Evening star. [volume], June 27, 1936, Page A-7, Image 7

About Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972

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platform Firm
. on Further
j Reforms
Democrats Put States’
Rights Issue Into Com
ing Campaign.
- BY DAVID LAWRENCE.
Philadelphia, June 27. —
There has been this week a
significant contract between
the atmosphere of five-day
ballyhoo In the New Deal convention
and the sober, dignified phrases of
the platform adopted in five minutes
Without debate of any kind.
It Is not the clamor or noise made
by. the delegates that will affect the
solution of national problems, but the
meaning of those
rarefully chosen
phrases of the
platform out of
which la to come
Important legis
lation If the New
t>e*l is continued
jn power after
the next election.
The New Deal
platform adopted
tills year should
be and will be
taken more ser
iously than the
platform of 1932, ^ bmaM
for the new one
is written on the record of the last
three years and with purposes that
grow out of the New Deal’s approach
to governmental problems after three
years of controversy.
Many things were promised again,
M in 1932, such as reduction of ex
penses and retrenchment, a sound
furrencyT and vigorous enforcement
6f the anti-tru* laws, but there is
bne pledge made which is certain to
overshadow all others and probably
Will be the first to be carried out in
the American form of government.
Federal Power Is Issue.
While professing, of course, that
the changes are to be made within the
letter and the spirit of the Constitu
tion, the plank which Insists that the
Constitution be amended so as to give
greater powers to the National Gov
ernment represtents the most vital
program of amendment that has been
projected since the Constitution was
V* l KUCli.
No other amendments to the Con
ktitation have sought to invade either
the rights reserved to the States or
the rights reserved to the people. The
New Deal now proposes that the
Federal Government l>e given powers
fcqual to that of the 48 States, that
531 men, and in many Instances a
majority of 267. shall have authority
equal to the 48 legislatures, and that
the Federal Judiciary be given powers
aqual to that of the 48 State judicial
systems.
This profound transformation of
the American dual system of Govern
ment Is asked for on the ground not
merely of emergency but to adjust
American life to presumably changed
conditions, the inference being that
150 years of the American Constitu
tional system have proved futile to
solve questions of national scope.
■ Well Fh rased for New Dealiim.
The platform is adroitly and skill
fully worded. In fact the New Deal
platform Is a far more coherent docu
ment, better phrased and .more effec
tively presented than the Republican
platform In'Cleveland. To put it an
other way. the New Deal platform ex
presses New Deal ism much more
efficiently and directly than the
Cleveland platform expressed the
spirit of the new restless Repub
licanism that nominated Gov. Landon.
If one Is ready to accept the thesis
of a paternalistic government and to
believe that the responsibility of the
citizen to earn his own living has been
superseded by the philosophy that the
Government owes the citizen a living
and financial support, the New Deal
platform will be found to reflect satis
factorily that view on every point.
Everything from floods and dust
stroms to regulation of maximum
hours and minimum wages is grouped
togethei as the growing obligation of
the Federal Government wherever
the 8tates do not assert It. Clearly
the platform plank is so worded that
a constitutional amendment that
achieves the objects stated would
make the Federal Government the
disciplinary overlord of the States
and, in effect, end State sovereignty
and independence in America.
Amendment Vote Separate.
Fortunately under our present sys
tem of Government, constitutional
changes must be voted on in elections
separate and distinct from presiden
tial and congressional contests, so
that 4he American necinle can naic
explicitly on the wording of a pro
posal to alter the Constitution. But
an overwhelming victory at the polls
next Autumn will hasten the passage
by a two-thirds vote of both Houses
of Congress of an amendment em
bodying the ideas contained in the
New Deal plank on constitutional
changes.
The issue in the coming campaign
has, therefore, developed into a fight
to preserve the spirit of the dual
system of Government, even though
It was supposed a few weeks ago that
the New Dealers, In the interest of
political expediency, were going to
avoid making such an issue. The Re
publicans have been waiting for this
very challenge, so that they ought to
thank the New Deal for its frank and
Unequivocal declaration.
Weak Points Omitted.
The platform naturally omits any
mention of weak points in New Deal
armor. There is. for instance, the ex
planation of why 10.000.000 persons
afs still unemployed, why, if recov
ery is here, more money is going to
be spent in 1937 by the Federal Gov
ernment than In 1936 and why the
anti-trust laws have not been en
forced against the monopolies that
grew out of the N. R. a. codes. But
no convention platform puts Its worst
foot forward
The New Deal platform of 1936 is
clearer and better than 1932 from a
liberal and radical standpoint. It is
broad enough to permit slow change
in the character of governmental
power or rapid change if the public
la November shows Itsqif in accord.
But one thing is certain—the New
Deal has. with the exception of a
few phrases of conservative assur
ance as to its alleged aim to keep
business on the "road to freedom and
prosperity," shown no sign of re
treat. The platform says experi
mentation, reform, reorganisation,
further use of public funds and Gov
ernment paternalism are firmly es
tablished in the New Deal and the
country Is asked to approve or dis
approve at the polls. Clearly the
events of the week Indicate that the
coming election will affect the crstlny
ef America as has no other election
sinos the Civil War.
