared P with its promises In the matter of an equal suffrage enactment. The Dictagraph Day?. The dictagraph Is playing its e*-Pec^ part In the Investigation Into the allegea police graft In New York. That terrible Burns person Is at work witn his men? and women, too?disguised as all sorts o people, engaged In all sorts of schemes of a shady character, and putting them selves in the way of police enterprise and cupidity. If all that Burns is reputed to be doing in this country Is true, he is becoming a mighty agency for the betterment of hu man conditions. One hears of him every where. Now he is framing up a concrete boardwalk scheme In Atlantic City and trapping greedy counollmen by the dozen. Again he Is at work In South Carolina getting evidence of the sale of pardons by the governor and other proof of mal feasance in the enforcement of the state liquor laws. Next he shows up In De troit. where he pitfalls aldermen with a fake ordinance for certain railway privi leges. Now he Is helping on the good work in New York by pretending to start lawless establishments under police pro tection. The result of all this dlctagraphlng and disclosing may be that aldermen and po licemen and other public officials will be afraid to do business "on the side" with any one. no matter what credentials are shown. Who can tell who's who In graft dom in these days? What assurance is there that the man with the scheme for & franchise, or a gambling house, or a contract, is not working with a telephonic recording device leading straight to a stenographer? The only safety for the grafter is to do all his business out in the open, far away from walls and partitions and furniture. Even then there will be no guarantee against subterranean cells containing a recording person. There is verily no comfort for the crook in these days of electricity-aided sleuthing. * The Bums firm appears to be doing all the detective business, and there are a number of people whose resentments lead them to hope it will be attacked by some enterprising trust-buster. The "gun man" of the metropolis, as well as of the mountains, gets thoroughly scared when conditions do not give him all the advantage In an encounter. The subject of conservation will no doybt be touched upon by Mr. Roosevelt in a way that will reward the patient listening of Gilford Pinchot. Japan having now entered upon an Era of Great Righteousness will readily un derstand that it Is wrong to covet a neighbor's coaling station. The public Is variable in its interests and is entitled to hope that nothing will happen for some time to make Evelyn Thaw famous. A movement to relax Sunday laws in any city Is nearly always prefaced by reference to it as "a cosmopolitan com munity." SHOOTING STABS. BY PHILANDER JOHNSON*. No Coercion. "Are you a party boss?" "Certainly not," replied the local despot. "I simply tell the boys how I am going to vote, and then tell them to vote as they please. But heaven help them if they don't please to vote the way I do." Indirect Protection. "You favor the prohibition cause?" "Yes," replied the grizzled mountaineer. "They do say that prohibition has done more than anything else to keep up the price of moonshine licker in this state." No Restriction. A presidential boom is now in every body's reach. Some one is sure to cheer If you will rise and make a speech. And anybody with the price in this our glorious land Is absolutely free to rent a hall and hire a band. Easily Arranged. " "By the Sea,' Is a very pretty title for your picture," said the interested onlook er. "But the sea is too green and the waves are too fluffy." ?That's so," replied the artist. "I'll paint some branches and twigs into it and call it 'The Woodland Way." " Reminiscence. "You never speculated in corn?" said the Chicago man. "No," replied Mr. Cumrox, "I got an idea that my luck didn't run that way Finding a red ear at a husking bee was how I come to get engaged." An Athletic Achievement. "A base ball player has to have great nerve and endurance." "I should say so," answered the sincere fan; "almost as much as a man who man ages to get a front seat at a double header." Fate's Ironies. BUI Bivvins said he'd like to be a hero in the fray. And lead the troops to glory while the people said, "Hooray!" But fate Is most pernickety, and never will consent To let a man pursue what he believes his natural bent. Bill never led a troop. He's keeping store at Punklnvllle He runs the family errands with fidelity an' skill. Bill somehow never hit the pace his early fancy set. His home folks call him "Willie," an' his wife's a suffragette. Jim 8picer, on the other hand, desired a quiet life. He said he had no taste fur altercation or for strife. He wouldn't play the games that tempt the youngsters to be rough. He simply learned the rules, an' lookln' on was fun enough. But once again we see the work of fate's relentless hand. What you may think you want Is seldom what you're goin' to land. His knowledge theoretical they soon call ed into play. Poor Jim's an umpire now, and has a riot every day. DNGLE SAM'S MONEY FACTORY In dealing with the producing centers which exist in Washington It Is impos sible to fail to recognize the Valuable bureau of engraving and _ , . printing, particularly when ITOuUCt. taijeT1 in connection with the manufacture of paper