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Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, February 23, 1936, Image 29

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Observer Sees Possibility of Borah,
Laudon and Knox Killing Each Other
Off and Outsider Named.
rE Republican presidential sit
uation has fallen into a pat
tern of a familiar kind. The
pattern may change. Yet. just
this kind of pattern has frequently
arisen in both parties, has frequently,
remained to the end, and frequently
determined the nomination.
Whether, in the present case, the
pattern will remain, cannot now be
foretold. Much depends on whether
Senator Borah develops material
strength. In any event, all that is said
in this article is merely an adven
ture in speculating on how the forces
of politics sometimes work out. What
is said here has no relation to the
merits of men or to principles. It is
just a speculation in one of the most
fascinating of fields, the psychology
of politics as it influences the nomi
nation of presidential candidates.
To clarify tile present situation, be
gin with Senator Borah. We can
sum up his position by saying he Is
the least conservative of the aspirants
for the Republican presidential nomi
nation. He is nearest to the "left."
He is going to be the favorite of t.he
so-called liberal portion of the party.
His following will include most of
the “progressive Republicans” who
have not gone over to the New Deal.
He is the candidate of that part of
the party that is nearest to the New
Deal. He is the candidate of inde
pendent voters who this year will go
Into Republican primaries with the
hope of bringing about nomination of
the Idaho Senator.
Mr. Borah, in seeking the nomina
tion, will appeal to so-called progres
sives and liberals. He will denounce
what he calls the stand-pat and
conservative party leaders.
van dc ircaica uiic.
Turn now to two others of the Re
publican possibilities, Gov. Landon
and Col. Knox. For convenience in
this analysis, they ran be treated as
Gov. Landon and Col. Knox will
be regarded as conservative candi
dates. Compared with Senator Borah,
they actually are relatively conserva
tive. As the campaign develops they
will be regarded as more conservative
than they really are. Inevitably con
trast will arise between Senator
Borah, on the one hand, and on the
other hand. Gov. Landon and Col.
Knox. The contrast will be promoted
by Senator Borah, or certainly by his
managers and followers. Continually
as the contest grows warmer the term
••conservative,” used as a reproach
and epithet, will be hurled at Gov.
Landon and Col. Knox by Mr. Borah’s
The epithet will be misleading, but
It will be used, nevertheless. Col. Knox
could make out a good case to show
that *fhstorically he is more progres
sive than Senator Borah, for Col. Knox
in 1912 left the Republican party to
follow Theodore Roosevelt into the lat
ter’s Progressive party, whereas on
that occasion Senator Borah remained
an orthodox Republican. Similarly it
it can be shown that Gov. Landon is
a liberal who has the support of such
a thoroughgoing liberal as William
Allen White.
rxjran, Liioerai lanuiaaie.
But all that does not matter. Sen
ator Borah will be regarded as the lib
eral candidate. By his aggressiveness
he will monopolize the liberal portion
of the party, certainly the more ex
treme liberal portion.
Directly or by implication, he or his
managers, or both, will create the im
pression that the other leading candi
dates, Gov. Landon and Col. Knox, are
As the present pattern works out.
Gov. Landon and Col. Knox actually
will be the candidates of the conser
vative portion of the party. They will
be the principal candidates of those
Who don't want Mr. Borah.
Thus we will have a set-up in which
Mr. Borah is the candidate of the so
called liberal portion of the party,
while Gov. Landon and Col. Knox will
be the leading candidate of the con
servative portion. Senator Borah will
be the symbol of the liberals: Gov.
Landon and Col. Knox of the con
In this situation we will now have
a kind of tug of war between the
liberal and conservative wings of the
party—the liberals following Senator
Borah, the conservatives following
Gov. Landon and Col. Knox.
The tug-of-war pattern is familiar
In political conventions of both par
ties. Commonly it is between two
men. But it can be, and often has
been, between wings of the party. The
Democratic convention of 1924 was
a tug of war between the "wet” and
“dry” wings of the party, the “wets”
symbolized by Gov. smith, the "drys”
by Mr. McAdoo. That 1924 Demo
cratic tug of war lasted more than two
weeks, and at the end the prize, as
commonly, went to an outsider.
Neither Side Wins.
In a tug of war in a political con
vention almost always neither side
wins. As the ballots are taken, as
the two sides glare more and more
angrily at each other, each side de
termines that the other shall not win.
At a certain stage, the primary emo
tion, the wish of each side to win, is
supplanted by a secondary emotion,
the determination that the other side
shall “not” win. In any prolonged
tug of war the two sides arrive at a
ottmnte, n ueauiuth. iuc uoiauwc ic- i
mains for a few ballots, like two even
ly-matched prize fighters, both tired
out, unable to make progress against
each other, able only to glare at each
other angrily.
At this point a new candidate be
gins to move forward, one not in
volved in the tug of war. The origi
nal contenders, tired out, both rush to
welcome the newcomer.
