Evening star. [volume], December 13, 1931, Page 3, Image 39

About Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972

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MILLS OUTLINES REASONS
FOR INCREASES IN TAXES
i
Undersecretary of Treasury Discusses
* J
Government Finances in Radio
Forum Address.
THE full text of the address o1
Ogden L. Mills, Undersecretary
of the Treasury, on Government
finances, delivered last night In
the National Radio Forum, ar
ranged by The Washington Star and
broadcast over a Nation-wide network
of the Columbia Broadcasting System,
follows:
1 assume that the fact which Is up
permost in the minds of all listeners
this evening is that recommendations
have been made to Congress with a
view to raising more than $900,000,000
cf additional revenue in the fiscal year
ending June 30. 1933 I trust that I
mr.y be able to present to you the facts
cf the situation which required such
recommendations as to substitute, for
the natural reaction against a higher
tax bill, a genuinely favorable response
to a policy which is designed to assure
the continuance of the finances of the
Federal Government on a sound basis.
Severe decline and depression in
business over the past two years have
very materially affected the budget,
particularly the Government’s revenues,
income tax receipts, which are a major
■ource of Federal revenue, averaged
$2,370,000,000 in the fiscal year 1929
and 1930. Present estimates indicate
that income tax collections for the
fiscal year 1932 will be $1,140,000,000,
or a decline of $1,230,000,000. Esti
mated ordinary rece.pts in 1932 from
all sources show a decline of about
$1,750,000,000 from the average level
of 1929 and 1930. The effect of the
depression has also been reflected in
larger expenditures, as the result of
unusual outlays for relief and construc
tion.
Three Means to Get Funds.
The Treasury closed the year 4 931
With a deficit of $903,000,000, and
estimates indicate that the aggregate
deficits for the three-year period ending
in 1932 will be $4,400,000,000. This Is
the prospect, notwithstanding the fact
that, in forecasting the revenues, it has
been assumed that in the calendar year
1932 there will be definite Improvement
in general conditions of industry and
trade.
There are only three ways of meeting
the needs of the Government under
such circumstances, either by increased
taxation, by borrowing, or by both The
Treasury cannot of itself create funds
Whatever it spends must be obtained
either through taxation or through the
sale of Government securities, and the
securities in the end must be redeemed
by taxes. To attempt to cover the com
bined deficits of the three years in ques
tion entirely by borrowing is unthink
able. and would present enormous diffi
culties. It must not be forgotten that
the very ability of the Government to
borrow depends not only upon the con
viction on the part of purchaser, and
holders of Government obligations that
the Government will maintain Itself
in such a position as to meet at all
times and under any circumstances Its
own obligations, but that its finances
will be conducted with such regard for
sound principles that Government se
curities will not suffer drastic deprecia
tion. If, In disregard of every dictate
of financial and business judgment we
should attempt to raise all of the addi
tional sums required as a result of the
depression through the sale of Govern
ment securities, we would, I am con
fident, encounter real resistance on the
part of investors, not only' because of
the immense volume of new securities
to be marketed—which would neces
sarily depreciate the value of all exist
ing securities—but because of the ap
prehension such a temporizing policy
would engender.
In the midst of our difficulties, let
*is not forget that there is nothing more
important to the Nation than the main
tenance unimpaired of the credit of the
United States Government.
Balanced Budget Ideal.
It is sometimes urged that, since in
the course of 11 years prior to the fiscal
year 1931 we have reduced the total
debt by about *9.300,000,000. some *3,
460,000,000 of this amount from sur
plus receipts, we are justified in exten
sive borrowing now. There is some
force to the argument. We have cre
ated something in the nature of a re
serve which we are warranted Ln draw
ing on. certainly to some extent. But
there are definite limitations. In the
first place, these earlier surpluses re
sulted in large part from special non
recurring receipts, such as the sale of
capital assets, which were most prop
erly applicable to debt reduction. In
the second place, when the sinking fund
was created, it was assumed that the
proceeds of repayment of loans to for
eign governments would be available
ln full for the retirement of a very large
part of our public debt, whereas the
amounts due us were subsequently re
duced by the debt funding agreements.
And, finally, even if we assume that we
are justified in borrowing up to the
full amount of *3,460.000,000. that sum
will be almost absorbed by last year’s
and this year's deficits.
What, then, is the wise course to
pursue, under all the circumstances?
The Ideal would be a balanced budget
in 1932 and in 1933, This ideal cannot
be reached ln thus fiscal year, since
half of the year has already passed
and the size of the deficit makes it
impossible of attainment. In the fiscal
year 1933, It is conceivable that we
might attain a balanced budget, but
our doing so would imply such an enor
mous increase in taxation as to pre
sent a serious barrier to business recov
ery. It seemed to the Treasury De
partment that we might meet the
| needs of the situation with due ob
servance of sound financial principles,
i and without any impairment of the
1 national credit, by the adoption of a
J program which would aim at three
j definite objectives; first, reduction in
{the prospective deficit for the current
fiscal year: second, no further increase
| in the public debt in the fiscal year
1933: third, a balanced budget in 193*
Existing conditions would not, in my
! opinion, justify a request for more, and
we should have failed in our duty had
we recommended less.