ICopmsht, 1046.)
t
Behind the News
Consumer Co-operatives May Enter U. S. Doors Over
Democratic Consumer Piank.
BY PAUL MALLON.
Pmi.AnET.PHTA, June 37.—That simple platitude about the consumer
In the Democratic platform means more than it says. It 1*
plank number four and consists of one sentence:
“We will act to secure to the consumer fair value, honest
sales and a decreased spread between the price he pays and the price
the producer receives.”/
This sounds like a choice collection of fine words meaning nothing,
but the real significance of it would be apparent if you could see the rest
of it, as originally written by Pres
ident Roosevelt's platform manager,
Senator Wagner.
Unfortunately, the practical poli
ticians on his Platform Committee
would not stand for more than that
one sentence. They used a scissors
on the rest.
Mr. Roosevelt was content to get
In just a single line on it as a basis
for the future action he has in mind,
soft will stand officially as meaning
less until he chooses to interpret it.
Note—As the liberal insiders here say, that is a very touchy socializing
reform which must be approached very gradually. They, like Mr. Roose
velt, were content in the end merely to “get; in a line on it.”
What Ur. Roosevelt has in mind, here again, is possible
development of the consumer co-operatives in competition with
private business, and application of the Scandinavian collectivist
system in some degree to the United States. Apparently he has
no specific plan on it yet.
Specifications will await the return from Europe of the Baker Co
operative Mission, recently appointed. But the President knows what he
wants to do, and if he works true to form, he will not pay much attention
to the fact that the convention politicians chose not to explain the idea.
Note—Incidentally, Senator Wagner may go to Europe this Summer
to look into the Scandinavian co-operatives himself. He has been invited.
Undoubtedly he will be in charge of any legislation which may arise out
of the new course upon which Mr. Roosevelt is embarking.
* * * *
What kept the Platform Committee out so long was inside squabbling
over planks which did not eventually appear in the final published version.
Hottest and last squabble was over a power plank which hinted at
Government ownership of public utilities. Senator Black of Alabama
kept insisting on it and threatened to remain In session himself for three
weeks unless the plank was kept in.
Cooler Senator George of Georgia and Bailey of North Carolina were
the ones who stopped it. They said they would carry their fight to the
floor of the convention unless the plank was dropped.
Eventually, a special subcommittee was selected to write the milder
power plank, finally agreed cm.
The inside solution of the two-thirds rule compromise came not from
the top of the convention, but from an alternate with half a vote in the
Rules Committee.
As the insiders tell it. one Francis W. Durbin, of Ohio, was sitting in
on the committee as alternate for his father, a Treasury official, who is
something of an amateur magician. The appointment of a prestidigitator
to the Treasury was considered particularly significant in view of the money
magic going on at that time.
The youngster is said to be something of a trouble-maker
within the Ohio organization, but apparently he knows how to
settle it as well as to make it. He sat around listening to the
bigwigs argue until he wearied and suggested that the National
Committee study re-apportionment of State delegation strength
to cool off the hot-blooded Southerners.
The idea was taken up immediately by the committee and adopted,
as usual. Boss Farley is getting the credit for having instituted it.
• • • •
It is incredible but true that the two persons responsible for the men
tion of a constitutional amendment in the platform were Permanen Chair
man Robinson and Senator Wagner.
Robinson said nothing about it in his convention address, but he
started working on the Platform Committee to mention a constitutional
amendment soon after he arrived. Wagner, of course, has always been in
favor of that method, but Robinson's conversion could have been effected
by no one except the man in the White House.
Even so, the mention of the constitutional amendment is hedged with
"ifs” to such an extent that nobody here believes Mr. Roosevelt will ever
get around to espousing it.
Shrewdest stroke in the convention management was quiet suppression
of the liberals. Of the left wingers, only Senator Wagner appeared promi
nently before the convention. Absent or suppressed were the Hopkins.
Tugwells. Wallaces and Ickeses, et al. Miss Perkins appeared, but only
In a social role.
The reason was that the congregation here was compcced almost en
tirely of politicians, with few, if any, social Democrats of the intelligentsia
type.
The practical side of the New Deal face was presented. It does not
show the cast in the le<t eye.
(Copyright, 1936.)
End of Corset Profits Sells
Manufacturer on ISeiv Deal
Experience Teaches Business Man Who
Failed to-Recognize Progress That Gov
ernment Must Dodge Similar Pitfall.
BY CARLISLE BARGERON,
St*fl Correspondent of The Star
PHILADELPHIA, June 27 —Although
the manage’.-* of thi* convention are
not so sure a* to Just whether it went
over or not, it has served to show
that all business men are not against
the New Deal. The writer today ran
into a most vociferous business man
-advocate of regimentation and social
security and the other things which
business men generally have been op
posing.