That is the ordinary way in which
the tug-of-war pattern works out in
a political convention. That is the
way former Gov. Lowden and Gen.
Leonard Wood wore each other out
in 1920, the prize going to one who
in the beginning had only a hand
ful of delegates, Senator Harding.
In the present case the tug of war
between Senator Borah and on the
other side Gov. Landon and Ool.
Knox is even more likely to come
to an end in which neither side
wins, in which the prize goes to an out
sider. For in the present case it is not
merely men who are deadlocked with
each other. It is also ideas. It will be
the liberals against the conservatives.
After these two groups, and the can
didates who are their respective sym
bols, have opposed each other for
several weeks of primaries and sev
eral days of balloting in a hot June
convention—after all that struggle,
; it will be realized by everybody that
it would be imprudent to nominate
i any of the candidates who have been
the symbols of the struggle. It will
be felt that if Gov. Landon or Col.
Knox were nominated. Senator Bo
rah's followers might refuse to vote
the Republican ticket in the ensuing
contest against the Democrats. Sim
ilarly it will be felt that if Senator
Borah were nominated, conservative
Republicans would have no heart for
the ensuing campaign against the
uuvsiucr dc;
In short, a prolonged struggle be
tween Senator Borah, and on the
other hand Gov. Landon and Col.
Knox, would be a strongly character
istic example of the tug-of-war type,
in which the prize goes to an outsider.
If the present situation works out
that way, who will be the fortunate
newcomer who dissolves the deadlock
and carries off the prize?
If the tug of war develops, if Sen
ator Borah kills off Gov. Landon and
Col. Knox while those two kill off
Senator Borah—in that case whom
would the convention turn to?
It would have to be some one who,
throughout the tug of war, had no
part in it, some one who w’as unobtru
sively on the sidelines, some one who
had not incurred the hostility of
either contender. One man wrho, in
the present situation, might fit the
specifications is Senator Arthur Van
denberg of Michigan. Senator Van
denberg would not have been involved
in the tug of war. Neither side would
think of him as an enemy. Senator
Borah and his followers would be able
to say they had no hard feelings
against Mr. Vandenberg. Gov. Lan
don and Col. Knox would be able to
say the same. Senator Borah would
be able to say. further, that Senator
Vandenberg is a satisfactory liberal,
and that he, Mr. Borah, would take
pleasure in supporting Senator Van
denberg heartily in the ensuing cam
paign against Mr. Roosevelt. Simi
larly. the conservatives would be able
to say that Senator Vandenberg is
conservative enough and that they
would support him heartily.
Merely Speculation.
lX7V.r>f __ _ ._ .. . .
-- *-'***'-» licit uut uc
taken for more than it is. It is merely
a not very serious speculation based
on the pattern that seems just now
emerging. No one is aavised to bet
on it. The pattern may change com
pletely. It is nearly four months un
til the convention. The early pri
maries may bring developments which
would make this speculation worth
less. What I am saying here is little
more than rumination on tne cards
as they seem to lie at a time four
months in advance of the convention.
It is subject to much change. For
one thing, not all the cards are dealt
yet, not all the factors are in sight.
For a large part of a lifetime I have
watched presidential situations devel
op in both parties. I h&ve observed
the part played by psychology, mass
and individual. It is fascinating to
watch. But it is a field in which
mistakes are frequently made, both
by observers and candidates. In the
present situation a score of new fac
tors may . enter. Senator Borah may
make little impression in the early
primaries, in which case he would
cease to be a material factor. Some
thing like that happened to Senator
Hiram Johnson in 1924. In that year
Senator Johnson started out for the
Republican presidential nomination as
formidably as Senator Borah is now
starting. But in the first three pri
maries he failed rather disastrously
and ceased to oe a factor, conceiv
ably that mignt happen to senator
Borah this year. On the other hand,
Senator Borah might turn out to be
very strong in the early primaries.
Even if the pattern here suggested,
the tug-of-war pattern, should work
out to, the end the convention might
not turn to senator Vandenberg as
the solution. It might turn to some
one not now much to the front. Or
it might decide to nominate Gov.
Landon or Col. Knox regardless.
_(Copyright. 10.30.)
Old Colors and Codes at Heidelberg
Are Supplanted by Hitler Policies
HEIDELBERG, Germany. — “We
wish no other banners and colors than
those of Adolf Hitler," said Baldur von
Schirach, leader of the Hitler youth.
In a speech here at the height of the
controversy between the party and the
•tudent corps.
Von Schirach might have added that
the Nazis also want no other ideas, in
the class room or outside it, than those
of Adolf Hitler, and no other organiza
tion or activities or customs or tra
ditions or loyalties except Hitler’s.
Because that is the kind of student life
in the universities—as well as of all
life outside them—which the Nazis are
busy at work organizing to take the
place of the historical student corpo
ration life which went before.