money, as the larg est. A plant which annually produces approximately a billion and a half dol lars In money, and. taking last year as an example, bonds to the value of more than $75,000,000, is an enterprise which commands serious consideration. And this consideration, the more se rious and deep It becomes, tends to en large the estimation In which the plant is held. The production of money, even when treated In what might be consid ered a Jocular manner by some, still re mains a monumental proposition. For ex ample, the yearly output may said to average 350.000.000 bills. A single little crisp one-dollar note is seven and one-quar ter inches long. Multiply this by the fore going set of figures and you will have the awe-impelling total of 2,325,000,000 Inches. Even when changed Into miles there would be, roughly speaking, 40,000. Now, then, take that 40,000 miles of money and see what you can do with it. Take New York as a base and see how many cities could be reached, each held together with a ribbon of precious notes. * * * First ko to San Francisco, which is 3,230 miles away. Then to Portland. Oreg., which is 3,248, and Miles of lhpn to Seattle, which is __ 3.1 R4. That total is 9,662. Money. Then carry the chain to the popular Reno, to Los Angeles, Cal., and to Phoenix, Ariz., their respective dis tances from New York being 3,985, 3,106 and 2.724 miles. And now. with the tw^o totals thus obtained, the number of miles used wrou!d be little more than 20,000, or only half the number to be disposed of. Thus it can be readily understood that, were such a feat possible. Liberty, from her statue In New York bay, could hold on, leashes of fluttering greenbacks, and yel low ones, too, at least a dozen of the most distant cities. Or. if she chose, she could hold in her fingers reins of notes the other ends of which would touch hundreds of nearer cities and towns. Also it would be possible to cast j out lines of notes which would reach every state in the Union. And even the "great, wide, wonderful world" could be encircled more than once and a half. By laying the notes manufactured in one year side by side the superficial area | thus covered would amount to more than 1 ,r?00 acres, or about two and ?a half square miles. Taking these same notes and placing them one upon the other ver tically. their height would .be twenty seven miles. Their cubic contents, when arranged in a large pile, would be al most 17,000 feet, or an amount sufficient to makp a wall 1<*> feet long, ten feet thick avid seventy feet high. ? * * Considering this same proposition of manufacturing money in a more serious vein, the Immensity of the Time Taken enterprise is more fully . __ . . realized. The process of in Making, manufacturing a single note requires a month's time, that length of time, allowing, of course, for the delays necessitated by the waits be tween the numerous operations. Only nineteen days are required for the actual work of manufacturing a note. The blank paper upon which the notes are printed comes to the bureau in sealed packages of 1,000 sheets. This paper is made out of linen, and when received con tains the silken threads, a noticeable part of every note, which are for the purpose of making counterfeiting more difficult. The paper is manufactured in Massa chusetts. under bond, and the manufac ture of this paper for any use other than that of printing money Is considered as a crime equal to that of counterfeiting The paper is taken from its wrapping in what is known as the wetting room. There the first step is taken toward con verting it into redeemable cash by put ting it through a process of dampening, which makes it ready for the. printing presses. It remains in the wetting room four days. During that time it is first of all counted, having been counted before leaving the factory and each package bearing the name of the counter there. After the count is verified the paper is put into machines which dampen it. Un der the old method the paper was wet by hand, ten sheets being placed under a damp cloth, ten on top of that and then another damp cloth, and so on. This method is employed now to a certain ex tent, but is far less satisfactory than the newer process, by which each sheet of paper is dampened by passing through a trough-like machine, and then the excess moisture is removed by rollers, t ollow ing the wetting the paper is again count ed. Finally it is placed, in piles of 1,000 sheets, in a compartment which is a cross between a refrigerator and a humidor. It is left there for a certain length of time, after which it is sent directly to the print ing room. * * * Paper money is printed from hand-en graved plates, four engravings constitut ing a single plate. In order Printing that the paper will take an impression, it must be pli Process. aj)je enough to sink into the plate lines. It is for this reason that; the paper has been moistened. When first | received the paper is stiff and wiry, but , becomes soft upon being wet. The first J printing is that of the backs. At each machine are a printer and a helper, the former being a man and the lattter a girl. After a sheet has been printed it Is removed from the plate and placed, print ed face down, with the sheet coming next placed printed face up. Thus the two unprinted sides come together, ana tis sues are placed between every two sheets to prevent smearing. . . , fVlov When 200 sheets have been printed they are removed and taken to ^the drying room, where they are placed loosely In shallow compartments, and at the end or the working day heat is turned on tnia room, the doors of which-are securely closed. The heat is turned oft during the night, in order to permit the room to cool sufficiently for the employes to work in it the following morning. After the sheets have been dried tljey are examined, in order to detect any that have been badly printed, and the tissues are removed. 