Evening star. [volume], July 20, 1936, Page A-9, Image 9

About Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972

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Encyclicals Are
Defense of
Coughlin
Radio Priest’s Bishop
Revives Interest in Papal
Declarations.
»r DAVID LAWRENCE.
HAT Bishop Gallagher erf
Detroit said about Father
Coughlin's speeches has a
national importance be
cause it will explain to many people
why the eminent radio priest feels
justified in carrying on a public cam
paign for what he believes are sound
principles of gov
ernment.
Bishop Gallag
her, to be sure,
did not condone
Father Coughlin's
intemperate
language In ref
erence to Presi
dent Roosevelt,
but the bishop
made it clear that
so far as ae could
■ee, the general
speeches cf Fath
er Coughlin were
in line with the _ _ .
teachings of Pope Uwrene*
Pius XI and Pope Leo XIII.
This word, given to reporters as
Bishop Gallagher left for Rome over
the week end, will revive Interest in
the famous encyclical letter of Pope
Pius XI, in which he brought up to
date in 1935 the teachings of his pre
decessor, Pope Leo XIII, first issued
in 1891.
That document is far from conser
vative in its tone and far from a com
mitment for any particular form of
economic society. It expresses a good
deal of sympathy with the efforts to
attain social justice and examines va
rious plans with a critical eye. Thus
ruthless competition or the law of
the survival of the flittest is con
demned because it too often is carried
on without dictate of conscience by
the so-called individualistic school.
Class Conflict Denounced.
The declaration, however, shows the
•fallacies of both communism and so
cialism and endeavors to show how'
they are both antagonistic to true
Christianity. Most interesting is the
denunciation of class warfare as in
the following passage:
“Now this is the primary duty of
the state and of all good citizens to
abolish conflict between classes with
divergent interests and thus foster end
promote harmony between the various
ianks of society."
The encyclical letter gives due rec
ajnitioii to the aspiral.ons of labor
and the right to form association* or
“vocational group*” as a “natural and
spontaneous development."
While the sentiment against ruth
less competition or, to use a phrase
embodied in American law for many
years—unfair competition—is recog
nized, the cure is not to be found,
according to the papal pronounce
ment, in any form of state monopoly.
Present-day Fascism, for instance, is
viewed with considerable doubt in this
comment:
“We feel bound to add that to our
knowledge there are some who fear
that the state is substituting itself in
the place of private initiative, instead
of limiting iself to necessary end suf
ficient help and assistance. It 1s feared
that the new syndical and corporative
institution possesses an excessively
bureaucratic and political character,
and that, notwithstanding the general
advantages, it risks serving particular
political aims rather than contribut
ing to the initiation of a better social
order.”
Socialism Views.
In paying its respects to socialism,
the famous encyclical letter rays:
“If, like all errors, Socialism con
tains a certain element of truth (and
this the sovereign pontiffs have never
denied), it is, nevertheless, founded
upon a doctrine of human society
peculiarly its own, which is opposed
to true Christianity. 'Religious So
cialism’ and ‘Christian Socialism’ are
expressions implying a contradiction
In terms. No one can be at the same
time a sincere Catholic and a true
Socialist.”
Th« question then arises to
extent the New Deal is a truly Social
istic experiment. In some parts of
the same encyclical letter will be found
a statement to the effect that "cer
tain forms of property must be re
served for the state, since they carry
with them an opportunity for dom
ination too great to be left to private
individuals without injury to the com
munity at large.” But further ex
ploration of the same document will
find that class warfare, which is so
fundamental in New Deal philosophy,
together with its emphasis of political
bureaucracy, is looked upon as funda
mentally wrong.
The essence of the papal declara
tion is that social justice and social
charity come from enlightened ad
ministration and nobility of indi
vidual purpose.
Bishop Gives Answer.
It would appear that Bishop Gal
lagher’s statement that a Catholic
priest has a duty as a citizen to ex
pound his views on current problems
is the answer that is given to those
who object to the prominent part in
present-day affairs taken by Father
Coughlin. Inasmuch as the radio
priest is directly responsible to Bishop
Gallagher in the Detroit Diocese, the
comment by the bishop may be said
to dispose of the matter of Father
Coughlin’s proper relationship to his
ehurch superiors.