“Now, nobody frightens me when
they talk about a dictatorship,” he
said. “I like it, whatever you want
to call it.”
The conservation was most en
lightening—how machinery has dis
placed the laboring man and bow it
is necessary to have a planned econ
omy on account of this. This man’s
complaint was how labor saving de
vices have displaced the business man.
It turned out that it was not a labor
saving device that really displaced
his business, but what probably would
be called woman’s fancy or maybe
her emancipation.
“You can talk about rugged Indi
vidualism until you are blue in the
face,” the business man said. "But
FARLEY BELIEVED
UNLIKELY TO QUIT
Acceptance of Bids to Speak to
Postal Groups in Fall Dis
counts Eeport.
Report that Postmaster General Far
ley was preparing to give up his cabi
net post and confine his activities,to
his chairmanship of the Democratic
National Comimttee and New York
State Democratic Comimttee appeared
today to be definitely discounted when
it became known that he has accepted
three speaking engagements before
postal organizations in the late Sum
mer and earlf Fall.
The first talk will be before the Na
tional Rural Letter Carriers, who hold
their annual convention In Indianapolis,
starting August 18; the schedule next
takes him to Cleveland, where the
National Association of Postmasters
goes into session September 16, and
finally, to St. Paul, few the National
League of District Postmasters meet
ing October 21.
Farley agreed to make these talks
before going to the Philadelphia con
vention, and associates do not believe
he would have undertaken them had
he intended stepping out of the Post
Office Department, inasmuch as they
are to deal with service matters.
Some friends here think It possible
that during the campaign, Farley
might drop active pfartlclpation in de
partmental affairs, leaving adminis
tration in the hands of W. W. Howes,
first assistant, who would become act
ing Postmaster General. Howes served
in this capacity for six weeks when
Farley went to Hawaii and on numer-;
ous occasions ha< sat In during short j
absences of the Poatjnaater General. 1
I’m a victim of it. I had a prosperous
business of manufacturing corsets for
women. Well, what happens? Here
I am with a family of five and my
wife goes abroad every year and we
belong to the country club and I am
getting along swell—and then all of
a sudden something happens and the
women quit wearing corsets any more.
Kerflunk goes my business.”
"Do you think that some vicious
influence or intrenched greed came
along and got the women to quit
wearing corsets?” He was asked.
"I don't know what it was. but
they quit wearing them.”
"You ask me why I didn’t switch
over to making something else? Sup
posing you’d been making corsets all
your life and suddenly women quit
wearing ’em, do you think you could
readjust yourself at my age? That’s
the point I'm trying to make about life
as we had it under the old order.
“I’ve come to have a single track
mind. I can make Just as good corsets
as anybody, but I can’t make any
thing else. And then at my age, when
I'm sort of set in my ways, my life’s
work goes kerfluey. Now what’s your
Government for if it isn’t to do
something about a fellow like me?
“Old man, I don’t see why you
could not have observed this social
trend on its way and been prepared
for it," said the anti-New Dealer.
"Observe it, my eye,” he fairly
screamed. "When I first heard the
women were going to discard corsets
I said ’that's a lot of nonsense,. I was
wrong just like you’ve been wrong
many a time, but am I to have the
life crushed out of me because I was
wrong once. No siree.
“Why did the women have to quit
wearing corsets? I’ll tell you why—
it’s one word—progress. And the
trouble with this country is that
our Government has never kept
abreast of progress. You’ve got to
have a Government that recognizes
progress and readjusts political science
to meet it. That's what Franklin
Delano Roosevelt has done!”
"I think I understand you now,”
replied the anti-New Dealer. "You
want a constitutional amendment re
quiring the women to still wear
corsets.”
DRYS NAME ATTORNEY
FOR VICE PRESIDENCY
By the Associated Press.
CHICAGO, June 27—Claude A.
Watson. Los Angeles attorney, , was
announced yesterday as the vice pres
idential candidate of the Prohibition
party
Watson replaces Alvin Yoflc, war
hero, who declined the nomination
proffered him by. the party’s national
convention, which met in Niagara
Falls, N. Y„ on May 7.
Edward B. Blake, national chair
man of the party, who announced
Watson’s selection by the Executive
Committee, said York explained he
was a Democrat and would not op
pose that part#
*
Emergency’s
End to Wait
on Utopia
Retreat in Paternalism
Apparently as Far
Off as Goals.
BY DOROTHY THOMPSON.
Philadelphia, June 27.—The
Democratic convention has
unanimously ratified, in 1936.
a coup de’etat which occurred
in 1933. In that year, Mr. Roosevelt,
laced by a national emergency in the
economic field, threw away the plat
form upon which he had been elected,
and In collaboration with personal
advisers of his
own choosing, be
gan to work out
another program,
testing it by the
procesh of trial
and error.