1 he notes printed during the day are placed in the dry room that same night and ex amined the next day: thus two days are added to the four required in the wet- | ting room. Of course, additiona.1 time . may have been lost between the wetting room and printing room, according to the time which elapsed before certain piles of paper were needed in the printing room. Such waits as this use up the THE BULL NOOSE CO From th* Baltimore Evening Sun. Col. Roosevelt may call It a ''confes sion of faith," but from his affiliations others may describe it as a declaration of "trust." From tie Hartford Timet. T. Roosevelt's great "confession of faith" is painfully vague on a good many points. On the currency question, for instance, he seems to be Inclined to adopt the fiat money theory, but Just where he really stands it is very plain that he does not really know. From tbe Olmlnd Plain Dealer. "When I have principles, I stick to them." declared T. R. There is a man who would rather "kid" us than be President. From the Boston Globe. Col Roosevelt has shown unquestion able ability in getting into his "confes sion of faith" everything that he thinks will win a vote. From the Troy Record. The Roosevelt "confession of faith" assert everything; and proves nothing. Ho * j eleven days in the various processes of manufacturing- the money. * I * * After the backs have been printed, the sheets dried and examined and the tissues removed, the paper is again ; Printing sent to the wetting room. -And here it is again put j * through the wetting process. [And again from here it goes to the print ling room, this time to have the faces printed, after which the saxno work of drying, examining and removing the tis Isues is repeated, the entire work of mak ing a not? having' required twelve days' actual work thus far. The next , step i8 that of sizing the sheets, a process which is among the most interesting of all thos?? connected with the making of money. The work of l sizing is done in a little room in the basement. On one side are three large brass kettles, while in the middle of the room Is a row of machines somewhat re sembling washing machines. In th*? ket tles is a frothy, white substance, forced by a series of pipes through the machines and back into the kettles again, thus Ala king an fndlcss flow. The substance is glue. To 18ft pounds of animal glue 54ft gallons of water are required, to which Is added 27 pounds of alum. The result aint substance gives to the printed notes the same body which the paper had before going through the two wetting processes. On account of becoming dirty through contact with the printing Ink a fresh supply of glue has to he made every two days. Before leaving this room the notes are recounted. After leaving the sizing room the sheets are pressed and trimmed, following which they are ready to be taken to the room in which they are numbered, the final stfp in converting blank paj^er into actual money. In this same room they receive the seal which is the final token of the govern ment's financial authority, and the sheet is separated into four parts. Nothing then remains but to deliver the money to the United States Treasury, which is done in the large van which has now become a familiar accessory of Washington's well known money plant. The work of sizing, drying, pressing and trimming requires one day for each, while three are required in the numbering, sealing and separating room, these seven days added to the twelve previously accounted for making nineteen. This length of time, together with the eleven taken up between times, makes the thirty, or the time necessary to the production of the note. Nearly $460,000,000 Is in the 'bureau vaults ready to be supplied to the Treasury Depart ment upon demand. * ? * Four kinds of notes are printed: United States notes, silver and gold certificates an<i national bank Many Kinds notes. The denomina of Notes tions of cach print" ed are as follows: United States notes, five and ten dollars; silver certificates, one, two, five and ten dollars; gold certificates, ten, twenty, fifty, one hundred, five hundred, one thousand, five thousand and ten thousand dollars; national bank notes, five, ten, twenty, fif ty and one hundred dollars. There are eleven denominations. To return to statistics, the sheets used in a year number 87,054,703, each sheet taking four impressions. That means that each day 200,182 sheets are printed. The paper costs annually $405,000, or, for a single day, $l?5fift. The entire cost of manufacturing money is, for a year. $3 - ?|6,000, or $12,320 per diem. Against that, however, is the daily output of notes, the value of which is $4,812,7.