Now It happens, of course, that
many members of the Catholic clergy
are emphatically In disagreement with
Father Coughlin, and wish he were
not making himself so conspicuous
In the political arena, but the clerical
custom is that as long as the bishop
of the local diocese approves, there
can be no censure.
It goes without saying that Father
Coughlin’s speeches will undergo se
vere scrutiny during the campaign,
but it also may be remarked that a
careful reading of the encyclical let
ter will disclose that the document is
broad enough to encompass the Na
tional Union for Social Justice. The
problem of whether it is wise to in
troduce in American politics an issue
involving the clergy Is entirely, of
course, one of opinion wholly discon
nected from the merits of Father
Coughlin’s preachings.
Inasmuch as Father Coughlin has
come out against the re-election of
President Roosevelt, it Is probable
that during the campaign he will un
fold his argument for believing that
the New Deal In various pieces of
legislation and acts has violated some
of the basic principles of social jus
tice.
(Coprrisbt, 1936)
Symptom of Disquiet
Hitler’* Delay in Answering Eden Seen as Sparring
for Time for Austrian Agreement.
Paul Motion's daily column, usually printed in this position, will
be discontinued for the next two weeks during Mr. Malian’s vacation.
BY A. O. GARDINER,
England's Oreatest Liberal Editor.
LONDON, July 20—When Anthony Eden, the foreign secretary, reply
ing to questions in the House of Commons, said that he proposed
to make no further inquiry in Berlin as to when the answer to the
British questionnaire of May 7 might be expected, he directed
attention to one of the most disquieting symptoms of the European situa
tion. The questionnaire related to the proposals of the German memoian
dum of March 31 and was intended as a
preliminary to clearing up certain aspects of
the proposals which remained in doubt.
Now that the Austro-Qerman agreement
has been announced, the reason for the
delay is apparent. Nevertheless, as the days
passed into weeks and the weeks into months
without a reply to this inquiry, the Impres
sion that a deliberate discourtesy was in
tended had, rightly or wrongly, become gen
eral in the public mind. Various unofficial
excuses were offered. The first was that
the reply was delayed until the French elec
tions were over. One of the latest, and the
least convincing, was that it would not be
made until the Olympic games are over.
Eden's remark in the House of
Commons leaves little doubt as to
the view of the government on the
subject. And the offensive behavior
of Herr Greiser at Geneva lends
color to that view. So, far from
disclaiming responsiomiy jar or
sympathy with that behavior, official Berlin has acclaimed it
and the controlled press of Germany has sainted Greiser almost
as if he were a hero from the battlefield.
* * * *
The effect of these incidents upon public opinion here is marked
and deplorable. It may be said with confidence that the resentments of
the war have long since vanished from the public mind of this country
and that there has been a very noticeable movement of feeling away
from Prance and toward Germany, or rather toward the policy, to which
Prime Minister Baldwin has so unfalteringly committed himself, of bring
ing about an accommodation between Prance and Germany with this
country in the role of honest broker.
There is little sympathy, of course, with the internal administration
of Germany. Britain does not love dictatorships and there is strong feeling
against the treatment of the Jews and the other oppressed classes in
Germany. But this has not diminished the wish for a political under
standing with that country, and the apparent desire shown by Hitler tip
to quite recent times to cultivate friendly relations with this country has
been one of the most encouraging features of an anxious situation. The
naval agreement between the two countries, which had such a disturbing
effect in Prance, was an indication of the improving temper of their rela
tions; so, too, were the negotiations on the subject of a western air pact,
a matter in regard to which the unanswered questionnaire largely related.
But an ominous change has come over the landscape, to
which the silence of Hitler on the subject of the questionnaire
and the Greiser incident have lent emphasis. The question is
being asked whether the overtures which Hitler made last year
to this country were anything more than maneuvers for time,
and whether the new attitude he appears to have adopted is
not an indication that his purpose is achieved and that Germany
can now afford to snub England and to extend her fingers at
the League.
* * * *
It is undeniable that, if this reading of his change of front is true.
there » mucn m tne events oi recent morins
to account for it, if not to justify it. The
Ethiopian fiasco h24 shattered the League
and lessened the fears he liad in regard
to that front. His conflict with Mussolini
on the subject of Austria has been dissipated
by events and there is abundant evidence
that the two dictators are much nearer to
gether than they have ever been. Prance
presents the spectacle of a country rent
with internal discords, and the "stay in”
strike, with its sensational results, has re
vealed an explosive condition in striking
contrast with the dragooned and disciplined
populace which Hitler rules with an iron
hand. And England, to the external view
at all events, seems much more concerned
with whether the Baldwin government is
going to survive and what government is
likely to succeed it than with the mighty
drama that is In the making across the
channel.