Old Colors Disappear.
The Nazis have begun already. Most
of the old corporations with their col
ors and codes have disappeared, and
new party student associations are be- '
tag set up and the party “philosophy
of life" preached instead.
There are two great organizations
through which the Nazis are "co-ordi
nating” student life in German univer
sities, the Studentenschaft and the
Studentenbund, or Student League.
^U1 German "Aryan” students talj
3erman universities belong automat
ically to the Studentenschaft. Its
president is Andreas Feickert, who is
responsible to Bernhard Rust, minister
Df education. The Studentenschaft
was founded in 1919 on democratic
jrinciples but was taken over by the
Nazis in 1933 and reorganized along
party lines.
Schaft Is Non-political.
The Studentenschaft is responsible
for the primarily non-political affairs
>f the students—although in a totali
tarian state almost everything is made
to be political. It helps organize sports,
lets for the students in matters af
fecting studies, co-operates with for
eign student organizations in arrang
ing joint Summer camps and similar
projects, and has a voice in the grant
ng of scholarships.
The Student League is a national
system of clubs for such Nazi students
is wish special organizations compar
able in a way to the fast-disappearing
:orporations. Baldur von Schlrach
was national leader of the league for
i time. The present leader is Albert
Derichsweiler, who is responsible to
Rudolf Hess, deputy leader of the
(Copyright. 1938.) j
Who’ll Pay for New Deal?
Fifteen Billions Added to the Public Debt and Federal Taxes Soar—Children Must Pay.
HE Federal Government, under
the New Deal, has spent an
average of $1.88 for every dol
lar it has collected in revenue.
When the additional sums needed to
finance the bonus and the necessary
borrowing to cover the deficit of the
fiscal year beginning July 1 are pro
vided, the national debt will have been
increased by nearly $15,000,000,000
since June 30, 1933.
Such a sum is fantastic and incom
prehensible. It is equal to the average
. nual income of 10,000,000 American
families. It is 15 times more than the
entire Federal Government spent in
But this is not all. The Government
has pledged its security behind nearly
$5,000,000,000 of so-called "contingent
liabilities”—debts and loans which, if
not repaid by the debtors, will have to
be repaid by Uncle Sam. Under ex
isting statutes the Government can
underwrite several billions more.
Every dollar of this which the Govern
ment has to take over will have to be
paid by American taxpayers.
What does all this mean to the aver
age citizen?
Pay pay Is Coining.
That the Federal Government, by
living on borrowed money, has been
able to postpone the day of reckoning.
But pay day cannot be evaded. Some
one will have to pay for the New Deal.
So long as the Government can bor
row. our children will do the paying.
This makes it easy for the New Deal
ers—and hard on our children.
But common sense shows that it is
impossible to go on indefinitely living
on borrowed money. The mortgage
which dad put on the old farm a few
years before he died has to be paid oft
by his sons.
It is just the same with Government
borrowing. The money which the pres
net administration receives from the
sale of United States Government
bonds and Treasury certificates will
have to be repaid during another ad
ministration. Wilson borrowed to wage
war. Harding, Coolidge and Hoover
paid off nearly half what Wilson bor
But when the end of borrowing
comes—and it is already in sight—we
shall either have to cut expenditures
or increase taxes—or both.
Economy Hard to Practice.
Unfortunately, it is desperately hard
to cut expenses. The average politi
cian prefers spending to saving—espe
cially if a fair share of the spending
is done in his own district and his own
friends profit from it.
Economy necessitates reducing the
number of people supported in whole
or in part by the Government. This
means not only cutting down Federal
allowances for relief and Federal
grants to farmers, but reducing the
number of political henchmen on the
Government pay roll. Taking away
easy jobs from friends and relatives
of politicians brings troubles for the
politicians in question. Cutting relief
payments and farmers’ benefits risks
losing votes. As a rule, therefore, the
politicians “gang up” on those who
would reduce expenditures or avoid
new extravagances — just as they
“ganged up” on the President in the
matter of the soldiers’ bonus. Their
motto is “spend till it hurts.”
If the Government insists on spend
ing at the present rate after it stops
borrowing it will have to raise $1.88 in
taxes for every dollar which it now
raises. In other words. Federal taxes
will have to be nearly doubled. Only
thus will the Federal Government be
able to operate on a pay-as-you-go
U. a. ranuiy would ray raurc.
If this happens the average Ameri
can family will have to put aside a
larger amount of its earnings for the
Federal Government.
Already taxes under the New Deal
have been drastically increased. In
1934 the Government collected a little
more than $3,100,000,000, of which
only about a sixth represented indi
vidual income taxes and estate taxes—
that is, the taxes paid by the very
rich. The balance came* from all
kinds of taxes paid by rich and poor
alike. For the fiscal year beginning
in July, 1936, the Government counts
on receiving $5,650,000,000. The bulk
of it will have to come out of the
pqpkets of the consumers—of the aver
age men and women.