Return to 1924 Aet.
The Treasury has based its program
*n the main upon the relinquishment of
the principal tax reductions which have
been effective since the revenue act
of 1924 It has. in short, recommended
returning in principle to the general
plan of taxation existing under that
act, with such changes as may be ap
propriate in the light of temporary
conditions, the new measures to termi
nate at the close of the fiscal year
1934. The public has paid taxes under
such a law, and the Treasury can ad
minister it more expeditiously and ef
fectively than would be the case with
new' and untried ventures. In our
earlier experience with such taxes, they
did not constitute by anv means an
unbearable burden, nor did thev pre
vent increased prosperity. Although it
is perhaps unnecessary, I wish to point
out that, although the proposal is
made to cover the two coming fiscal
j years, it should not, of course, be in
I terpreted as implying an expected con
i tinuance of depression during that
| period. It will not be until the fiscal
| yeaT 1934 that income taxes will oe
free from the influence of severely de
| presssed incomes for the calendar yar
I 1931. The program should be consid
! ered rather as provision for repairing
the gap in our revenues—actual and
Itn prospect—which conditions to date
| have created.
It is unnecessary to describe the
program in detail. Doubtless all of
; you have read it. Generally speaking.
| provides for the retention, and in
j some instances, an increase in existing
; excise taxes, a restoration of the man
ufacturers’ sales tax on automobiles,
trucks and accessories, of the stamp tax
on conveyances of realty, and of the tax
on telephone, telegraph, radio and cable
messages, and the imposition of new
i taxes on manufacturers' sales of radio
i and phonograph equipment, and on
j checks and drafts. Tire rate of tax nn
corporate income is increased but
slightly, from 12 to 12'2 per cent. A
return to the 1924 act necessarily in
volves a sharp increase in the rates
applicable to large incomes and the
,ooing °f sonie taxpayers who, since
1924. owing to very high exemptions,
have been relieved from the obligation
of contributing to the support of their
Government, though enjoying a very
genuine ability to contribute certainly
£etheeriy92n4 mratC am0Unt* dPmanded
t naerestimate Intelligence.
thLhaf',L?een t0!? by some gentlemen
that, from a political standpoini we
are making a terrible mistake in re
du„c.ln8 exemptions. Aside from, the
I cann a/' UndeJ e5d-stin« circumstances
I cannot concede tnat politics has any
thing to do with the drafting of a
revenue bin, I think those gentlemen
trinHreStln?ati5 lbe lntolllgence and pa
triotism of the American people Oth^r
flnileK5' conf,ronted with difficulties in
finitely greater than our own have
met the needs of their government to
an unheard of extent without protest
or murmur. K
I am confident that, once the neces
sities of the situation and the pnn
that afe at stake ^e under
stood, our taxpayers will respond with
equal willingness and. if not cheerfully
at least without complaint
Even in these days which appear so
^rk. we are st)11 fortunate Ts con
trasted with other nations. For in
thatCm ttoilable flnformaUon indicates
tnat in this country Federal and local
taxes combined are about 10 per cent
hfnrtht .natl,onal income, while In Eng
land t°tal taxes are about 22 per cent
I ?/ £e, natlonal income. After all can
! K^v Vhl- contended In such an e mer
gency that a married man. with an
tribute fn'°00 year' cannot con
tribute $16.50 or less than one-half of
port ofehu°rhiS lncome' 10 the sup
port oi his Government, or one with
an Income of $5,000. $31.50 or slightiv
more than ha)f 0f 1 per’ cent one
income of $10,000, $153. which
Is only 1 *, per cent of his total Income?
Not Intolerable Burdens.
g ™nentheer»?rne to the miscellaneous
! toterfere ttith '\vare «0t 80 hi«h «* to
imeriere with the flow of goods or
, services, or to constitute a real burden
on those who buy or enjoy them Can
7aVrrdy CflTPlain lf ' igai'cttes and
radios and admissions to places of
amusement-yes. even if semlneces
sities such as automobiles—are to cost
a trifle more, or if we are to pav 2
cents for the privilege of using checks
and an additional cent on the trans
fer of securities? Tliese are not intol
askeri bllrdens- esPccially when we are
asked to assume them to meet the
necessities of a real emergency
We shall emerge from this depression,
as we have emerged from depressions
in the past. We shall do so all the
earlier and with greater certainty If
we face the realities of the situation
squarely, deal with them intelligently
and courageously and proceed to follow
the right road, even if it isn't the
I easiest one.
Turks, Turning Modern, to Drop Friday
As Day of Rest for Efficiency's Sake
•>
ISTANBUL. Turkey.—Turkey, having
realized that she is losing forty-eight
days a year by keeping the Moslem Sab
bath and resting on Friday instead of
Sunday, has decided to Change the day
of rest and prayer. The Turk will
either close shop on Sunday, together
with millions of Christians, or w ill wake
up to find his Friday disguised as Sun
day by a government that has ac
complished even more astonishing
things.
