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Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972, May 19, 1936, Image 11

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' Guffey Ruling
Laid to Vague
Congress
Supreme Court Tried
- to Preserve Good in
Coal Act.
BY DAVID LAWRENCE.
THE devastating effect upon the
American constitutional system
of a Congress that abdicates its
legislative function by "passing
the buck.” so to speak, to the Supreme
% Court was never more dramatically
illustrated than In the struggle which
the nine Justices had with the
Guffey act.
The headlines may say it was a
•-to-* decision, but actually a careful
rtudy of the three opinions filed will
reveal that the differences were due
to the failure of ._
Congress to write :|
a clear-cut stat
v ute and to dis
tinguish between
the various pro
visions of the
law which was
enacted last year
In defiance of ■
the Schechter 1
case.
Urged on by
President Roose
velt, who told :
Congress to pass
the Gulley law ^^WT—
irrespec t i v e of
whatever "reasonable doubts" the
members might have as to constitu
tionality, the result was such a hodge
* podge that the Supreme Court tried
conscientiously to separate the valid
from the invalid section.
Five justices—Sutherland, McRey
nolda, Van Devanter, Butler and Rob
erta—said it couldn’t be done, that
the whole statute was so tied together
by its valid and invalid provisions
that they considered the act uncon
stitutional in its entirety, but reserved
the right to consider any new legis
lation on Its merits.
Four Uphold Separability.
The other four justices—Hughes,
Brandeis, Stone and Cardozo—said
the act was "separable" and that
it wasn't necessary to pass on the
labor or wage sections or the tax
sections at this time if the power
to regulate marketing was upheld,
which, of course, it wasn't, by the
five justices in the majority opinion.
There were six votes for outright
condemnation of all the provisions of
the law except marketing, and on
this latter Hughes dissented. But it
is not proper to say there were only
six votes, because the three other
justices held it unnecessary to pass
judgment on the labor provisions at
” all.
Out of the resultant situation the
following effects may be looked for:
1. The labor provisions will be
abandoned and the Wagner labor
relations law seems headed for the
discard, too, because enough was said 1
in the opinion to indicate that at
least six justices think it not to be
the province of the Federal Govern
ment to regulate employer-employe
relations in manufacturing or produc
non.
► WiH Act on Marketing.
2. The marketing provisions will be
revived. Transactions in interstate
commerce and even price fixing may
be upheld where articles affected
with a public interest move in inter
state commerce, but it is emphasized
by the Chief Justice that the constitu
tional requirement that rates must
not be confiscatory and other consti
tutional inhibitions will have to be
observed whenever a specific case
arises to test the Federal power.
3. Congress will not try at this ses
sion to re-enact any substitute for
the Gulley law. Even if it tried, the
chances would be against passage, be
cause the American Federation of
Labor is in a life-and-death struggle ;
with John L. Lewis of the United i
Mine Workers. When the original i
measure went through Congress, the i
A. F. of L. helped Lewis. It is not j
disposed to throw its strength to him |
Bow.
4. Chief Justice Hughes pointed the i
Way to the regulation of interstate ]
commerce in respect to marketing of
coal. The Supreme Court shows its (
Inclination toward regional price ar- ,
rangements In the famous Appalachian j
ease decided in 1933, so the Hughes
opinion must be read now as a sec- |
rod chapter in the history of legal
opinions bearing on unfair and ruinous j
competition in marketing transactions ,
that cross State lines, especially where ,
a natural resource like coal is involved. (
Certainly May 18 will be known as ;
an eventful day in the chronicles of ,
the Supreme Court because it reaf- ,
firmed so many of the principles of ,
the Schecter case handed down just J
a year ago. But on the same day there ,
was handed down In the Circuit Court <
of Appeals of the District of Columbia j
an equally Important opinion which i
could not have been delivered but for i
the basic doctrines enunciated in the i
Schecter N. R. A. case. s
This was the case in which the Rural s
Resettlement Administration of Dr. 1
Tugwell was held Invalid. But the 1
« opinion goes further. It questions the ■
right of Congress to delegate to the
Executive the spending of money for
any unconstitutional purpose, that is
for some purpose not within the Fed
eral Government's rights. Housing for
private use is not regarded as a public
May Inspire Ear-Marking.
Slnoe the Supreme Court of the
United States will finish its present
term before June 1, the latest case
from the Court of Appeals of the Dis
trict will hardly be argued before
Autumn. Meanwhile, the opinion fur
nishes an interesting corroboration of
the viewpoint of those in Congress who
have insisted on ear-marking appro
priations and specifying just for what
ends the public moneys should be
■pent.