^. But the cost of the paper is not the only large item in making the notes. There is the ink. of which 842 tons are used every year, or two and three-quarters ton.B a day. That costs $142,000 a vear, or $473 each day. An important item also is the plates. The amount of money spent on these every year is $140,000, or *44.7 each day. The number of plates made in * y?ar about 2.414, of which number -.141 are races and the remainder hacks. Seventy-five men are employed in en graving these plates, while an entire vear is required in preparing the original plate, including the engraving of dies, transier ring to rolls, etc. Three days are neces sary however, to make subsequent re newals of plates. It is possible to take fh?UK impressions from plates for the backs, while the plates bearing the faces can only be used about 45,000 times ? * * Think of having almost two tons of crisp, unwrinkled bills, done up neatly in ? packages of 100, and of Tons 01 all the various denomina Money. tJons! Such is the weight of a single day's output from the bureau. The annuaJ output weighs 544 tons. In addition to the paper money printed at the bureau of engraving and printing, bonds are also manufactured. Last year, for example. 64 000 Panama canal bonds were, printed, the face value of which was $74,800,000. These were new bonds. One thousand bond9 of an old series were also printed, that of the loan of 1898, at a face value of $500,000. In the printing of these bonds three im pressions are required. The face of a bond is printed in black, the paper being previously given a tint of the color in which the back is printed. Several colors are used, according to the face value of the bond. The back is printed, the tint is put on the face, and then the face is printed in black. The tint is for the purpose of preventing the face value of the bonds being raised. In the event of an erasure not only would the black ink be removed, but the tint as well, leaving the paper dead white and thus exposing the fraud. * * * On an investment of $3,396,000 Uncle Sam produces an article the face value of which is redeem Fonr Hundred able at the gigantic Per Cent Profit. ,T ?r *?????> 320, or very close to four hundred times as much. It would require more than 100 horses to haul the annual output of money, while if that amount were spread out it would cover a quarter of the entire District of Colum bia. During the process of manufacture the money is counted sixteen times, in almost every Instance by different people. Taking the bureau of engraving and printing in connection with all its work, that is. the manufacture of money. bonds, postage and revenue and customs stamps the yearly output is stupendous. The value of all this for a single year, taking last year as the average, would be close on to $2,000,000,000, while in weight the yearly output is more than 2,000 tons. More than four thousand people are em ployed in making these several articles. Such statements as these, showing the magnitude of a work going on every working day in the year here in Wash ington. could be made In an almost end less chain, while the figures presented could be put up in an equally endless as sortment with the most weird results But none of them could impress one with the Immensity of the work going on any more than the simple statement that in all this country there is nothing that compares with it. IWFESS10N OF FAITH. claims that things are so merely be cause he says they are so; that things will be done solely because he says they will be done, and the impossible is pos sible just because he declares it to be possible. ' His assumption that his claims will be accepted without question is an insult to the intelligence of the rank and file of the American people. From the Philadelphia Press. Among the other things the colonel's confession of faith" calls for pub licity for campaign contributions Sen with that.*?1?"6 ?Ufrht l? be Please<l From the Indlaaapglls News. And again, speaking of complete re versals of form, just compare his con fession of faith with his record as President. From the Council Bluffs Nonpareil. It is perfectly safe to assume that at least a part of Roosevelt's Chicago I speech was formulated after President Taffs acceptance of the Chicago con-1 vention nomination had been delivered. FIFTY HEARS AGO IN THE STAR By this time fifty- years ago Washington had heard much about Belle Boyd, who was believed to be one of the Belle most efficient yples in the ?p i Confederate service, and upon y her capture in western Vir ginia and removal to Washington for im prisonment she was regarded with keen interest. In The Star of August 4, 1S62. is the following: "Thia notorious female rebel spy is now J confined In the old Capitol prison. Ro mancers have given her undue repute by describing her af> beatitiful and educated. She is merely a brusque, talkative won^ an, perhaps twenty-five years of age. with keen, courageous gray eyes. Her teeth are prominent and she is meager in person. There is a certain dash and naivete in her manner and speech that might be called fascinating, but she is by no means possessed of brilliant quali ties. either of mind or body. Being in sanely devoted to the rebel cause, she resolved to act a* a spy within the Union lines, and managed in divers ways to recommend herself to our officers. ? ? ? From facts gleaned in this way of our ?movements and