This is a fact which many persons
fail to understand. A look at the
President’s estimates, however, makes
this clear. Less than two billions of
the $5,650,000,000 which the Govern
ment expects to collect in revenues
comes from income taxes. Of this
item the major portion will be de
rived from corporation income taxes—
which means taxes that are passed
on to the consumer by being in
cluded in the price which is charged
for the goods sold.
Hidden Taxes Paid by All.
A half-billion dollars is expected
from the tax on alcoholic beverages
and another half-billion from the
tobacco tax. These taxes also are
paid by the consumers—usually with
out the consumers’ knowledge. Out
of the cost of every package of cigar
ettes, for example, six cents goes in
taxes. There are also taxes on soap,
perfumes, toilet articles and count
less other items—taxes paid to the
Federal Government and included in
the price, with the result that the
average- man or woman is unaware
that he or she is paying it.
At present, the average family pays
at least a fifth of its income in taxes,
State, local and Federal. The Federal
share comes to perhaps 7 cents on
every dollar of income. This will be
raised to 11 cents—and the remaining
14 cents will continue to go to State
and local governments. In other
words, about 25 cents out of every
dollar will go to support a vast army
of spendthrift bureaucv.ts, local,
State and Federal.
Put this in nth*r tprms—two hours
out of every eight which the average
person devotes to work goes to sup
port government. Out of every month
we work a week for the politicians
and their expenses. The other three
weeks we work to support ourselves.
All of this, of course, is not the
fault of the New Deal. Local govern
ments are the heaviest tax collectors
in the country. But the more the New
Deal spends, the more we or our
children will have to pay. If they
increase taxes, we pay. If they bor
row, our children will have to pay
Unemployed StiU With Us.
Look at what has been spent. Al
ready about ten billion dollars has
been slated by the New Dealers for
relief. This enormous sum, equal to
ten times the annual cost of govern
ment before the World War, has
helped to stave off hunger and suf
fering from millions of unfortunate
people. But despite this expenditure,
we still have IS,000,000 peoge on
. ■mi—ini mm mini, inir ■ in mi Inimiw
relief, and the number of unemployed
has been only a little reduced.
People would not begrudge even
this large amount if they felt that it
solved the unemployment and relief
problems. It has been useful charity,
but it has brought no solution. In
stead, the spending of these billions
has created new problems. It has
.II III I -. ■
made a sixth of the population de
pendent on Federal aid.
The New Dealers have added nearly
200,000 men to the Federal bu
reaucracy. This means not only mil
lions of dollars in salaries—at an av
erage of $1,500 a year it would re
quire $300,000,000 a year to pay them
—but also a vast outlay for offices,
Great Britain's Claim to Possession
Held Unsubstantiated by New
Facts Found in Case.
u.iotuii minTfiii. ,
ANEW issue of postage stamps |
has brought again to the lime
light one of the oldest and
most controversial interna
tional disputes over territory in the
Western Hemisphere. The Argentine
government recently issued stamps
showing the Falkland Islands, or Islas
Malvinas, to be Argentine territory. In
the House of Commons at London
aroused members of Parliament pre
vailed upon the British foreign secre
tary to voice the official protest of his
majesty’s government.
The young and energetic Mr. Eden 1
“welcomed the opportunity of stating i
that, in so far as the issue of the i
stamps is based on the assertion of an
Argentine claim to the Falkland Is
lands, his majesty's government can- :
not admit any such claim, as the j
islands are British territory.” The i
British foreign secretary added, ac
cording to press reports, that the Brit
ish Ambassador in Buenos Aires had
been instructed to point out that “no
useful purpose can be served by the
stamps, which can only be detrimental
to the good relations of the two coun
Argentine statesmen and. in general,
all students of history who may be
familiar with the facts of the famous
Falkland Island controversy will And
ample reason to disagree with the sol
emn pronouncement of Mr. Eden.
In the dawn of the year 1833 two
British warships, the Clio and the
Tyne, proceeding on royal orders, dis
embarked troops on the Falkland
Islands and took possession of tnem
in the name of his Britannic majesty.