When Turkey adopted the European
calendar the Arabic numerals and the
Latin alphabet, there was also a strong
rumor that Friday would iose its all im
portant meaning as the day of rest
for Turks. Although the question was
then discussed at length the change
was not made. Perhaps the religious
element was considered and the tho :ght
of adopting the Christian Sunday as
the holy day of rest for 14.000,000
Moslem Turks seemed too bold at that
time
Yet this is not a religious question.
The Moslem religion orders one day of
rest, when the Moslem is to devote a
lengthy prayer to Allah. Whether that
prayer is said on Friday or any other
day of the week is not important.
Ramazan, the month of fasting, changes
months with ease, as It is bound to the
fickle moon. The learned hojas study
the heavens and declare that Ramazan
will fall on a certain month of the
year. That month Is called Ramazan,
and the faithful start to fast and keep
fasting until the end. The same can
be true of the day of rest, ana Sun
day seems to be just as goo' a : ay
Friday to go to mosque and enjoy life
afterward in a coffee house.
It is not that Turkey has become so
Westernized that she has to copy every
thing the West has to offer. The ques
tion is deeper, as it is an economic
on# and thus all important at present.
Turkey i* bound to Europe for her eco
nomic reiauo&a The stock exchange.
the banks, the merchants all have their
eyes on the European market and fol
low the movements of the European
stock exchanges. When all the official
and business institutions close on Fri
day Turkey loses 24 hours and then
another 24 when Europe rests on Sun
day No bank merchants can deal on
Sunday as the European stock ex
changes are closed, which means that
Sunday, although a work day, is wasted
through lack of information. Impor
tant transactions have been lost that
wav
If a European bank sends a telegram
to Turkey on Thursday afternoon it is
received Friday morning, but as every
body is away, the answer is wired on
Saturday, received on Sunday by the
bank, and laid aside until Monday
morning. Even a European institution
cannot wait tliat long to close a busi
ness deal. The same bank dealing with
rurkey s close neighbor, Greece, jwould
receive an answer in 24 hours instead
(*f having to wait 72. Up to now busi
ness was not Important to the Turk.
He neglected stock exchanges, bonds,
banks and work. But in these new
tepubhcan days the Turk has become
a budding business man and cannot
afford such waste.
On the other hand, there are thou
sands of people who are going with a
long face at the thought of having to
get up at seven on Friday instead of
enjoying the luxury of bed and sleeping
until noon. The foreign institutions of
I ui key either granted two da vs a week
—Friday and Sunday—or a day and a
nan, so that tile employes were spoiled
and the change will hit them very
hard.
Turkey is the land of numerous holi
days. The Moslem rests on Friday, the
“** cannot give up his Saturday and
the Christian has to go to church cm
Sunday. Three days out of seven some
body is resting in Turkey.
* lOewrlthti M|f,» V 2 '
J
r Daredevils of the Skies %
------ - --
Men Who Make Pictures in the Air Face Danger as Every flay Occurrence.
HAPPY LANDINGS! A VIEW OF THE MOUNTAINS NF.\R MEXICO CITY.
Suppose that instead of reading
this printed page you were
clinging to a hard wooden bench
in a swaying airplane cabin.
You are sw'athed in leather
clothing, felt boots and fur-lined hel
met. There are great gauntlets on
your hands, making them look like the
forepaws of a black bear. Up ahead
of you is the broad back of your pilot.
By your side is a small row of instru
ments. The altimeter reads 19,700
feet, and the temperature is 60 degrees
below zero.
Reconstruct such a scene in your
mind and you have a picture of the
working conditions of the man who
holds the highest job in the world.
He is the aerial photographer; the
most misunderstood and generally
abused person in the whole flying game
He showed the aviation industry how
to make flying pay, and his was the
first flying job to graduate into the
realm of big business. But nobody
cars. He seldom gets his name in the j
papers and never receives spectacular
i-----—
welcomes after his record-breaking
flights.
The pilots get the praise and the
man with the camera frequently doesn't
even get credit for the photographs
he took. But if the mob that surges
around the pilot knew what sort of
thrills, excitement, danger, hardship
and adventure there was in the pho
tographer's job. he might push the
pilot off the front page.
A stricken liner sinks a hundred miles
at sea. A prison riot breaks upon a
Middle Western town. A forest fire
threaters a dozen cities. A swollen
river floods a score of counties. The
first man on the job is the flying pho
tographer, and the first picture you
see will have been taken from the
air This man's life is a bewildering
whirl of big cities and trackless jun
gles. the sizzling heat of the tropics
and the numbing cold of the top layer
of the atmosphere.
He defies the laws of nature and lives
to tell about it. His office is five, six or
seven miles above the earth—so high
in the air that there Is insufficient aii
to breathe and not enough warmth tc
keep him alive—and should his man
made oxygen and heat fart he suffers
physical strains that sometimes result
in death. But his job makes him forget
the danger.