projects nhe kept up a pretty regular budget of intelligence, and the enemy was advised of our favorite designs. She admitted in prison Satur day that she had informed Jackson of our situation at Front Royal. But this. f?he said, was done to prevent the ef fusion of blood ? ? ? Her own ad missions will convict her of being a spy. She was dressed Saturday in a plain frock, low in the neck, and her arms were bare. She takes her arrest as a matter | of course and is smart, plucky and ab surd as ever." * * * On the 4th of August, 1WJ, the War De partment ordered a. draft of 300,0ni> men to be called Immediately Order for Into the service of the a Tlraff CWted States for nine a iirui. < months. In The Star of August 5 is the following paragraph with reference to this matter: "By the order published elsewhere it will be seen that t!00,000 troops have now to be raised by the loyal states. Of the.se 300,000 were called out by the President on the 1st of July last, and 300,000 more are called out now. If those ordered on the 1st of July are not ready on the 15th instant they will be drafted on and after that date; those ordered today (being nine months' militiamen) will be drafted im mediately. It will thus be seen that In addition to 300,000 volunteers, which we are now occupied in raising, the govern ment ordered 300,uu0 militiamen to be drafted. All doubts are now at an end. As soon as Secretary Stanton shall have prepared the necessary regulation, the draft will commence throughout the north for the 30t>,000 militiamen for nine months. And as there are very slight prospects that the several state quotas ordered by the President on the 1st of July last will be filled on the l"?th of August, a sufficiency of volunteers will then also be drafted. Thus by the 1st of September it is designed to have a fresh army of over half a million in the field." v * # The citizens of Washington held a mass | meeting at the east front of the Capitol on the evening of Au Mass Meeting sust 1862- for the f purpose of expressing 01 Citizens, their loyal sentiments and pledging their support of the gov ernment in its efforts to suppress the re bellion. In The Star of August 7, 1862, is a four-column report of the proceed ings, including abstracts of the various speeches delivered and the full text of the resolutions adopted. A large platform had been, erected on the central portico and steps, appropriately decorated with flags. For purposes of night display gas pipes with numerous burners had been extended over the arch in front of the platform, one set of jets making the form of a star. President Lincoln occupied a seat on the platform for a time during the speeches, and the assemblage includ ed members of the cabinet, the councils of Washington and other distinguished and military guests. Mayor Wallach took the chair at the beginning: and started the program. Rev. Dr. J. C. Smith invoking the blessing. Edward Jordan, solicitor of the Treasury, read a series of resolu tions which had been prepared by a com mittee. It was during the reading that President Lincoln made his appearance. He was greeted with loud cheers, and the national salute was fired. Speeches were made by L. E. Chittenden, register of the Treasury: George S. Boutwell. commissioner of internal revenue; Leon ard Sweet of Illinois; Brig. Gen. Sehep ley, military governor of Louisiana; Gen. James Shields. Robert J. Walker, R. W. Thompson of Indiana, Senator Harlan of Iowa, E. C. Carrington, District attorney; Representative James S. Rollins of Mis souri and James T. Close. In the course of the speechmaking there were loud calls for President Lincoln, who finally advanced to the front of the platform and made a brief speech, which was wildly applauded. The meeting was brought to a. close by Temporary Chair man Clephane calling for cheers for the Union, the President, the army and the navy, which were given with vigor by the thousands in attendance. The Ma rine Band furnished music, and a display of fireworks brought the occasion to an end after six hours. The government de partments were closed at 1 o'clock to permit attendance upon this meeting. * * * Although in some places the volunteer ing in response to the President's call for additional troops was in Important progress at an encouraging _ , rate, influences antagonistic Orders. to the government were at work In some directions, so that addi tional orders had to be issued by the Sec retary of War. Two of these are reprint ed in The Star of August 8, 1862. One was to the effect that until further order | no citizen liable to' be drafted Into the mflltla ohould be allowed to go to a for eign country, and all marshals, etc., at the ports of the United States were re quested to carry the order into effect, and were authorized to arrest and detain per sons about to depart. A person so ar rested was subject to" imprisonment dur ing the term of a draft, and also to the payment of the expenses of his arrest and conveyance to the place of detention and $5 as a reward to the officer arresting him, this amount to be deducted from his pay as a potential soldier of the United States. The other order directed marshals and police officers to arrest and imprison any person engaged by act, speech or writing in discouraging volunteer enlist ments. MR. GROUCH. He got up with a