The islands were then under the sov
ereignty of the maepenaept govern
ment of Buenos Aires, or of the United
Provinces of the Rio de la Plata, as
the Argentine government was called
at the time, which had Inherited them
from Spain at the conclusion of its
successful war of liberation from the
Spanish crown.
i . a_iirtll. CmaIamJ
UlttU OWIKO n^ivva ——o
This attack having taken place less
than 10 years after the now historic
message of President Monroe, the
United States might have been ex
pected to take sides with the Buenos
Aires government. Far from that,
however, the United States not only
failed to denounce this usurpation of
Argentine sovereignty, this new col
onization of American territory by a
European power, but it indirectly sup
ported it and, afterward, it sanc
tioned it officially. The excuse given
by the United States was that "the
resumption of actual occupation of
the Falkland Islands by Great Britain
in 1833 took place under a claim of
title which had been previously as
serted and maintained by that gov
ernment,” and that the Monroe Doc
trine, not having a retroactive nature,
did not apply, which was tantamount
to admitting and indorsing the British
rUtim Of sovereignty. That had, also,
been the excuse advanced by Great
Britain to justify the aggression. Thus
the United States, by refusing to act,
really upheld and supported the Brit
ish expropriation of Argentine ter
For many long years after the
seizure of the Falklands by Great
Britain the British claim of legal
sovereignty was the subject of heated
arguments among authorities on in
ternational affairs. English advocates,
and particularly the spokesmen for
the British government, based it on
two grounds—prior discovery and the
“declarations of 1771," which, with the
consent of Spain, had reinstated at
Port Egmont, In the Falklands, British
authorities previously expelled by
Spanish forces, ^
opain, wmcn was sn possession oi
the islands until Argentine independ
ence, had questioned the claim of dis
covery alleged by England and had
denied that the “declarations of 1771”
implied a transfer of sovereignty be
cause the rights of Spain had been
specifically safeguarded in them.
Furthermore, Spain contended that the
restitution of Port Egmont to the
British in that year had been merely
an act of satisfaction to heal the
wounded honor of the British crown
and that it had been agreed to only
upon the promise of subsequent and
complete evacuation by the British and
the acknowledgment of Spanish sov
ereignty over the islands.
As the latter point could not be
proved satisfactorily, for no written
evidence of it appeared in the official
text of the “declarations of 1771,” the
claim of title asserted by Great Britain,
especially after Its implicit indorse
ment by the United States, seemed to
have at least an appearance of fact.
The British flag still flies over the
Falkland Islands and writers of his
tory text books make only passing
reference to the case.
*,v" vjiuviu m§cmiu*a
Recently, however, documents which
throw new light on the subject have
been given publicity, and this light is
so conclusive that no stone is left
standing of the British claim of title.
It has been reserved to a North Ameri
can author, Prof. Julius L. Goebel, jr„
of Columbia University, to unfold this
new evidence and say the final word
on the case, a final word which would
substantiate the Argentine claim in
any Impartial tribunal of justice.
A study of Prof. Goebel’s work and
the documents he quotes cannot fail
to suggest the conclusion that the
British claim of title to the Falkland
Islands was devoid of any legal or
material foundation, when the seizure
of the islands was carried out, as
against the Argentine (previously
Spanish) claim, supported by the
right of occupation and possession in
International law, superior to that of
discovery; by the public law of
Europe in the eighteenth century; by
specific treaties; by the British aban
donment of 1774, which was not a
voluntary one, but a withdrawal com
plying with terms agreed to in the
correspondence preceding the “declara
tions of 1771” here revealed for the
first time; by the continued exercise
of sovereignty; and, last but not least,
by the formal acquiescence of Great
Britain in the Nootka Sound Conven
Unfortunately, however. Pi of.
Goebel’s scholarly work cannot be
distributed with every stamp of the
new Falkland Islands issue sold at
the post offices of Argentina. But it
is hard to believe that a few copies
are not available at the London House
of Commons and at 10 Downing street.
(Copyright. 1936.)
Glass and Quartz Used
For Prehistoric Tools
CAIRO.—That prehistoric men and
women used glass knives and tools of
quartz, mixed with other minerals, is
attested by the recent “find” of a
party belonging to the Desert Survey
of Egypt. The discovery, by mere
chance, was largely the outcome of
the expedition’s curiosity concerning
a large area covered with large lumps
of glass in the Libyan Desert, where
there was no evidence whatsoever of
volcanic rock to be found.
How glass could be accounted for
was debatable. However, this glass
strewn about the desert was certainly
utilized by our prehistoric ancestors.
(Copyright. 193«.) ,
equipment, transportation, lighting
and other expenses. This army will
remain on the Government pay roll
until some hard-boiled man Is elected
President and ruthlessly lops oft these
Public Foote the Bill.
In the meantime you and I pay for
these men. We pay for the automo
biles In which they ride around, for
the stationery on which they write
to each other, for the printed forms
that they use, for their telephone
Without attempting to assess the
value of the work which they per
form—and some of them have served
their country ably—the sum total of
their pay rolls and expense accounts
Is part of the cost of the New Deal.
As such we pay for it.
It has been estimated that 53 sepa
rate taxes go Into the making and
selling of a loaf of bread. While all
such calculatioas are likely to contain
a substantial margin of error, the un
derlying fact cannot be evaded—that
already we have a vast mountain of
taxes in this country, most of which,
as explained, are scarcely perceived.