A man named Russell was making
! a map over Pennsylvania a few weeks
ago, and was kicking to himself that
i life was so monotonous. His mapping
i camera had an electric drive and he
! was Just sitting there holding it level
! and wish he were back in Brooklyn
i shooting a few holes of midget golf. The
i wind changed direction with some
1 abruptness and started blowing along
the same course that his plane was fol
j lowing. The plane, with the gale blow
! ing under its tail, started to whiz along
at more than 200 miles an hour. The
camera's electric timing gear couldn't
keep up with it.
Russell yanked out the electric con
nection, twined his feet around a stan
chion and began cranking film like a
maniac. "He had been over Harrisburg
| when the wind changed; exactly 28
minutes later he was over Philadelphia
| with the map all finished and blisters
; on his hands from cranking film
i through the camera at breakneck
j speed. About a week later Russell's
partner, Capt. Robert A. Smith, was* in
the same ship. The wind played the
same trick, this time blowing directly
I at the nose. There was no movement
I at all. The plane just hung there for
more than half an hour, progressing
| not a foot. The pilot was worried
! about it. He was for landing then and
there. But Smith picked up a book
"> ' ' looking over the
,. . . ’’ ’ ' had
decided to move. When it did, he
• ‘ -.. Wv.i. OdCK to
Vi Vji
This same Smith, a ruddy, yellow
haired dynamo of energy, is’ used to
having the unexpected happen, and it
doesn't bother him any more. He has
been flying with a camera for the last
15 years—all over Europe and most of
(Continued on" Fourth Page.)
Alfonso Has Price on Head
While Former Ruler Is Man Without Country His Patriot Victims Are Honored.
n I SLB1.\ fc. JOHNSON.
MADRID.—Alfonso, former King
of Spain, has been declared an
outlaw, his properties ordered
confiscated and every Spaniard
Is empowered to arrest him at
sight should he ever again set foot on
the soil of Spain. From the proudest
throne in Europe, the last of the Bour
bons has tumbled to the low estate of
sn ordinary fugitive, with a price upon
his head. That is the decision of the
Cortes, and from now on the Cortes,
which Alfonso despised, is supreme in
Spain, As the last of the oldest line of
hereditary monarchs in Europe—the
Hapsburgs, Bourbons and Lorraines—
Alfonso is now net only a former king
without a throne, but a man without
a country.
Behind the dramatic sentence imposed
upon Alfonso, however, lies an even
more dramatic story. It will be remem
bered that it was a soldier, Gen. San
Jurgo, commander of the Civil Guard,
who almost singlehandedly checkmated
the former King's trump card when he
was preparing to plunge the country
into bloodshed in a last effort to keep
his throne: it was the ghosts of two
ether soldiers, Capts. Firmln Galan and
Garcia Hernandez, for whose executions
King Alfonso is held responsible, which
placed the once proud and vengeful
Castillian beyond the pale of Spanish
law.
There were many crimes with which
the Republican Tribunal could have
charged Alfonso. The former King had
caused the deaths of many men, not the
least of whom were the thousands who
fell In the futile campaign against
Abdul-el-Krim in the Riffian Wars.
These sacrifices, however, were more or
less "within the law.” Alfonso was then
recognized as King of Spain, ruling un
der the constitution of 1878. The ex
cesses of the monarchy after the coup
of Primo de Rivera, whom Alfonso used
as a tool for overriding the constitu
tional rights of the people, were the
ones which the Cortes consider unfor
givable.
Officers Loyal.
Capts. Galan and Hernandez, although
officers in the army, were loyal to their
oaths under constitutional Spain when
they sought to overthrow an illegally
constituted dictatorship. Theirs was a
loyalty far greater than allegiance to a
King who had broken faith with his
subjects. Gen. Primo de Rivera’s court
martial, which tried the former mon
archist premier, Sanchez Guerra, ad
mitted that fact when it disehaiged the
leader of the abortive Valencia and Cui
dad Real rebellion even after he had
confessed that he sought to overthrow
the existing government.
Alfon&o's bloodthirsty demand for the
lives of the two popular officers has now
been legally defined in republican Spain
as ‘murder.” Germany's judgment
against the former Kaiser was never so
severe. Today, and probably down
through the new republic's history Ga
lan and Hernandez will rank as mar
tyrs, former King Alfonso as the de
spised sovereign who was first a Bourbon
and then a Spaniard, and who put his
dynasty above his country.
Capts. Galan and Hernandez first
appeared in the public eye largely as
a result of the tragic Jaca rebellion
tragic because the impetuous officers
could not wait for the "zero hour”
when two-thirds of the garrisons in
Spain and the ReDublicans, Socialists
and Workers' organizations were to
have driven Alfonso from the land last
| December. When the Jaca troops found
that something had again gone wrong
and that they were not supported bv
other garrisons, Galan and Hernandez
| voluntarily surrendered to the civil
authorities, naturally expecting con
liberation as political offenders
Cteo. Damasco Berenguer -was then
( APT. FF.RMIN GALAN.
dictator. Acting under Alfonso's orders
he saw to It that the two officers were
summarily executed, without even the
consideration ordinarily shown victims
of a drum-head court-martial In time
of war. Berenguer and his Monarchist
colleagues are now in Spanish prisons
awaiting their fate at the hands of the
Republican Responsibilities Commis
sion which pissed judgment on Alfonso.