Tentative, a s
he declared it to
be, its effect was
vastly to extend,
under personal
leadership, the
powers of the
executive branch
of the Govern
ment and the _ __
function of Gov- D,rethT
ernment in the social and economic
field. The Chief Executive bcame the
leader and formulator of policy; the
costs of Government became greater
than ever in the peace time history
of this or any other nation, and the
number of officials increased prodi
giously, both by the creation of new
departments and by the increase in
the activities of old ones. Some de
partments more than doubled the
number of their employes.
Original Reason Given.
The first explanation and defense
of this policy was that it was necessary
to end the deflation and get money
into circulation again, by any means
possible. Normal purchasing power
having failed as the result of a world
wide economic crisis, it was important,
so it was argued, to create it artificial
ly. It was the function of Govern
ment, when private credit was frozen
by panic, to unlock the gates by the
generous extension of Government
credit. When the emergency had
passed, Government would retreat and
retire from much of the field that
it was occupying.
If the Government’s own figures
are correct, the figures upon which
they base their claim to a return of
economic recovery and prosperity,
then the economic crisis is practically
over. We appisoach normalcy. But
the new platform, while boasting this,
admits no Intention of retiring any
where. On the contrary, new frontiers
are envisaged.
No longer are we to work under the
President’s leadership for National in
dustry recovery or emergency relief.
We are to contemplate a permanent
j emergency, which will only be solved
; when every American has won, through
the instrumentality of Government,
a comfortable and sanitary home, a
well paid job, the certainty of pro
tection in every crisis of his existence;
a perpetual mitigation of his debts;
economic security from the cradle to
the grave.
Utopia Is Sworn.
This Utopia is to be achieved, if
possible, by individual effort, by the
equalizing of opportunity. But if the
individual falls to seize the oppor
tunity, then the State will protect him
against want. To this end we shall
manage the currency and extend Fed
eral powers, inside the Constitution,
if possible, and by changing the Con
stitution if necessary.
It is interesting that Mr. Roose
velt’s platform does not advocate a
constitutional amendment, but sticks
to the theory that the Constitution
has been, in the last three years, mis
interpreted. Since the prevailing in
terpretations plainly make any po
litical program as this one impossible
of realization, one can only surmise
that the administration is counting on
a number of deaths, or some miracu
lous conversions.
The thesis of the platform is that
it contains a series of self-evident
truths, but are they self-evident? Is
it not necessary to stop, think, in
deed to ponder very carefully indeed,
whether they are self-evident? For
if they are self-evident, Americans
have been blind for 150 years. Is it
self-evident that it is the business of
all society, working through Govern
ment, to maintain the fertility of
every individual farmer’s soil by Gov
ernment subsidy? Is 1s self-evident
that it is the business of all society,
working through Government, \o see
that every man has a job: (hat if he
falls to find it in private employment
Government will see that he gets one
at prevailing rates pf wages?
The Past an Illusion.
Is it self-evident that It Ijb the
business of all society, working
through Government, to see that every
man and woman lives in a house
which is "adequate?” Is it self-evident,
that everybody is entitled to universal
security which shall constanly be kept
in step with increasing productive
capacity? And is it self-evident, as
this platform seems to imply, that all
of these things would have been ac
complished long ago if it had not
been for the “concealed faclsm" of a
i few “malefactors of great wealth?”
Above all, Is It self-evident that
this Utopia can be achieved with rep
resentative Government, with votes
in the hands of the beneficiaries, and
with ownership. remaining in the
hands of the people who have ac
quired it, by fair means or foul? If
that is self-evident then a great
light has dawned upon the world.
Then the dreams of wishful thinkers
have become the new reality. Then
the class struggle is an lliusicrv the
Oxford group has conquered and God
is not only in His Heaven, but Jn the
White House.
(Copyright. 1»3«.»
Pigeon Breadline
on Fifth Avenue Is
Barred by Court
ay the Associated1 Press
NEW YORK. June 27.—A
breadline for pigeons in the heart
of the Fifth avenue shopping dis
trict was doomed today by a court
order.
Magistrate Earl A. Smith had
Cleo Long, who fed the hungry
birds three meals a day, sign a
promise yesterday that she would
discontinue the project.
Denna Denny, a neighbor of the
defendant, made the complaint—
her apartment has a balcony.
Roosevelt-ism
Stands Alone,
Wings Gone
South May Depart
From New Dealism
as Old Tie Is Cut.
BY MARK SULLIVAN.
Philadelphia, June 27.—As
the convention ends, Mr.
Roosevelt, making his battle
cry to his army tonight, finds
himself with little more than a cen
ter—a large center, but only a center.
His right wing is largely gone, with
ex-Gov. Smith and other leaders and
factors. His left wing is in process of
leaving him to become the Lemke
Coughlin third party.
The defection led by A1 Smith, or
symbolized by him, is serious. To
think of it as
merely the per
sonal following of
ex-Gov. Smith
would be quite
misleading. That
following is large,
but it is only a
fraction of the
defection from
President Roose
velt’s right.