There is another epochal develop
ment In the case. A municipal gov
ernment was admitted to have the
right to sue the Federal Government
to restrain the latter from draining
lta local tax revenues. A citizen hith
erto could not make such a suit effec
tive as the Supreme Court has held
that no one citizen could show a
direct Interest sufficient to entertain
his plea. But now apparently a mu
_ niclpal government can enter a plea
, ' in the District of Columbia courts
against Federal officials to prevent the
Federal Government from taking away
its tax resources. This is of tran
acendent importance and may turn out
to be the missing link in constitutional
history as it relates to the power to
prevent extravagance by the Federal
Government or to the check against
• hitherto unlimited right to tax any
thing and everything or to grant tax
exemptions in a manner that adversely
affects the municipality and its reve
, hue-getting opportunities.
(COBjrltht. 1936.)
► *
Behind the News
Civil Service Evaded in "Compromise" in Electrifica
tion Bill—Economizing Can Be Costly.
BY PAUL MALLON.
SENATOR NORRIS is the most powerful man In Congress on utility
legislation, but he has never been powerful enough to force the
New Deal to use Civil Service.
His latest legislative baby is the rural electrification bill. A
locket was hung around Its neck by the Conference Committee of Congress
men who spanked It Into final shape. The Inscription read:
“This act shall be administered on a non-partisan basis * * *
No political test or qualification shall be permitted ••• all appoint
ments and promotions shall be made on the basis of merit • • • // the
administrator is found by the President to be guilty of t, violation
of this section he shall be removed from office by the President, and
any appointee (violating this section) • • * shall be removed by the
administrator
In plain American this means there
shall be no politics in rural electrifi
cation except that which is satis
factory to whoever happens to be
administrator and whoever happens
to be President.
It is no secret that the nonpartisan
prayer was inscribed as an excuse
for not putting rural electrification
under Civil Service. In fact, the
piety of this expression enabled the
UL&i'iiuiiuuc opaimns ui me uui vv/
go farther and provide that the administrator appoint and fix the
compensation of attorneys, engineers and experts without regard to
provisions of Civil Service law*.
It it what is known facetiously in Congress as a “compromise”
between the spoils system of the House bill and the civil service
provision of the Senate trill.
As a first step, the President is empowered to transfer into the new
organization the entire present set-up of rural electrification which was
selected before pretense was necessary.
Thus, the new regime is a tasty political mixture of pie and piety.
* * * *
Economizing can be a costly extravagance.
In the celebrated economy act of two years ago there was a provision
designed to force the retirement of aged Civil Service employes. The
law-makers figured that such a strict enforcement of the retirement act
would cut down Government costs.
The law was passea ana a.uuu wurntis ieww,
were sored, but when it come time to pay their retirement allowances
it was discovered the retirement fund was SSO,000,000 short of the
necessary amount, because they were in service such a short time.
The Government had to made up the deficiency.
The amount was more than the salaries would have been for a
few years, not to mention the fact that the 8.000 vacancies were soon
filled and the list of Government employes grew steadily thereafter.
* • • •
One Congressman is said to have evaded successfully Father
Coughlin's rule that his candidates must publish advertisements in news
papers accepting the 16 points of his Social-Justice program the first five
of which are in the Constitution now.
The successful evader is a canny Ohio Scotchman with a long
record as a progressive and labor man.
Recently he got on a train and went out to see Father Coughlin.
Returning he confided to members of Congress that Father Coughlin i
. would indorse him without the usual
advertisement swearing suoservience.
Thus he has become the first asso
ciate member of the Coughlin bloc.
- The list is apt to grow.
Delicate Inside negotiations have
been begun in an effort to avoid the
coming long and drawn-out war in
the courts over the holding company
j ^ '5 The basic idea is to have the
utility holding companies convert
themselves into investment trusts. They could buy a few thousand shares
of industrials or rails and yet retain their utility holdings.
Some (not all> Government authorities are inclined to favor the
plan. They are not sure that the act will survive a court test in
view 0/ what the Supreme Court said in the T. V. A. decision.
Lists of pledged Republican delegates being published these days
are unrealistic indications of the status of condidates. Behind the
delegate situation is the plain fact that Landon will not have anything
like a majority of pledged delegates. However, he has gone beyond the
delegate situation and accumulated evidences of popularity rather than
delegates (Massachusetts. South Dakota, etc.). Thus the status quo hangs
more on psychology than on numbers.