For Berenguer, at least, it is not the
first time he has faced death. It seems
as if the hand of fate is moving in his
case. Not many years ago. after the
Moroccan disasters in 1921, Gen. Beren
guer was arrested, tried by a military
court, and sentenced to death for hav
ing been involved in the civil, political
and military scandals which caused
such frightful losses in wealth and
men in Spain's Riffian expeditions.
Capt. Galan, then a young officer, be
lieving his chief was being sacrificed
by King Alfonso, penetrated the fortress
where he was confined and offered to
j lead a small band to forcibly release
j him. Later Gen. Primo de Rivera, as
; dictator, illegally amnestied Berenguer,
I only to see him again become the in
strument of Alfonso when Rivera no
longer proved useful to the intriguing
j King. Tli n. to crown his checkered
carter. Berenguer did not raise a finger
to save the life of the voung officer who
; would have befriended him.
It was Alfonso's determination to
| "make an example" of some Rtpublic
! ans that caused him to insist upon
I Galan’s and Hernandez’s death. At the
time there were around 6.000 other Re
publicans in Spanish jails. According
to the chief of police of Madrid. 80 per
cent of these were ‘‘intellectuals,’’ any
one of whom was far more dangerous
to the monarchy than the two army
officers. Most of the men in the pres
ent Alcala Zamora government were
imprisoned at the time. However, it
was easier for Alfonso to use a military
drum-head court than the civil or dic
| tatorial tribunals in creating “ex
! amples” calculated to strike fear in the
! hearts of the revolutionaries.
Within a few hours of the time the
Jaca officers had given themselves up,
the court-martial had sentenced them
i to death. The Berenguer cabinet met
immediately to consider the sentence,
j The ministers of interior, economy,
public works and public instruction op
posed the verdict and demanded clem
! ency. Berenguer, close to King Al
j fonso, beat down their pleas and finally
the judgment was confirmed. The
I cabinet officials t^en asked tbe premier
CAPT. GARCIA HERNANDEZ.
to present a decree of reprieve to the
King.
If tjtot is your wish,” Berenguer told
them, * shall do so, but remember the
same time we ask his majesty for a
reprieve we shall be presenting the
cabinet's resignation, for the King cer
tainly will refuse mercy.” Berenguer
then again convinced the majority of
his monarchist colleagues that this was
no time to leave the country without a
government. They had pledged them
selves to early elections and resignation
would have meant another military dic
tatorship which the King wanted an
excuse to establish. The throne was
tottering. Alfonso’s back was to the
wall. He had announced: “I was born
a king and despite the efforts of these
Indians, I shall die a king.” (Alfonso
was ^ born after his father had been as
sassinated and consequently was liter
ally ushered into the world with a
crown on his head. Indians is a word
of approbrium among Spaniards). But
even Berenguer’s persuasiveness and
argument failed to win over one mem
ber of his cabinet, the minister of pub
lic instruction, who insisted that his
disapproval of the entire proceedings be
inscribed in the official minutes.
Capt Galan was shot within six
hour; after his arrest. Not only that,
but lie was executed on Sunday, which
is against all tradition and religious
custom in a Catholic country, where
even wartime executions are forbidden
cn the Sabbath. The act cost King
Alfonso more friends than any one
tiling he had done since he bolstered
up his shaky throne by breaking his
oath to defend the constitution. It is
one thing the army will never forget
—that is, the lower rank and file
The details of Capt. Galan’s death,
as told the writer by an eyewitness
played an important part in formu
lating the Cortes’ sentence against Al
fonso. As stated before, when they
saw that the game was up. Galan and
Hernandez surrendered to the civil
authorities rather than shed needless
ly the blood of their troops. It would
have been easy for them to escape
across the Franco-Spanish frontier.
Galan Disgusted.
"I am surrendering to the civil au
thorities because I am disgusted with
the military men, with whom I have
been associated in the movement to
liberate Spain,” Capt. Galan told the
mayor of the small frontier village
“I will now show them that these are
some of us willing to die for our
Ideals.”
In all truth. Capt. Galan had large
ly himself to blame for his ill-fortune.
He had led his troops against the mon
archy 60 hours before the time set
for the uprising. He did this partially
because of his hot-headedness and im
petuosity, and partly because of a
fixed idea that he was the man ‘‘cho
sen" to bring the republic to Spain.
He aspired to be first to enter Madrid
with a republican army. There also
was a certain amount of friendly rival
ry between the dashing artillery offi
cer and the spectacular airman. Maj.
Ramon Franco, who, a few days later,
to avenge1 his fallen comrade, “bomb
ed" Alfonso's palace with revolutionary
leaflets and led the Quatros Vientras
Air Corps in a second abortive mutiny.