To the group
o f Democratic
voters symbolized
by A1 Smith must
added wmwmmrn
group symbolized
by Lewis Douglas, for example. Doug
las has not spoken, but it is likely he
will. Indeed, we are going to see, be
ginning soon, an insurgent procession,
a series of announcements like that
put out last Suday by Smith and his
associates. Prominent Democrat after
prominent Democrat will publicly de
clare that the New Deal is not the
Democratic party and that they can
not vote for Mr. Roosevelt.
cuicin iicauucm ruirvosi.
To the public declarations will be
added significant silences. It was ob
served that of three living former
Democratic presidential nominees—
Smith, John W. Davis and James M.
Cox—none was at this convention.
Cox may remain with the party, for
the party tie is strong with him. But
if John W. Davis remains at all he
will remain as Gov. Hill of New York
did when William Jennings Bryan
seized the party, "a Democrat still—
but very still."
To defections of this type must be
added another group. They are the
following which supported CoL Henry
Breckenridge when in a few States
during May he ran against Mr. Roose
velt for the Democratic presidential
nomination. Breckenridge ran solely
to give dissenting Democrats a chance
to express themselves. In Maryland
he got the votes of about one Demo
crat out of six. In New Jersey he got
enough votes to overcome the major
ity by which Mr. Roosevelt carried
that State in 1932.
Whole Communities to Swing.
The sum of the right wing defection
from Mr. Roosevelt is very large. It
includes almost the whole of those in
the Northern States who have been
regarded as the conservative Demo
crats. It includes an overwhelming
proportion of Democrats in business
and the professions, and the life in
surance policyholders and the small
property owners. There are communi
ties in which practically everybody
who has been known as a Democrat
will this year turn away from the
presidential candidate of the Demo
cratic party. In such communities
there are lifelong Democrats who
say they do not know one acquaint
ance who this year will vote the Dem
ocratic ticket.
This whole right wing is gone from
Mr. Roosevelt and can not be got back.
Nothing Mr. Roosevelt could now do
would win them to him. Moreover,
there is nothing In the Republican
platform or candidate that repels
them. The destination of the right
wing of the Democratic Party is set.
They will not form a third party—at
least there is no present sign or in
tention of that. They will vote the
Republican ticket or they will not
vote at all. And as this campaign
heats up, they will wish to make their
defection count double, by going *he
whole way and voting the Republican
ticket.
_II_ ._T- _ ! 1
VVUgUilU VIWMM vo a
Turn now to Mr. Roosevelt’* left
wing. AH the extreme part of It turns
to follow the Lemke-Coughlin third
party. Mr. Roosevelt tried hard to
hold Father Coughlin to him. He sent
for him, he had him to the White
House and to Hyde Park, he sent con
fidential messengers to him secretly,
he tried to placate him, he endured
personal humiliation from him. Mr.
Roosevelt should have known' that
Father Coughlin, by temperament
even more than by any economic the
ory or political conviction he may
hold, would not co-operate with him.
Of the votes that Lemke and Father
Coughlin will get for their third party,
practically every one will be sub
tracted from Mr. Roosevelt. If this
Judgment Is erroneous, I should like
to be informed by persons who may
have Information to the contrary with
respect to some portions of the coun
try. I state the judgment carefully:
Is there any supporter of the Lemke
Coughlin party who. If that party did
not exist, would have voted the Re
publican ticket? The Lemke-Cough
lin party is for radicals and all such
radicals, if the Lemke-Coughlin party
did not exist, would have been for Mr.
Roosevelt.
(What I say on this point Is con
fined to the Lemke-Coughlin follow
ers only. It does not apply to the
Townsendites. If Townsend either
joins the Lemke-Coughlin movement,
or has a party of his own, the voters
who support him will come in part
from persons ordinarily Republican.)
"Hog’s Eyes Are Set."
Here is Mr. Roosevelt’s left wing
gone from him as respects the extreme
tA»Uon of it. Here is his right wing
gone completely. These are things
done. As the French say, it is "fait
accompli;” or, in a Southern political
phrase for rigor mortis, "The hog’s
eyes are set.”
There is the possibility, at least, of
yet another defection. It is difficult
to see how the South can be fully
loyal to Mr. Roosevelt. After what
has emerged at this convention, there
Is, almost literally, nothing left of the
reasons which for 7<f years have
caused the South to cling constantly
to the Democratic Party. It is diffi
cult to see how Southern leaders of
thought can support the Democratic
party as it now is.
In fact, even before the develop
ments at this convention, Southern
editors, lawyers, judge* and others
who furnish leadership were dismayed
at what President Roosevelt and his
Congress had done. They would say
so privately. Many are likely now
to say so publicly.
If there should be any large South
ern defection, it would take a form
*
i
of its own. It would hesitate to
Identify itself with the defection of
former Gov. Smith and the Northern
conservatives. A Southern defection
would not in most cases want to vote
the Republican ticket. For the new
development in the Democratic party
which repels Southerners is the same
thing that has long been associated
with the Republican party and has
been the reason the South could not
vote Republican.