Senator Hastings recently announced he would not be a candidate
for re-election to the Senate, but Jie did not say anything about the vice
presidency. Higher-ups within the party accept him as an active candi
date now for second place on the Republican ticket.
(Copyright, 1636.)
AVIATION LEADERS
LUNCHEON GUESTS
Delegates to Engineering Confer
ence to Be Feted by
Aero Club.
Leaders of American aviation, as
sembling in Washington today for
he annual engineering research con
erence of the Natioanl Advisory
Committee for Aeronautics tomorrow
it Langley Field, Va.. were to be
;uests of the Aero Club of Washington
it a luncheon and presentation cer
emony at 12:30 p.m. today in the
davflower Hotel.
The conference delegates have been
iivided into two parties of about 300
each, the first group leaving Wash
ngton at 6:30 p.m. today by steamer
or Langley Field. The second party
s to leave Thursday evening.
At today's luncheon certificates at
esting new world aviation records
vere to be presented to five American
ecord holders. Igor Sikorsky, builder
f long-distance flying boats, will
peak on "Trans-Atlantic Flying."
Certificates of the Federation Aero
lautique Internationale will be pre
ented to Benjamin King, local sports
nan flyer who has established eight
.orld records during the past year;
Japts. Albert W. Stevens and Orvll
i. Anderson of the Army Air Corps
fational Geographic Society strato
phere flight; Lieut. Comdr. Knefler
fcGinnis, commander of the Navy
eaplane which established a new
eaplane non-stop distance mark, and
Can Brimm of New York, co-pilot with
ting on one of his flights.
CHILD CIRCUS TICKETS
WILL BE DISTRIBUTED
10,000 School Children to Receive
Free Admission to Event
Saturday.
Ticket* for the second annual
Children's Community Circus, to be
held Saturday afternoon at Central
High School Stadium, will be dis
tributed tomorrow to 10,000 school
children, it was announced today by
the Community Center Department,
sponsors of the circus.
All children, to use the free tickets,
must be accompanied by an adult. An
admission fee of 25 cents will be
charged boys, girls and adults arriv
ing at the circus alone.
Approximately 1,200 boys and girls
will take part and all the features of
a real circus will be Included on the
program.
Liberal Plan
for Industry
Offered.
G. O. P. Might Well
Use Flanders* Affirm
ative Philosophy.
BY DOROTHY THOMPSON.
SOME months ago a New York
newspaper carried on one page
a manifesto of the American
Manufacturers’ Association and
under It a synopsis of a speech de
livered by the outgoing president of
the American Society of Mechanical
Engineers. The contrast between the
two documents was noticeable. In
both business was speaking. But the
former seemed, to
this leader at
least, weary, stale
and hat; style
and content pre
depression, almost
pre - war. except
for an overtone
of fear and irri
tation, while the
latter was the
expression of a
modem mind,
sanguine, but
clearly cognizant
of the problems
*» Wic iuv»w •> Dorothy Thompson,
world. The
speaker was Ralph E. Flanders and
part of the speech—a chapter on the
conquest of new social frontiers—is
embodied in a small book recently
published by Whittlesey House. New
York, and called ‘‘A Platform for
America.” In it the Republican
party, which is obviously needful of a
means of modernizing itself, has
ready-made, should it care to take it,
a flrst-rate program for the conserva
tive industrialist interests which it
traditionally represents: a trenchant,
inelligent and measured criticism of
the methods and philosophy of the
present administration and a con
structive philosophy with which to
oppose it.
Mr. Flanders does not like the New
Deal. But his opposition to it is not
the opposition of the Republican party
anno Domini 1929. He did not like
>that, either. He wants a new era and
has a clear idea of what that new era
can be like. What is here presented
is a positive, modem, restatement, in
strictly American terms, of the doc
trine of economic liberalism, a doctrine
which, in the face of collectivist and
planned economy tendencies, becomes
the only reasonable defense of the
profit system. For which, we may
take it. the Republican party will con
tinue to stand.
Knows Opposite Sides.
Mr. Flanders comes from Vermont,
but we had better not compare him
to Calvin Coolidge. He is a practical,
mechanical technician and inventor,
the chief executive of a successful
machine tool Industry, which is sit
uated in a small town 10 miles ofl
the railroad and draws most of its
highly skilled labor directly from the
surrounding farms. Unlike many
practical business men. he is a man
of the library as well as the desk
and the machine and is thoroughly
conversant with contemporary social
ind economic thought. He has read
Karl Marx and Thorstein Veblen and
learned a great deal from the latter.