grouch and he scolded hi* wife; He told her that she was the bane of his life: He scolded the children and cuffed them around; His voice had a harsh and a blood-chilling sound; He scolded the cook because she'd slept late And he scolded about everything that he ate. He scolded the driver upon the front seat; He scolded and spluttered concerning the heat; He scolded policemen at crossings because They held up their hands and compelled him to pause; He scolded because of the puncture tbe.v got; By the scowl on bis face you'd have known he was hot. He scolded the newsboy that got in hi* way. And he scolded because it said: "Warmer to day." He scolded the clerks and looked horribly cross When ho entered the office in which he was boss. He scolded because there was dust on his chair And because there were snarls in the office boy's hair. TOe stenog came In after his work was begun; He hlkd called for her twice?she went in on the | run; Did he scold when she, trembling, began to ex plain That a wreck at a crossing had halted her train? Did he snarl at the girl as he'd snarled at his wife? Did he show his Impatience? Tou bet your sweet life! P. S. Perhaps we should pay, lest you think him a brute. The stenog was not youthful nor was she a beaut. ?Chicago Record-Herald. ELECTORAL AGITATION IN FRANCE The morning: following the notable victory for proportional reform in the chamber of deputies of Clemenceau's France on the 14th of U -- . July. Senator Clemen mamtesto. ccau lgsued an anti-pro portional manifesto. The opposition was not unexpected. M. Poincare. in deed. said in his speech of defiance to a most uncertain assembly: "We ex pect that radicals and radical rfWialists will attack us and with visors down. Whatever their intention, we warn them from this moment on in all hon esty that if they nourish the design of opposing electoral reform they had bet ter commence by overturning the ministry." As we have seen, the radi cals and radical socialists attacked, hut were signally defeated. M. Combes, or M. Jaures. or M. Cail laux was the logical leader of an at tempt at revolt against proportional reform, but it is M. Clemenceau who has assumed the leadership. with | other reasons, because he is senator. Proportional reform, it should be j borne in mind, signifies, briefly, reform of the electoral system, which main tains representation in the national chamber based upon the number of inscribed voters in contradistinction to the actual voters in the district. The maintenance of the inscribed voters | was an arm which promised to per petuate the power of the radical socialists indefinitely. * * * M. Clcmenoeati, it is thought b> .the radical socialists, will be able to create divisions among senators and Socialist secure a vote in the senate _ against the electoral reform. Hopes. The cry bC raised of "in fringement of the rights of the people and of restriction of universal suffrage." The fact is that the reform was passed by the chamber of deputies by an irresistible movement of the country ?in favor of more sincerity in universal suffrage, which under the. past circumstances was a mis nomer and a fraud. The Temps, commenting upon the situa tion, says; "If M. Clemenceau proposes to finish as he has commenced?that is to say. by dividing the republican party and compromising the institutions of the country?he will not be followed, we can assure him. by the majority in parlia ment. The latter, supported by public opinion^ will adminster a rebuke to the agitatOTS." A writer to the Temps, wha claims to reflect popular sentiment, declares that however complicated and incomprehen sible this electoral reform may appear to the elector. It had the good fortune to be taken up at a psychological moment? "one of these moments when the coun try longed for a change." It was for re publicans. said this writer, to decide if it was not preferable for democracy to at tach Itself to an idea rather than to a man! When the reform was first moot ed FVance was a prey to interior unrest. A vast movement In opposition arose, which was augmented by parliamentary abuses. This movement, it should be added, was of 89 grave a nature that it threatened the republic itself. Under these circumstances, while some praised electoral reform purely because of its merits, others adopted it as a means of diverting the rising tide of disaffection. * * * Regarded as a shield of defense by alarmed republicans, electoral reform ap pear^] to enemies of the Opposition republic as a catapult of . . , destruction. Royalists Organized. an(j radical socialists then joined hands to oppose proportional representation. The royalists declared that they had nothing to gain by the electoral in any event; the restoration of the monarchy through elections was an absurdity. A law that restored the elec toral to all electors could not menace the republic, but only those who were op posed. Nevertheless, the radical social ists accuse proportional representation of being a danger to the republic. But be hind this protest lies the incontestable fact that the radical socialist does not fear a change of regime, but a change of personnel. The writer to the Temps tells its read ers that in the provinces there is pro found irritation against parliamentarism. The deputy has assumed to be the sovereign representative of the