A Southern defection, if there is
one, should logically take the form
of a third party calling itself some
thing like "Constitutional Demo
cratic." Whether such a development
is to come is not yet apparent. But
all consideration of a Southern de
fection may be omitted, as merely
a logical possibility.
The defection of the right wing—
symbolized by Smith, former Senator
Reed, Douglas, Bfeckenridge and
others—is a settled fact. The defection
on the left wing under Lemke and
Father Coughlin is a settled fact.
The two defections leave Mr. Roose
velt with only his center.
It is a formidable center, for it
includes the largest number of office
holders either party has ever had.
It Includes many, especially women
and young folks, who are still under
the spell of Mr. Roosevelt's personality
and voice. It includes those who are
still allured by humanitarian phrases
such as “the more abundant life,”
and do not see economic reality. It
includes the beneficiaries of billions
and billions of relief money (though
not all these will vote for Mr. Roose
velt.
Mr. Roosevelt's center, remaining to
him, includes those and more. But
the practically complete departure of
his right and left wings makes the
coming election not merely a doubtful
one, but one hard for Mr, Roosevelt
to win.
ICMTTlgbt, 1#»BJ
r
The Gargantuan Claque
Convention Demonstrations Rise to Crescendo of
Unadulterated Bunkum.
■T WILLIAM ALLEN WHITE.
PHILADELPHIA, June 37 (NAJfA).—Pranklin D. Rooeevelt’s nom
ination came last night at the close of the tenth session, after four
tedious days of sagging suspense, a most undramatic, unshowman
like performance.
The last five hours of the spectacle were marked by a madness, all set,
» staged and expected, which has become, after SO years, highly convention
alized In the procedure of presidential nominations. The utter unreality of
this gargantuan claque, which comes
Into every convention, and is as bad
in the Republican conventions as In
the Democratic conventions, can be
expected to deceive no one. It is
archaic symbolism—pure bunkum.
Once. 56 yean ago. in the Repub
lican convention, after a tremendous
battle which defeated Orant for a
third term, this rollackoboo was gen
uine. It has been less and less spon
taneous, more and more phoney
every year. During the last 20 years It has meant nothing. II is "mere
sound and fury.” It was quite as bad in Cleveland ea/ly in June as it
was yesterday in Philadelphia. It has degenerated into a nerve-racking,
time-wasting period of mechanical caterwauling, punctuated with screech
ing women making seconding speeches and with yawping men splitting
their vocal cords to the shame of the human animal, all sifting through
the microphone and so across this land of the free.
Last night the thing was turned on again—the same dis
gusting, more or less animal exhibition of grown men playing the
drivelling idiot. How much more impressive it would have been
if, after the nomination of Mr. Roosevelt, the chair, wtth some
dramatic sense of the great hour, had asked for a five-minute
silence, devoted to hope, aspiration and profound good will for
the President’s cause. What a dramatic exit out of the conten
tion into the realities of the campaign that would have been.'
* * * *
Today, wise men are studying the platform. They say it is bomb proof.
Republicans have no fault to And with any detail. Democrats can only say
of it that it is better than the Repubhcan platform.
In parallel columns, the separate planks of the new plat'orm show
little fundamental difference between the* parties. which was what the
Democrats apparently are driving at. They turned definitely to the Fed
eral Government for all their reforms, whereas the Republicans have
tended to put the administration of their reforms tn the hands of the
States, the counties, the cities. That difference marks the difference in
most of the details. ■ -
.»ui, Tauten as • wnoie, tne Democratic ptatiorm turns up curiously
to more than all Its parts—more danger! The Impar.'. of a little more
radicalism In each plank amounts to much more definite radicalism In
the whole platform. This also w»s not an accidental consummation.
Stated in comparative terms, one may say that the total Impression
of the two platforms is something like this: The Republican platform
strikes one as a picture of conservatism being pulled forward by a liberal
leash; the Democratic platform looks as though liberalism was being
dragged forward by radicalism. In each case, in one with liberalism
pulling forward, and in the other with liberalism pulling oack. here, upon
the whole. Is the real debating ground for the campaign. It Is a fair
ground, certainly an honestly debatable ground.
A typical case of the attitude of the two parties is found in
the treatment of the two woman's organisations by the two plat
forms. The Republican platform definitely lines up with the
League of Women Voters, who demand special privileges of
wages and hours for women. The Democratic platform tries
to hold both sides by declaring for "equal economic opportunity
for all.”
This, jibes Betty Graham Swing, congressional secretary of the Na
tional Women’s Party, ’’is just a hat-tipping platform. We are pleased
. . . that the Democratic platform is no worse than it is in the treat
ment of women.” And the League of Women Voters is not much more
enthusiastic than the National Woman's Party.
In the matter of labor, John Lewis, the miners’ leader, stands victor
in the contest for a labor plank In the Democratic Party. President
Green of the A. F. of L. takes second place.