He does not blench at the sight of
a Communist. He does not believe
that the capitalist system has an
eternal lease cm life or that it has
always, or lately, behaved itself like
a gentleman and a scholar. He does
not even believe—I should guess—
that under all circumstances and in
all conditions it is the best conceiv
able system. What he does most
earnestly believe is that as long as
an economy is expanding, with plenti
ful resources and given a favorable
social and psychological background,
the profit system, limited to actual
production and distribution of goods
snd services, has still a long way to
go in this country. And he is con
vinced that our economy, under a
disciplined profit system, is capable
of continued, increased, vast hori- 1
eontal expansion. t
In his criticism of the New Deal. '
Mr. Flanders does not waste his time (
talking about the Constitution or '
States* rights, perhaps because he*
knows that not one American in ten
thousand has ever read the Constitu
tion to remember it. He feels that
the American people, as a people, are
less interested in conserving some
thing that has hoary associations
than they are in getting for them
selves a better existence. And, with
this in mind, he centers his attack
at the most vulnerable point In the
whole administration program and
at the essential 'point. But In doing
so he shows that the New Deal pro
gram has developed logically out of
the financial, business and trades
union practices of this Nation from
Grant to Hoover. It is these prac
tices which he advocetes changing—
the practioe and theory of high
prices, the corollary of which is a
scarcity economy. Mr. Flanders, like
Mr. Rooeeevelt, Is for the abundant
life, but he doesn’t see us getting it
under present tendencies. He sees the
abundant life in the continual ex
pansion of goods and services of
improving quality at Increasingly low
er prices, by the application of more
and more labor and more and more ]
t#rhnnln£rv that fVie
thesis set forth in the President’s
last speech in New York, that this
will mean more permanent unemploy
ment, is absolutely fallacious. He
would like to see the Nation abandon
the idea of security, except for mini
mum security for the most dependent
part of the population; he sees hope
not in greater rigidity but greater
flexibility; in more competition, not
in less. He believes that the Fed
eral Government must extend its
powers and its social responsibilities
over those exercised previous to 1933,
but retreat from some, but not all,
of the extensions made since then. He
is specific where they should be ex
tended and where contracted.
Capacity for Consumption.
Mr. Flanders is not Jeffersonian,
because Jefferson was essentially an
agrarian, and he does not see the
future of America in terms of general
agrarianism On the contrary, he is
convinced that agricultural produc
tion will suffer permanent curtail
ment in the face of the economic
nationalism of other countries; he
sees that agriculture has an inelas
tic market, as compared to industry,
for while there is a definite limit to
the amount of food stuffs, the chief
product of agriculture, which a popu
lation can consume, there is no limit
to its capacity for the consumption
of industrial products, except that
of its pocketbook. as goods and serv
ices are constantly improved and new
one* added. He believes that the
main solution for the farm problem
lies In the acceleration of industry,
which will draw men from the farms,
replacing the present tendency to in
crease the farm population, but he
would like to see the connection kept
between the worker end the land, by
the decentralization of manufactur
ing.
He is not Hamiltonian. He is
anti-monopolist and antl-speculatlve
finance capitalism. Perhaps, in his
social philosophy, he is nearest to
the second Adams.
His program would demand new
disciplines—or the resumption of old
ones—on the part of all groups of
the population. But it is an affirma
tive philosophy. It is anti-Fascist,
anti-collectlvist, antl-speculatlve, ex
cept in the realm of genuine produc
tion of goods and services, where he
believes risk is an essential of prog
ress. Like the great Spanish liberal,
Ortega, he believes that with all its
faults, most of them remediable, mod
ern technology plus private enter
prise and liberal democracy have
maintained a larger number of peo
ple at a higher standard of living
than any other system which has
ever existed in the history of the
world, and that one can only build
on this fact.
It Is because this book seems to me
the most reasonable and clear state
ment of the viewpoint of an intel
ligent industrialist which has come
■o my desk—in a welter of pamphlets
ind programs—that I intend to de
mote another column to It. The Re
jublican party might well accept it
otally. They can go farther and
are worse.
And probably will.
Copyritht. IP.Ifl. New York Tribune Ine.) <
--«- <
Commencement Speaker Chosen. <
CAMBRIDGE. Md„ May 19 (A1)— i
Jmerson C. Harrington, jr., will speak i
,t the commencement exercises of the
rrainlng School for Nurses at the <
lambridge-Maryland Hospital, May \
8. 1
Arousing the "Babbitts”
Barton's Philosophy of Life Typifies What Is Needed
to Stir Anti-New Dealers.