Each telephone call, for example, In
cludes enough revenue for the com
pany to cover the company's taxes.
Each time we switch on an electric
light, a part of the charge goes to
Government as a franchise or other
The burden of present taxation is
the principal reason why people are
revolting against any further increases
in tax rates. And yet it Is impossible
to continue the New Deal without
raising taxes.
Ca IT C U...4 _
To put It another way, we cannot
have lower taxes and the New Deal
at one and the same time. We must
choose between the two.
Bare statistics are usually hard to
understand. This makes it difficult
to answer clearly the question: “What
is the cost of the New Deal to date?’’
But the record shows that where the
Hoover administration spent, in its
four years, $21,337,000,000, the Roose
velt administration has spent or bud
geted *30.696.000,000. When to this
is added the bonus and the extra sums
needed for relief and other purposes,
we may estimate the Roosevelt ex
penditures at *32.900.000,000 (covering
the period July 1, 1933. to June 30.
1937). The Coolidge administration
(July 1, 1925. to June 30, 1929) spent
The Hoover administration increased
the national debt $6,353,000,000. The
Roosevelt administration is responsi
ble for an increase of fifteen billions.
The Coolidge administration (four
year term) reduced the national debt
by $3,585,000,000.
This seems to be one of those cases
when money talks.
Elusive Okapi Recent
Animal Life Discovery
One of the rarest animals in the
world is the okapi, of which a speci
men is on exhibition in the Field
Museum of Natural History. Chicago.
The okapi is the only extant relative
of the giraffe. It is said that hunters
find it the most difficult of all African
animals to obtain. The specimen in
the museum was speared by pygmy
natives in the Ituri forest of the
Belgian Congo and was obtained from
them by the Marshall Field African
. The okapi is a forest animal of shy,
secretive and nocturnal habits and is
found only in a limited area of the
Congo, inhabited mainly by pygmy
black men who are extremely hostile
to white people. Members of the
expedition had to spend several weeks
building up good will on the part of
these pygmies before they could be
approached with a proposition to
obtain their aid in getting an okapi
specimen, and their assistance is al
most indispensable in hunting this j
elusive creature.
The okapi is a striped animal and
its existence was not suspected until
as recently as 1900, when some strips
of its skin were obtained from natives
by Sir Harry Johnston, a British co
lonial administrator. At first these
were thought to be pieces of the skin
of a new type of zebra, but subse
quently an entire specimen (skin,
skull and skeleton) was obtained and
the animal was then found to be kin
to the giraffe. It resembles more
closely certain prehistoric ancestors
of the giraffe, with whose fossil skele
tons it has been compared, than it
does the modern giraffe. The okapi’s
neck and legs are much shorter than
those of a giraffe, but its teeth and
horns are very similar. So far as
records show, only one or two white
men have ever seen this mysterious
animal alive in its native habitat.
Moulage Casts Become
Effective Detectors
Today masks are being used to iden
tify and convict criminals.
When a burglar ransacked a Mis
souri home he was careful about fin
gerprints but didn’t bother about
footprints. His oversight landed him
in prison. Investigators found no
worthwhile clues in the house, but
outside in the soft mud was a print of
the heel and sole of one of the in
truder’s shoes. ’
A few years ago such a bit of evi
dence would have been worthless be
cause it could not have been pre
served. Today, thanks to a method of
reproduction known as the moulage
process, a cast was made of the foot
print and filed away.
Long after the original footprint
was obliterated several suspects were
picked up, butr all denied the burglary.
Then their shoes were examined. One
man wore shoes one of which exactly
matched every detail of the cast. Con
fronted with this evidence, he con
fessed and pleaded guilty.
Here’s another case. A series of
robberies occurred in an Illinois town.
In each case a small "jimmy” was
used to pry open windows. Casts were
made of several of the marks left by
the tool. In the possession of a sus
pect a Jimmy was found which bore
marks identical tc those of the casts.
The evidence was so conclusive that
the man confessed at once.
In a Midwestern city several cars
were stolen, the serial numbers were
filed off and other numerals were
substituted. The police recovered some
of the cars, but were not certain
whether one gang or several were in
volved. By making casts of the num
ber blocks the officers determined the
same set of dies had been used on all
the can. ^
French Impression Held That Areas
Under French Mandate May Be Used
in Negotiations for Peace Pact.
PARIS.—It is felt here that a
gigantic diplomatic tussle is
coming with Germany on the
question of colonies. The
opening guns of the campaign already
have been heard in Berlin, and there
has even been a riposte from the
British side, when the British colonial
ltiinister, J. H. Thomas, gave as
surances in the House of Commons
that the government was not con
sidering any cession of colonies or
mandates to “foreign powers."
So far the French government has
not taken any positive stand. The
impression, however, here is that
France would be willing to use some
of the ex-German colonies now under
French mandate as a money of ex
change in negotiations for a new
peace pact with Germany.