nation and that audacious interpretation has brought him to attribute to himself an unlimited power. The nation has become exasperated. The role of deputy is con sidered by the people as a vulgar profes sion which they no longer respect. Tocqueville. that distinguished states man and writer, author of "Democratic en Amerique," predicts that abasement. When the question of salary of deputies was being discussed Tocqueville wrote that that measure, if combined with the system of small districts, would consti tute the deputy the object of base cal culation and money scandals, which would be fatal to the deputy. In France Toc queville's forecast was realized. The dep uty was abased, but parliamentary co temporaries were increased by the sys tem of inscribed lists. Also the deputy voted himself increased indemnity under conditions that created a scandal. Since ten years radical socialists have made of the republic a monopoly and turned it over to a faction. France has suffered from this republican oligarchy which has loudly proclaimed its love for the people, but which the people with their eyes now wide open have denounced as an impure and "abject regime" and of which they would be rid. The people say "there are other republicans than these men. and if not. we will have done with the re public." * * * The coming of M. Poincare was oppor tune. He has destroyed the radical so cialist idea of the repub "National lie and has substituted ?r, ? therefore his idea, that Republic. ,8 the ..nationai repub lic." The radical socialists in the fury of their defeat declare that "boulanglsm" has returned, but It is "nationalism" pure and simple that has been awakened and the radical socialists knows it full well. M. Clemenceau treats the partisans or electoral reform as "reactionaries and revolutionaries," enemies of republican in stitutions, "joined in an enterprise Tor pretended electoral reform which is notn ing more nor less than an attempt against universal suffrage." M. Clemenceau says: "Behold these re THE COLOR LINE AT CHICAGO. From tbp Buffalo Express. Uet the people rule, provided they are white and in favor of Roosevelt. From the Concord Monitor. No black will be allowed to appear in the red and white pattern of the ban danna emblem of the new party. From the St. Louis Republic. It will be hard to convince the black delegates from Florida, Mississippi and Alabama that there was no steam roller at the second Chicago convention. From the Pitt?bnrsh Post. Having kicked the negro delegates out of the convention, it was appropriate to eliminate from the platform any refer ence to the negro question, but the negro voter may have something to say. From the Detroit News. There is one thing that only a new p<arty can do, and that is to wipe out the Mason and Dixon line. From the St. Louis Globe-Democrat. Prominently attached to the third party will be a Jim Crow car. The idea struck the colonel the moment he decided that it might be of personal advantage to himself. From the Detroit limes. This new party appears to be exclusive ly a white man's hope. From the Buffalo Commercisl. If the colonel can hold the allegiance of the northern negro ahile alienating the blacks of the south, he must indeed be reckoned a magician greater than Kellar. former* declaring war against the elec toral regime ipstituted by th? constltuant and successively adopts by all the nations or Burope and America, which havp realized. maintained and <>p,f'0P|,d until todav their conqueat of llbcrtv Traditionally reaction ha* a 1 way a de clared against the "law of number*, it is the revenue of M. Broghe winch ia being prepared." ... . And M. Clemen, eau added that criti cisms well founded in fact ha* e been ex pressed against the inequality of electoral circumscriptions in point of numbers, and that the idea was conceived or a better repartition widening the horizon of tn? elector, there was no difficulty on that head. Put if the majority principle should succumb, one day it would be necessan truly that one may have discovered a system capable of obtaining the adhesion of all by its simplicity, by its clearness as in the present regime. "If not, the superior instrument of pacification wouW be changed into an engine of civil war. Among other points. M riemenceau said of the change of the situation of partiea in Knance: "Forty years of power has necessarily I di\ ided anH dislocated the republican party. Bv the secret vote of the district in view of which it was organised piece meal. it has conquered, <^ne by on*, tha principal fortresses of the enemv. But that which it lacked in spite of som pompous committees was discipline and the force of a general organization, as in the great liberty loving countries." * a * M. ? "lemeiiceau compared the methods of the conservative parties, which a long tradition had rendered Clemenceau's infallible, based, as they _ were, upon the powerful Comparison. orKaniitat4rtn Of the Ro man Church. The revolutionary party was badly inspired, and its organization ineffective. Tt would be a source or weak ness in the ruture. Reference has been made by the ad versaries of proportional representation and by M Clemenceau particularly to the principles of representation of 1?"!