Before the drumhead court-martial,
composed of generals and colonels, sit
ting over the two officers, the follow
ing dialogue took place:
“Have you any accomplices?” the
judge asked Galan.
"Yes," replied the accused.
“Who are they?”
"All of you, as you well know. All
o* you who are cowards and traitors
to Spain," retorted Capt. Galan, im
petuously.
Warned Against Replies.
The judge then warned him against
his replies, calling attention also to the
fact that he was addressing his “su
perior officers.”
"There are no superiors or inferiors
here." retorted Galan. "In this court
there are only men and traitors. You
are the traitors. Capt. Garcia Hern
andez and I at least are men.”
When Galan himself signed the
court’s record, calm and smiling, he as
tounded all of those present, most of |
whom were his comrades of many years,
and also implicated at one time or I
another with him in the republican I,
movement, by saying:
“You see how easily one can sign his :
own death warrant, if he be a real'
man ...”
A priest came forth to offer consola- :
tion. Galan politely waved him aside.
"I do not need what you have to offer,” :
he said. "Only let me live the few re- i
maining moments of my life intensely." :
Refuses Blindfolding.
The scene then shifts to the country
side, with Galan and Hernandez march- !
ing beside a platoon of soldieis. Re- 1
fusing to be blindfolded Galan faced ;
the firing squad, still smiling. He took ‘
out one last cigarette, lighted it. and ]
tossed the case to one of the officers
as a souvenir. Then, after a few puffs, ,
he tossed the cigarette aside, faced the
soldiers, and himself gave the com
mand to fire.
The volley re-echoed across the hills. ,
Galan slumped to the ground. There ,
was not a bullet mark in his head. The
soldiers either couldn’t or wouldn’t look
into those burning eyes. Neither had ■
any shot pierced a vital spot. The offi
cer in charge, wishing to end Galan's i
suffering, borrowed a service revolver | \
from a trooper. The bullet glanced off i
the skull. Sick at heart the officer 1
turned aside and motioned to a soldier t
to end it. 1
That is how Capt. Firmin Galan died, t
according to the story told the Cortes’ ; 1
Committee on Responsibilities. They <
decided that former King Alfonso was i
to blame—also for the equally poignant 1
execution of Capt. Hernandez. Some <
members of the committee demanded 1
a death sentence for the former King. 1
Others held that that would be too i
good. i
Today, from one end of Spain to the i
other, they are erecting statues, tablets
and memorials to "Galan and Her- <
Uandea " Street* which bore the names j
at Alfonso ^nd hie Ida mg betas R- 1
PAN-AMERICAN THEORY
ORIGINATED BY BOLIVAR
Liberator Who Died 101 Years Ago
Thursday Laid Plan for
“Society of States."
BY GASTON NERVAL.
NEXT Thursday marks the 101st
anniversary of the passing of
Simon Bolivar, the "George
Washington" of South America.
On that date Latin Americans
throughout the cr-aiinent will pay re
spect to the memory of the greatest
man that ever lived in that part of the
world.
Bolivar, “The Liberator." has been
hailed as a military genius, as a politi
cal organizer of extraordinary vision, as
a statesman, as the apostle and the
man of action working for a great ideal.
But the liberator of five South Ameri
can nations is seldom known or men
tioned here as the real pioneer of the
most interesting political tendency of
our days, the pan-American movement.
It is with this aspect of his multiform
personality that readers in this country
should particularly be acquainted. Bol
ivar the visionary stateman is even
greater than Bolivar the leader of sol
diers and emancipator of nations.
Bolivar father of Pan-Americanism be
comes a continental figure and deserves
just as much the admiration of Saxon
Americans as he does the gratitude and
immortal homage of the South Ameri
cans he liberated.
Preceded Leaders of U. S.
Secretary of State Blaine, Henry
Clay, even President Monroe, are often
mentioned here as the pioneers of the
pan-American spirit. But long before
these distinguished statesmen of the
North had achieved public prominence
and used it to promote international co
operation in the New World Simon
Bolivar had divulged his dreams of a
united American continent from one
extreme of the Southern continent to
the other.
The first international assembly ever
to give thought to the ideal of a united
Westen'' Hemisphere, in which peace
and nrVtual co-operation would reign
Supreme was the Congress of Panama,
convoke by Bolivar in 1826. At that
time th* South American countries had
just completed their liberation from the
Spanish (town and were attempting to
take th«lr first steps as independent,
sovereign states in the community of
nations.
c,ven oeiore mat congress me mili
tary genius and thinker who promoted
it had given the New World the mo
mentous idea of a united America in
his personal letters, proclamations, po
litical Instructions and speeches.
He spoke of establishing an "Ameri
can Compact,” hoping that "America
• referring to all the American repub
lics) so united, may, if heaven so
grant, be called the Queen of Nations,
the Mother of Republics.”
In a note to his secretary of foreign
affairs, he wrote: "Nothing is of such
interest at this time as the formation
of a truly American League; but this
confederation should not be formed
simply on the principles of an ordinary
alliance for offense and defense; it
should be a much closer union than
that recently formed in Europe (the
Holy Alliance) against the liberties of
the people. It is necessary that our
league be a society of sister nations,
at present separated In the exercise of
their sovereignty by reason of the
course of human events, but which
must be strongly and powerfully united
in order to defend themselves against
the aggressions of foreign powers.”