Public Badly Informed.
Public opinion in all European
countries, even Germany, is badly in
formed about the colonial problem. In
these circumstanfces arguments are
accepted that have no basis in fact or
experience. The Germans point to
their growing population and the need
for “outlets,” implying that, if they
had their colonies back they could
dump a good deal of their surplus
population there. In reality, however,
the number of Germans who could or
would emigrate to the colonies is ab
surdly small, not more than a few
Another fallacious argument that
receives wide popular acceptance is
the alleged need for raw materials.
Unthinking people suppose that a
country which has no colonies from
which to draw such things as rubber
or tin or coconut oil or stray braid
is somehow disadvantaged as com
pared with nations that can get such
piuuucus i rum cneir colonies. A
little reflection shows, however, that
whether a manufacturer buys his raw
materials from one of his own na
tion’s colonies or from some other
makes no practical difference, and in
practice it often happens that French
manufacturers can get and do get
better terms by buying from British
colonies than from French.
It is well recognized among leading
economists that colonies are, if any
thing, a liability. They require a great
deal of financing, and they occasion
enormous expenses in naval and mil
itary armaments.
Explorers Benefit.
The real beneficiaries from colonial
possessions are the companies which
exploit concessions. If one could lift
the veil of secrecy that covers the
present diplomatic talks, one would see
that, behind the questions of popula
tion, raw materials and national pres
tige that are used as a cover, the real
battle is between rival concessionaires.
Exploiters of colonial concessions cus
tomarily receive large grants from
their governments, as well as having
armies and civil administrations, paid
for by their nation’s taxpayers, vir
tually under their orders.
A French political and economic
writer, Jean Galtier Boissiere, brought
out in a recent book that the French
■ treasury not only had never been ben
j efited in any way from the French col
j onies, but that the latter had cost
i French taxpayers many billions of
francs and were continuing to do so.
The only beneficiaries, M. Galtier Bois
siere says, are the concessionaires and
financiers. It would be possible to al
low German companies to share in the
spoils in some of the colonies without
any transfer of sovereignty.
1 (Copyright. 1936.1
Austria and Hungary Resent Inability
To Decide Own Form of Government
IENNA.—Profound disappoint
ment is felt here at the fail
ure of the recent Paris con
versations to advance the
Hapsburg restoration. It was hoped
that Prince Starhemberg's visit to
London and Paris, and his surprise
meeting in the latter city with Arch
duke Otto, would result in some en
couragement for the Hapsburg cause.
Instead of that, it now appears that
the only consequence of the proceed
ings has been to stiffen the resistance
of the Little Entente, which now
seems more firmly resolved than ever
to go to war if necessary to prevent
the Hapsburgs from regaining their
The feeling here is very close to
despair. A great majority of Aus
trians are convinced that Austria will
have to choose, probably very soon,
between Hitler and the Hapsburgs.
Every obstacle that is put in the way
of Archduke Otto, they hold, is a
stepping stone for Hitler.
In Hungary there is much the same
sentiment. Hungary has not even, as
Austria has. established a republic.
The monarchy still exists, though the
throne, for the time being, is occupied
by a regent.
The fears of the Little Entente are
well understood here. The successor
states—Czechoslovakia, Rumania, Yu
goslavia and Italy—have every rea
son to fear that, if Otto of Hapsburg
regained his throne in the dual mon
archy, he would not be satisfied until
he had regained also the rich terri
tones that formerly belonged to the
Austro-Hungarian empire.
Suggestions have been heard that
Otto should solemnly renounce all
claim to the territories in question.
Such a renunciation, particularly if
indorsed by the principal powers,
might go a long way toward alleviating
the fears of the successor states. There
have even been intimations that Italy
might go so far as to cede Fiume back
to Austria, thus giving her an outlet
to the Mediterranean. But Fiume is
coveted by Yugoslavia, and it is certain
that Yugoslavia would not consider
allowing it to become an Austrian port.
Moreover, the port that Austria really
wants is Trieste, and there is no more
chance of Italy abandoning Trieste to
Austria than of the United States giv
ing Galveston to Mexico.
The net result is that Austrians, as
well as Hungarians, labor under a
sense of being unjustly oppressed.
They feel that they are not allowed to
exercise the most elementary sovereign
right—namely, the right to determine
their own form of government. Greece
has re-established its monarchy with
full approval of the powers. Bulgaria,
though defeated in the war, has been
allowed to keep its King. Turkey
could go back to the Caliphate if it
wanted to. But Austria and Hungary
are doomed to maintain the form of
government that pleases their neigh
bors, even if it means a risk of a Nazi
upheaval such as occurred in Ger
many, as a consequence of the effort
by other powers to maintain Germany
in a state of political serfdom.
(Copyright. 1936.)