*. It is certain that the majority system triumphed at that epoch. Article 11. sec tion 3 of the constitution of 1791 reads: "The representatives and their substi tutes will be elected by an absoluta plurality of suffrage." It should not, howaver. be concluded th;^t the tirst constltuants did not think of the establishment of a national representation based otherwise than upon members; on the contrary, they adopted, in ract, a series of measures which tended to give to members cer tain restrictions. They determined to that end with care the composition of an electoral corps, but more than that, in the attribution of seats to be filled, they made jyovislon for other factors outside the number of electors The election was of two degrees. All Frenchmen aged twenty-five years domiciled twice a year in the canton, inscribed on the registers of the national guard and paying a direct tax of the local value of three days' work were (excepting domestics) considered as active citizens. and constituted the primary assemblies. These assemblies chose from their number a hundred among those who possessed a revenua equivalent to the local value of one hundred and fifty days of work in the country and two hundred in the cities. This hundred composed the assembly of electors charged with the election of deputies and their substitutes on the basis of one substitute for three deputies. ? ? * * On the second Point, the repartition of seats, the constltuants had to effect this to follow the idea Kales of of counterbalancing the _ ... law of numbers In glv Hepartition. ,n(f a Iarge part to par. ticular and collective interests. The repartition was made according to the following rules: Article 2 (Section 1. Chapter II. Title III)?The representatives will be distrib uted between the eighty-three depart ments according to three proportions of territory, of the population and of tha direct contribution Article 3?Of the 745 representatives. 247 are attached to the territory. Bach department will name three, with the ex ception of Paris, which will only name one. The two other proportions established the balance in favor of Paris, which was represented by twenty-four deputies. Article 4?Two hundred and forty-nine were attributed to the population The total mass of the active population of the kingdom is divided in 249 parts, and each department names as many deputies as it has parts of population. Article 5?Two hundred and forty-nine representatives are attached to the direct contribution. The total sum of that con tribution of the kingdom is divided into 249 parts, and eacl\ department names as many deputies as it pays parts of con tributions. This was not proportional representa tion in the sense that it is understood in these days, because it did not take into consideration the many elements which determine the number of representatives which were finally elected by an absolute majority. But it should be borne In mind that that majority itself represented only a minority?the one-hundredth of the ac tive citizens chosen from the electors classed among thpse paying the highest taxes. It was considered ip 1791 thai the fact of participating for a large part in the public charges would render citizens more careful and mindful of the general good and the prosperity of the state. * * * But this was not all, for the constitu ents certainly foresaw the tendency of representatives to Representatives forget the grandeur r . of their role, to be of Nation. come tha simple agents of their electors, and accordingly wrote in the constitution. Article 7 of Sec tion 3. the following: "The representatives named In the de partments will not be the representatives of a particular department, but of the entire nation, and no mandate can ba given them by the department." Thus the representation of 1791 was not vitally different from tha proportional representation of the present moment. The electoral reform was inspired by the purpose of correcting the abuses engen dered bv the republican party'a forty vears oir power, which M. Clemenceau "believes is bad, but perhaps not ao bad as monarchical power." CH. CHAIL.L?E~LON<*. NOTES ON TIE NATIONAL CAME. | Froiu the Detroit Free Pre**. At this stage of the race our pennant hopes are all pinned onto next year. From the Pittsburgh Press. The eastern critics all agree that Hans Wagner is a very promising ball plav-. er. The general impression Is that Man ager Fred Clarke is fully determined to give Hans a thorough try-out. From the Memphis Commercial Appeal. It has been decided in Washington that the only possible means of securing a quorum in ~ Congress is to banish tha Washington base ball team. From the Pittsburgh Chronicle-Telegraph. Our Pirates are doing all that if* pos sible to help the Chicagoans pennant ward, but the Cubs fail to rise to the occasion. From the Toledo Blad>>. If the esteemed Mud Hens don't win tha pennant their failure can be attributed to the cool wave. From the Indianapolia Noma. Back again in our old form?Huh? \\ hy, 13 to 2 in favor of Milwauke yesterday, to be sure! From the Atlanta Journal. Now that we know the worst about the Atlanta team, we can turn our thoughts to national politics. Hrom the Charleston News and Courier. It is related that the main reason why the Boston ball team is in the lead i* that the signals are all spoken in Bos tonese, and there's not a man on any other team who can possibly decipher ?