And then, setting forth the ideal of
a continental congress, which should
discuss such union, he instructed his
secretary of foreign affairs: "It is
necessary that you shall henceforth
incessantly urge the necessity of laying
the foundations of an amphictyonic
body, or assembly of plenipotentiaries,
that shall gdvance the common inter
ests of the American states and settle
the misunderstandings which may arise
in the future between peoples who have
the same common destiny.” He also
warned that such misunderstandings,
if not properly attended to and solved,
"may perhaps kindle lamentable wars,
such as those which have desolated
other less fortunate regions.”
Urged Treaties of Union.
To prepare the way for his final
project of a continental league of the
American states, Bolivar invited the
Latin American republics as early as
1822 to draw up treaties of "union,
association and perpetual confedera
tion.”
Such treaties were concluded by Co
lombia with Chile, 1822; with Peru, the
same year; with Buenos Aires and
Mexico, 1823, and with Central Amer
ica. 1825. In these treaties it is stipu
lated that the parties bind themselves
to use their good offices with the gov
ernments of the other states of what
was formerly Spanish America to enter
Into a pact of union, association and
confederation.
It is stipulated, moreover, that as
soon as this great and important ob
ject has been attained there will be a
jeneral assembly of all the American
states, composed of their plenipotenti- ;
tries, for the purpose of cementing and 1
establishing more firmly the intimate :
•elations which should exist among
hem. This .assembly should serve as
i council in serious disputes, as a point
it contact in common danger, as an
luthentlc Interpreter of their public
reaties when difficulties arise, and as
judge-arbitrator and conciliator in their
nisunderstandings and differences.
In 1824 Bolivar, then president of
Peru, sent a circular letter to the gov
•rnments of Latin America inviting
hem to meet in a congress in Panama
'or the purpose of outlining the basis
if the pact of union and confederation
vmcn was proposed in the treaties re
ferred to. The circular ends thus:
‘When, after a hundred centuries, pos
:erity shall search for the origin of our
public law and shall remember the
pompacts that solidified its destiny,
;hey will finger with respect the pr
ocols of the isthmus. In them they
vill find the plan of the first alliances
hat shall sketch the mark of our re
ations with the universe. What, then,
hall be the Isthmus of Corinth corn
ered with that of Panama?” It is j
nteresting to note that the Govern- I
nent of the United States also was in- I
dted to the congress, for the Monroe
doctrine was to be promulgated therein
md the most adequate means discussed
or the abolition of the slave traffic.
Knew No Limits.
Bolivar was the “spiritual father” of
)an-Americanism. His flight of thought
mew no limits. First, he conceived the
iberation of his native country, Vene
uela; then he widened its frontiers, and,
living it a new name, caused that of
Colombia to be written into the annals
if history. He formed "Gran Colombla"
vith the territory which constitutes to
!ay the republics of Venezuela, Colombia
md Ecuador, and. with the pride of a
:reator, called himself a Colombian,
rhen he gave freedom to Peru and Bo
ivia and became the leader In the lib
ration of a whole continent.
And when this continent was free
:hristened after leaders and martyrs of
he revolution. But that is not all.
Posted ih the Town Halls and public
mildlngs are official edicts informing
he people that the former King has been
ound guilty of "the most criminal acts
gainst the Juridical order of his coun
ry.” His property is all to be taken
’ver by the state. Dignities, titles and i
ights accruing to the former king and
lis kin are forever forfeit. The republican
Jortes is going ever farther than that.
Ivery government in the world which |
ias diplomatic relations with the new
epubllc is to be officially notified of
klfonso's status. The League of Nations
Hill get a copy of the official decree.
As for Capt. Firmin Galan and Capt.
Jarcia Hernandez . . . their future
efta.aacum.ia the hearts of their coun-.
tmea, _ _ ,
Bolivar dreamed of a “strong and united
America which would present itself to
the world with an unexampled aspect
of majesty and grandeur.” The racial
boundary that separated Latin and
Saxon peoples did not stop him. He
spoke of the necessity of “arriving at a
clear and distinct understanding re
garding the interests of Colombia and
her allies (Spanish America) in connec
tion with those of the United States.”
His mind and soul were first in Vene
zuela. then in Colombia, then in South
America. Finally, he dreamed of pan^
America.
His dreams were not onlv those of a
theoretical idealist He had the vision
ta lay the political foundations which
would preserve the union of the Ameri
can republics. He was the first one to
use the nhrase "society of nations”; he
proposed the formulation of an Ameri
can constitution binding all the coun
tries of the New World. And he even
went so far as t» indicate that the best
form of representation for that America,
so united by ties of intimate friendship
and concord, was the establishment of
an international organization under the
name of the “assembly of plenipoten
tiaries." with its seat in Panama, which
would have had the task of being, in his
own words, "a counselor in great con
flicts, a point of contact in common
perils, a faithful interpreter of treaties
in the event of any doubt arising and a
conciliator of all differences that might
develop.”