Belgian King Playing Diplomatic Role
With Britain to Bolster Italian Throne
Special Dispatch to The Star.
BRUSSELS —Young King Leopold
III of Belgium appears destined to
play an important part in the secret
diplomacy of Europe. Within recent
weeks he has made two trips to Eng
land. ostensibly for private reasons,
but mild official disclaimers of any
diplomatic mission have not dispelled
the well founded belief that his real
purpose was to intercede with King
George in connection with Anglo
Italian relations.
King Leopold's sister. Princess Marie
Jose, is the wife of the Italian Crown
Prince Humbert, and as such some
day will sit on the throne of Italy.
Dowager Queen Elisabeth of Belgium
has been visiting her daughter in
Rome recently, on account of the
princess’ illness, and through her the
Belgian court has been kept well in
formed of the news and gossip of
court circles in Rome.
It is an open secret that, during the
13 years of Fascist rule in Italy. King
Victor Emmanuel has not been too
happy. He could not, without expos
ing the dynasty to the gravest risks,
take an open or even a covert stand
against Mussolini, but the dictator’s
ruthlessness toward the statesmen of
the old regime who had been close
friends and counselors of the King
was known to have caused him much
King Forced to Yield.
This fact was so apparent that, when
the war with Ethiopia began, Musso
lini determined that the King must
finally be compelled to lend the weight
of his influence to the support of rhe
Fascist regime. -Consequently, Musso
lini and the King have made a senes
of simultaneous appearances, carefully
stage-managed to create in the public
mind the conviction that the mon
archy and Fascism are indivisible.
But England’s determination to de
feat Italy’s objects in Ethiopia has
aroused the Italian crown to the peril
it faces. If Italy suffers a serious set
back in the present war it is not un
likely that the Mussolini regime will
be swept away, and there is serious
fear that the crown might be forced to
What King Leopold seems bent on is
primarily saving the crown. The sim
plest way to do this would be to bring
about a satisfactory settlement of the
Ethiopian question, allowing Italy and
the Mussolini regime to get out of the
adventure honorably. If that cannot
be done, it is reported that Leopold
wishes to get England’s support for a
plan whereby King Victor Emmanuel
would abdicate in favor of his son, in
case of a revolution in Italy. The act
of abdication would be equivalent to
assuming personally the blame for sup
porting the Mussolini policies, leaving
Prince Humbert uncompromised.
England Backs Monarchy.
The British King apparently was
Impressed by Leopold’s plea, and, if
rumor is correct, it was this that led
Sir Samuel Hoare to agree to the
Laval compromise, which was agreed
on shortly after ^eopold’s first visit
to London. The repudiation of Sir
Samuel Hoare. however, created a new’
situation, necessitating another visit
of the Belgian ruler to London.
England, having just helped bolster
the monarchical principle in Europe
by restoring King George to the Greek
throne, is by no means anxious to see
Italy go republican. Should that hap
pen, England would be alone among
the great European powers clinging to
royalty. Maintenance of the mon
archy in Italy is consequently one of
the cardinal points of British policy.
It may be expected that England's
future acts toward Italy will be in
fluenced to an increasing extent by
these considerations, which apparently
had not struck the London foreign of
fice with any force until King Leopold
brought them to British attention.
Danube Bridge Opened
By Yugoslavian Prince
VIENNA.—An event of outstanding
Importance in the history of Balkan
communication recently took place
when the great Belgrade-Pancevo
Bridge across the River Danube was
opened to traffic by H. R. H. Prince
Paul, the Yugoslav regent.
This mighty bridge for the first
time links Eastern Yugoslavia north
of the Danube and Rumania directly
with the Western Balkans. The rail
distance from Belgrade to Bucharest
will be shortened by 10 hours, to
gether with bringing the Black Sea
coast of Rumania into direct rail
communication with the Yugoslav Ad
riatic coast ports for the first time. Its
influence on the development of the
tourist trade is destined to be tre
mendous, and will re-orient the gen
eral travel from the north and east to
the west. No less significant is the
fact that it will bring the Balkan
countries nearer to Russia and offer
a trans-Balkan land and rail route
from. Odessa to the Adriatic.
New Series of Stamps
To Portray Darwin
NEW YORK.—The great English
naturalist, Charles Darwin, is to be
portrayed on one of the new series
of postage stamps, of which a London
firm has manufactured 5,000,000 to
the order of the Ecuadorean govern
ment, according to the educational
department of the American Express
Co. The new stamp is one of six de
nominations of a set wijich com
memorates the centenary of the visit
of Darwin to the Galapagos Islands
in September, 1835, and described in
the "Voyage of the Beagle.” Ecuador
has chosen to make these stamps serve
as propaganda to let the world know
that the Enchanted Isles, as they were
formerly called, are Ecuadorean prop
erty. At the seme time the Presi
dent seeks to honor this year’s Darwin
memorial expedition.

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