* * * a
The Democrats promise, by State and Federal action, "to regulate
commerce, protect public health and safety, and safeguard economic
security.” Hi us catching them going and coming. If the State net has
too open a mesh, the Federal net will catch the fish This is probably
the best example of the fundamentally different approach to the prob
lems of the changing world which the two parties present.
The Republicans promise to restore to the States the principles
which have been taken from them by the interpretation of the four
teenth amendment, would make haste slowly, using, if necessary, a
constitutional amendment absolutely to guarantee to the States their
rights of experiment—the use of the laboratory method. That method
is slow, but, in the end. the Republicans believe It is reasonably sure.
The Democrats, however, propose to regulate commerce, public health,
labor, wages and other things that may need regulating by putting the
clamps on first by the States and then by Federal regulation. There Is
the meat of the whole matter. The promise of the Democratic party to
try Federal regulation, which will overshadow and render State regu
lation unnecessary, makes the radical tinge of the Democratic party obvious.
That Is why John Lewis, a labor leader more radical than William
Green, is taking ascendancy in labor circles today. If he is supported
by President Roosevelt, whom Lewis has unqualifiedly Indorsed, Lewis
can rise not only as a labor leader, but as a potential political leader.
In this day, when, curiously, political bosses even In the great cities,
are playing second fiddle, leaders with economic plans and panaceas are
moving into first rank. Twenty-five years ago we had Democrats like
Boss Murphy of New York, Roger Sullivan of Chicago, Tom Taggart of
Indiana—purely political bosses, strong in the party councils. Today we
have William Green, Father Coughlin, John Lewis—who assume purely
economic leadership. It is a strange turn—change without much prog
ress. Gov. George Earle and Senator Bennett Clark, the young princes
of the House of Roosevelt, In four years haay find themselves In the
donjon while John Lewis, politically the morganatic heir of the house,
wields the scepter.
(Coprrlcbt 1936. br the North American Newspaper Alliance. Inc.)
Wild Ovation Bids for Gov
ernor’s Support in New
York Race.
8) the Associated Press.
PHILADELPHIA. June 27.—A thun
dering ovation at the Democratic Con
vention put squarely up to Oov. Her
bert H. Lehman today the question of
whether he would run again next Fall
and help President Roosevelt carry
New York.
As if set off by a spring, hundreds
of delegates bounded into the aisles
shortly before midnight as Lehman
arose to second the nomination of
President Roosevelt. A parade started
around the convention hall, bands
blared and a solid wall of placards,
mounted on poles, were lifted into the
air proclaiming:
"Lehman must run," "Lehman never
failed.” “A great Governor," and "Leh
man by a million.’
The ovation was set oft by the New
York Young Democratic Club which
had arranged it to persuade Lehman
to reverse his decision not to seek re
election this Fall.
Seventeen-Minute Demonstration.
For 17 minutes the demonstration
continued, with many delegations from
other States joining in the “draft Leh
man” movement.
But the ovation brought no imme
diate response from the Governor. He
stood quietly and began speaking even
before the marching delegates had
taken their seats.
His speech did not mention A1 Smith,
whom the Governor had criticised
earlier in the week for inviting repudi
ation of President Roosevelt.
Re-election of Roosevelt was de
clared by Lehman to be essential to
completion of the “social betterment"
program undertaken by the New Deal.
A Republican victory, he declared,
would mean scrapping of much that
has been set up.
Cites Progress Made.
“No matter what standards are ap
plied to the past three years." Lehman
said, “nobody can deny that we have
made much progress. We have set
the foundations upon which men and
women, especially our young people,
can build for greater economic se
curity.”
Turning momentarily to a problem
in his home State, Lehman said he
had never been “more deeply disap
pointed or grieved than when the New
York minimum wage act was declared
unconstitutional by the Supreme Court
by a divided vote of five to four.”
Unless a reversal.ls granted on the
appeal for rehearing, he said, “it is
my firm belief and earnest hope that,
through orderly constitutional amend
ment, the States and the Federal Gov
ernment will be given ample powers to
assure working women and minors ae
cent wages and hours and to establish
a broad program of social security.
He said "public-spirited Republic
ans" would continue to support meas
ures for the underprvtleged, but he
charged there was a “determined ef
fort” on the part of the Republican
political leadership to "sabotage’
State and Federal labor and social
legislation.
Saldiers Hii#-8gmove Caps.
Germany has ruled tlftt every Ger
man soldier entering a rt»m must re
move his cap with the left hand and
give the "Hitler salute" wltftjfte right.
Roar Machine
Seeks Quiet
Decibels Float About
at Dime a Dozen as
Gadget Gets K. O.
BY JOHN LARDNER
HILADELPHIA. June J7 iN.A.
N.A.).—The Democrats per
formed a highly useful bit of
public service by busting the
roar machine, or yell-meter, wide open
In their official demonstration for
President Roosevelt. After hitting
100 decibels six times, the noise yard
stick failed to answer the bell for the
seventh round and was counted out
in its comer.