His plan was that of a confederation
of American republics, in which all of
them, retaining their sovereignty, would
sacrifice something of their individual
interests and political freedom to a su
preme power, made up of their own rep
resentatives, which would guarantee
their security, peace and progress
through mutual co-operation.
Racial differences, political misunder
standings, internal dissensions, and a
complete ignorance of the psychology of
each other—factors which still exist to
a lesser extent in our days—prevented
the success of Bolivar's pan-American
scheme, but in the treaty drafted by the
Congress of Panama, convoked in 1826
by the Liberator, his ideals are clearly
expressed, and may still be used for
the basis for a powerful continental
union.
Four Signed Treaty.
This treaty of “Union, League and
Perpetual Confederation," was signed
between the republics of Colombia (in
cluding Venezuela and Ecuador) Cen
tral America (including all the present
Central American nations), Peru and
Mexico, which participated in the Bo
livarian Congress, and was inspired and
drafted by the Liberator himself.
The Bolivarian ideals of pan-Amer
icanism which are embodied in that
treaty—which, by the way, was only
ratified by the Colombian Congress, and
therefore never came into effect—can
thus be summarized:
1. Intimate character of relations be
tween the American peoples, members
of the league, which any other conti
nental nation might later join. (Intro
duction to the treaty.)
2. Permanence and inviolability of a
close friendship and union with each
and every one of its parties between the
signers of the treaty. (Article 1 of the
treaty.)
3. Defensive and, if necessary, offen
sive common support of the sovereignty
and independence of each of the con
federated powers of America against all
foreign domination.
4. Immutability of peace and har
mony between the confederated Amer
ican peoples, or between them and the
citizens of other nations of the world.
(Article 13.)
5. Impossibility of declaring war
among themselves without previous con
ciliatory Intervention by the assembly
of plenipotentiaries. (Article 17.)
Urged Conciliatory Methods.
6. Agreement to settle amicably, and
by direct means, the differences that
might exist between the countries of
the league, and, in the event of being
unable to arrive at an agreement/ to
give preference to conciliatory methods
rather than to warlike ones, by bring
ing the question before the assembly of
plenipotentiaries for decision. (Article
7. Impossibility of going to war with
nations not members of the league,, ex
cept in the case of failure of the good
offices which should be requested of the
other members of the league, who
would be obliged to offer them in order
to prevent conflict. (Article 18.)
8. Mutual guarantee of territorial in
tegrity of all the contracting parties.
(Article 22.)
9. Facilities for the acquiring of '
citizenship among citizens of the con
tracting countries and alleviation of the
conditions imposed upon aliens among
them, there being stated here, for the
first time, the principles of recognition
of professional titles. (Article 23.)
10. Retention of the sovereignty of
each member of the league for its own
determination, even in the case of for
eign relations, in so far as the same
was not in conflict with the provisions
of the treaty. (Article 28.)
Provided for Assembly.
And for the carrying out of all the
details of this program, the treaty pro
vided for the establishment of the “As
sembly of Plenipotentiaries of America,”
with supreme power over the relations
of the confederated countries.
Such a masterfully conceived plan of
an American League of Nations, the
first, is still the most ambitious and the
most complete one ever drafted. Ad
vanced political ideals which today are
changing the course of international re
lations—such as the Societies of Na
tions, the outlawing of war, the arbitra
tion of disputes, the permanence of
unions—are there mentioned for the
first time.
Bolivar was the first ever to speak of
pan-Americanism. And after Bolivar
no one has spoken so clearly, so force
fully, so intelligently.
(Copyright, 1931.)
Soviet Union Visited
By Group From Denmark
MOSCOW, U. S. S. R —A Danish in
dustrial delegation representing almost
every branch of the Danish national
economy visited the Soviet Union in or
der to ascertain the possibilities of a
further development of Russian-Danish
trade relations.
The All-Union Chamber of Commerce
arranged a reception In honor of the
delegation. The Danish Minister, lead
ers of Soviet export and import organi
zations and representatives of the peo
ple's commissariat for foreign trade
were present. K. Begge, vice president
of the Chamber of Commerce, greeted
the delegation heartily. The Danish
Minister stressed in his reply the nor
mal and untroubled relations between
the two countries. There is. he said, v
certain similarity in their economic'
structures, forming a natural basis for
economic collaboration.
In the course of the banquet a mem
ber of the executive council of the
Chamber of Commerce gave a brief
summary of the aims and activities of
the chamber and stated the problems
facing Russia In its active participation
In the world foreign trade.
The delegation expressed great inter
est in the export museum, which they
visited after the banquet.
A number of lectures took place in
the Chamber of Commerce during the
visit of the delegation In Moscow, Mr.
Blache, president of the delegation, lec
turing on Diesel motor construction,
Mr. Dye Peterson on Diesel engines. Mr.
Man»% on steam-driven machinery and .
Mr. CUftottacaon on bpdrauUo gfwtui