BY CARLISLE BARGERON.
WITH the coming of Bruce Barton to the Republican National
Committee the Republican campaign la gradually shaping up
with a view to arousing the “Babbitts” of the country to an
evangelical crusade to throw the New Deal intellectuals out.
Tor months, the Republican influences seemed to be groping around with
out being able to definitely define just what was needed. They knew the
old-fashioned rules wouldn’t work but they couldn’t bring a coherence
to their attack. Barton’s appoint- _
mem ana me comment it aroused,
the comment more than the ap
pointment Itself, seem to have
provided the answer.
It isn’t a question of how much
work he actually does for the com
mittee. His philosophy of life
typifies what was needed and of •
more Importance than he will be J
ARC \fcu
M<CM o*
MSN/P
to me committee liseu. is me met if**.
that anti-New Deal journals -—
throughout the country will take the cue. Supplying of Ideals, or setting
the pace is the real worth of a national committee * publicity depart
ment rather than the tons of stuff it puts out.
"Babbitry" was a term of satire applied by the so-called
smart writers back in 1927 and 192t against those substantial
people who were given to working hard, making money and butid
ing homes and belonging to luncheon clubs. The smart writers
thought they were entirely too smug and some of these smart
writers made quite a comfortable living out of raizing them.
a * * *
A sketch called “Babbitt.” by George M. Cohan, portrayed their plight
against what the New Dealers would call an "onrushing social trend.” It
was the story of a man In a small town who through hard work had built
up quite a prosperous business. But he was still a hard worker and al
though he provided his wife with all of the comfort* of life, he was inatten
tive and unromantic. He Just didn't have the time.
As a result the wrfe went in more and more for entertaining foreign
lecturers. Then pretty soon she got to complaining that her husband was
not as brilliant as these fellows. She got to be very restless, indeed.
Finally he blew up and hit the ceiling and in a very dramatic scene
asked if it occurred to her that he didn’t have time to be brilliant, that
he worked hard in order that ahe could enjoy the luxury of the visiting
brilliants and entertain them in her home and at the country club.
The recollection 1* that she came down to earth and agreed that while
he might not be the most interesting conversationalist in the world he was
a unguis piuai ui suppuu..
The Republican* are out to see if they can’t bring the
country’s • substantial, salt of the earth” people to some such
explosion now. They are going to try to arouse them to the point
of exclaiming "We may be too damned dumb to understand, but
we work hard and pay the bill."
What la important is the apparent realization in Republican ranks
that if they don't arouse the voters to something akin to a religious
fervor they are sunk.. In this connection, the Republican Congressional
Committee is distributing a pamphlet from a speech by former Represen
tative Hull of Illinois, in which he saya that he doesn’t charge that Mr.
Roosevelt is out to destroy the church, but that his {pending will inevitably
make it necessary to tax them. He points out how much church property
there is in the country and argues that as a matter of necessity the New
Dealer* will have to get around to taxing them if the {pending keeps up.
* * * *
A lot of the campaign that is already being waged against the New
Deal is not apparent here. According to the radio people, the Ford
program on Sunday nights has a tremendous appeal. For some time
several of the leading magazines have been featuring stories designed
to re*tore faith in the country’s captains of industry. Only recently
there was a story bringing out that the du Ponts, who have been much
maligned by the New Dealers, are employing 36.000 persons, the same
number employed in 1929 and that they are well paid and that the
du Ponts never have any labor trouble.
similarly me au s-onis are
sponsoring a weekly radio program
apparently designed to restore be
lief In the country as a land of
opportunity. There was one pro
gram that graphically described
Benjamin Franklin walking Into
Philadelphia eating a bun and his
step-by-step progress up the ladder.
The life of the late Cyrus H. K.
Curtis was dramatized in the same
u*ov Thic nt-rurro m u«t mnnlnff
while the Black committee was busily engaged in bringing out that the
du Ponts had contributed to this anti-New Deal activity and that one.
The committee knew about the program but it couldn't complain because
it didn’t want to be put in the light of being against Benjamin Franklin.
The National Association of Manufacturers has a program which
doesn't come into Washington and which is called the “Family Hour."
The family sits around the table and discusses things, and they don't
aeem to like the New Deal at all. There is also one comic strip running
which every now and then takes a dig at "professional social workers
who are so big-hearted with other people's money.”