If you ask me, this roar machine
was a very sinister device, somethin?
on the order of Frankenstein's man
Friday. Its builders little recked
when they built It that the word
‘•no." for Instance, would record
louder and better than such pleasant
words as “yes" and ‘ aye."
This fact created no little embar
rassment when a floor vote was taken
on the two-thirds nominating rule.
Up to that time the machine, better
known as Kid Frankenstein, had been
rendering service with a smile and
making Itself gentrally useful. 1 hen
It up and stabbed Its benefactors in
the back.
Nay* Hit !• \bott.
The chairman said: “AH lr.
favor-and most of the delegates
said: “Aye!,” and Kid Frankenstein
rolled up a cozy little score of 50-odd
declines. But when the chairman
said: “Opposed-,’ the kid shot up
to 70, cerating no end of annoyance
and confusion.
Tsk! tsk!” said Senator Joe Robin
son. “That machine must be on the
blink, or else somebody has perpe
trated a pice of treachery of the deep
est dye.”
Experts were called in to explain
the phenomenon, while the delegates
muttered sullenly to themselves and
Kid Frankenstein sat back in his
comer with a nasty sneer on his lip:
The experts went into a huddle. They
found a solution.
“Excuse it, please. Senator." the’
said. "This is a well-meaning ma
chine, brimming over with the milk
of human kindness, but the word ’No
happens to be louder and deeper than
the word. “Aye.” and there Is nothing
we can do about it.”
This pacified Senator Robinson, bu*
the delegates did not forget their be
trayal. They came back to the next
session—the nominating session—
with a spirit of vengeance that bod ci
no good to Kid Frankenstein.
Knockout for Kid.
As soon as Judge Jonn E. Meek
mentioned the name of Franklin Ij
Roosevelt, the delegates began to yell.
They showered Kid Frankenstein with
uppercuts which drove his chin back
and ran the meter up to 100 decibel:
six times in quick succession. The
Kid stalled for time, but he was out
on his feet. Presently the towel came
flying in from his corner. Kid Frank
enstein was through. The delegates,
fresh as daisies, celebrated their tri
umph with 68 minutes of unmeasured
shouting and yelling. Vibrations sailed
through the air unmarked and un
noted. Decibels were a dime a dozen
The box score shows that the Demo
crats out-yelled the Republican dele
gates both quantitatively and quali
tatively. Unfortunately, Kid Frank
enstein, the official scorer, was In no
position to supply a complete line of
statistics at the end of the game.
Good Private Gadget.
I do not think it is the part of wis
dom to bring Kid Frankenstein hack
to life, except as a purely private com
mercial device. A roar machine would
be a handy office gadget for such
grave and sincere students of the
science of yelling as Jimmy Johnston
and Joe Jacobs. I can see Jimmy now.
keeping his eye on the machine as he
strives to better his own record for
yelling on a dry track, with clean
acoustics.
But the Roar machine lias no place
In public life. Too treacherous.
With the Democratic convention
over, to all intents and purposes, the
boys are planning to kill the bottle
with a monster ovation for the Presi
dent at Franklin Field, the scene of
many an Army-Navy game. The rally
is being organized by big James
Farley, and it presents many points
of interest to the connoisseur of tickets
and seating capacities.
Plastering Tickets About.
You see, big James is papering, his
house in such a wholehearted way that
there are 200,000 tickets of admission
and only 97,000 seat*, at the mc*t
If all the ticket-holders accept Jim's
invitation to be present, the result
will make the black hole of Calcutta
look like an open prairie on Sundav
morning.
But Jim is taking no chances an a
slim house. He wants a rally that is
a rally, if he has to split the walls
of Franklin Field and stretch the
goal posts from Maine to Florida In
the process. Nobody knows just what
the President will say about his
second nomination, but I have a
secret and exolusive hunch that he’ll
accept it.
Wait and see.
(Copyright, 1038.1
DELEGATES PROTEST
COLORED SPEAKERS
Carolina Group’s Resolution Ob
jects to Members of Race
on Program.
By the Associated Press.
PHILADELPHIA. June 26.—A reso
lution protesting against the presence
of colored persons on the program of
hie Democratic National Convention
was adopted unanimously today by the
South Carolina delegation.
Adoption of the resolution, later pre
sented to the National Executive Com
mittee. came as an aftermath to a sec
ond ’’walkout” by Senator E. D. Smith,
» delegate at large, when Representa
tive Arthur Mitchell of Chicago, only
colored member of Congress, addressed
the convention last night.
Smith’s first walkout was staged
when a colored minister offered invo
cation at Wednesday morning's ses
sion.
The resolution also asked the Na
tional Committee to notify the South
Carolina delegation of any further
presence of colored persons on the
program.
Dairen Japanese Gain Health.
DAIREN Manchoukuo (>P).—Jap
anese school children living in this
section of the Asiatic mainland are
less subject to tuberculosis than are
those in Japan proper, according to
extensive tuberculin teete, which have
|uet been completed.
»