DOCTOR OF LAW DEGREE
TO BE GIVEN HOOVER
t. B. I. Chief to Receive Award
at Pennsylvania Military
College June 9.
J. Edgar Hoover, chief of the Fed
■ral Bureau of Investigation, will re
elve the honorary degree of doctor
if laws from Pennsylvania Military
Jollege, Chester. Pa., at commence
aent exercises June 9, it was an
tounced today.
Hoover previously has received the
egree from George Washington Uni
ersity. Pennsylvania Military Col
*ge will confer the distinction for
Hoover'* *ucces*ful warfare on crim
inal*.
To be honored at the same time are
Maj. Gen. Leon Cromer, chief of
cavalry, to be made doctor of military
science, and Norman E. McClure,
Ihead of the English department,
Ursinus College, doctor of literature.
Special Stamps Planned.
MANILA. Philippine Islands, May
19 OS5). — The Philippine Common- '
wealth Bureau of Posts announced
that special stamps will be issued in j
Manila to commemorate the thirty
third International Eucharistic Con- '
gress here February 3 to 7, 1937. The
stamps will be in 1. 6. 8, 10, 18 and
2$ cent denominations. t
Headline Folk
and What
They Do
Emil Fey Is a Joker
Wild in Austrian
Poker Game.
BT LEMUEL F. PARTON.
BIG. bristling, eagle-beaked MaJ.
Emil Fey is harder to fit into
the Austrian picture than a
maverick piece in a jig-saw
purale. Following an old Austrian
custom, they thought they had dis
posed of him by handing him a couple
of fat jobs, but now, with the ousting
of Prinna v a n
Starhemberg, who
once squelched
him, he's back in
the thick of the
crisis — offering
support, to Chan
cellor Schusch
nigg. Too many
self-starter* are a
eharncte ristio
embarrassment of
the totalitarian
state.
He was a war
h#*TO hmlri.
Emil Tti. “P ™ though
his control of the
Vienna forces of the Helmwehr. He
sat at times for Chancellor Dollfuas.
working up an Austrian brand of
Fascism as opposed to that of Ger
many. In October. 1935. he gave Von
Starhemberg some back talk about
k comparatively trivial matter. He
was ousted as minister of the interior
and his paper, Abends Zeltung, aup
pressed.
He was made president of the
Danube Steamship Co. and of the
state railways, with the assumption
that he would stay out of politics.
But here he is again, somewhat of
a joker wild, who may yet upset some
pat hands. He Is an imposing, dark,
formidable man with a vehement
hatred of democracy and liberalism.
Ifala. U.__tit. .
--— —— — V wan wwrnj L p.
Helen Howe, slender, orown-eyed.
mischievous American girl, is mak
ing a quick dash to fame, spoofing
the general status quo and its most
illustrious exemplars. Her London
debut as a monologist delights Lon
don, and critics acclaim her "pungent,
gay and remorseless satire.” They
rate her with Ruth Draper and Cor
nelia Otis Skinner, "but In no sense
an imitator.”
She is a Boston girl. When she
appeared at the White House re
cently she pinked pretense and artifice
artfully, making a smash hit of the
evening, with an accolade In Mrs.
Roosevelt's column the next day.
Her Helen Hokison types—that is,
the breathlessly earnest and millenial
clubwoman, who goes in for "Words
worth and hygiene"—have been her
best portrayals, but her managers have
had to make her pull her punch a
bit here and there She tours, a lot
and many of her best customers are
women's clubs.
Plenty to Rib in Boston.
Her gift of satire came out splen
didly under the provocations of Bos
ton s stuffy Back Bay. where tha
irreverent girl found much to amuse
her among the Brahmins. She at
tended the Theater Guild School in
New York, studying straight theater,
but right away they flushed her skill
In mimicry and made her a diseuse.
Along with "the veterans of future
wars, she suggests that modern youth,
while not flaming any more, is begin
ning to rib the show. There are im
pressionable folks who say that clever
youth is laughing through a new
trumpet of Jericho. Anway, the young
satirists have a lot of material,
(Copyright. l»3d.)
•—--•■■■ ■ —
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Cost Per Season
Fur Coats, $50.00 Value $1.50
Fur Coats. $100.00 Value $2.00
for valuations over $100.00 add 50c
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t. ill
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fr • Ellen used to be one of those girls • One day a popular friend told bar ifflll
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She spent many a lonely evening . . . plexion were clear and smooth—
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