Aaou timer. zieir xiuicr cumiub lumpiam 11 iuo daiciivc
and the action of his emissary at Geneva are construed in the light o|
these facts and if his change of attitude is taken as an evidence that
his peace proposals have never been anything more than a move In the
game which he can now afTord to dispense with.
(Copyright. 1A3R )
LABOR HOUR REGULATION
HELD JOB FOR INDUSTRY
Dr. Claudius C. Murchiaon Speaks
to Conference of Southern
Industrial Executives.
By the Associated Press.
BLUE RIDGE. N. C., July 20.—Dr.
Claudius C. Murchison, head of the
Cotton TextUe Institute, Inc., said
■ here yesterday regulation of hours of
workers is a job for industry, rather
than the lawmakers.
Murchison spoke before the two
day conference of Southern industrial
executives, which ended tonight.
The speaker asserted regulation of
hours by the State Legislatures had
been abused lately, and added:
“It Is a good thing, however, and
we should continue it, but by indus
i try’s own efforts.”
"Today people are noticing,” he
continued, “that hour schedules have
been improved and shortened. This
is being noticed because industry has
made so much progress, not because
of State government regulations. They
have been forgotten long since they
were passed.’*
Takinr the
CIVIL SERVICE EXAM?
We Deliver at McKinley Hish
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For Reservation
Pats on Backs
Fail to Hold
Radicals
’’Liar” Shout Shows
Roosevelt Theory
Is Faulty.
BY MARK SULLIVAN.
EVERY ONE must have been
shocked when Father Cough
lin, at the Townsend conven
tion In Cleveland last week,
applied the epithet, "Har,” to the
President of the United States. The
whole scene was disturbing—a clergy
man literally throwing off his clerical
coat and rabat
and shouting
oppr obrium at
the living sym
bol of the Gov
ernment of the
United States.
Many, even those
who most disap
prove Mr. Roose
velt, must have
felt it would have
been a tonic to
the national mo
rale had some
one Instantly re
buked the .peak- • Mlrk SuIli„n.
er who shouted
''liar," “double-crosser” and betrayer”
at the man who, because of his of
fice, is the titular first citizen of the
country.
In the beginning Mr. Roosevelt took
Father Coughlin Into his confidence.
He encouraged the priest, deferred to
him, accepted support from him. At
the Democratic National Convention
of 1932, which nominated Mr. Roose
velt, Father Coughlin made a speech
from the stage, in which he spoke of
the then President, Mr. Hoover, In
a manner not at all so violent as his
recent reference to Mr. Roosevelt, yet
with a lack of respect that was dis
quieting enough. After Mr. Roose
velt became President he had Father
Coughlin at the White House and at
Hyde Park. He sent confidential
messengers to the priest secretly, ask
ing him not to oppose certain meas
ures.
The President's attitude toward
Father Coughlin was one of patting
him on the shoulder, implying, in ef
fect, “Don't be impatient, just wait
a while, give me a little time.”
Told Him What to Do.
Father Coughlin, after a visit to
the White House, said privately to
important persons in Washington
that—I quote from memory what de
pendable persons have reported the
priest as saying—“I visited Mr. Roose
velt, I accepted his cigarettes, but I
v alked up and down his carpet and
l pointed mr linger at him and I told
him what he must do." That, as
suming this incident happened In the
way It has been retold In Washington
gossip, was the time Mr. Roosevelt
ought to have remembered his per
sonal dignity and the dignity of the
office he holds. Had he rebuked
Father Coughlin then, he might have
averted the public insult that Father
Coughlin put upon him last week.
We could condone Mr. Roosevelt If
we could feel that his toleration of
Father Coughlin were like Lincoln’s
toleration of McClellan, of whom Lin
coln said he would endure any de
traction in the Interest of winning
the war. Possibly some may condone
Mr. Roosevelt upon a theory with
which some of his friends have all
along justified his relation, at various
times, to Father Coughlin, Huey Long,
Upton Sinclair and others violent or
radical. The theory is that Mr.
Roosevelt fraternizes with the rad
icals fn the Interest of preventing
them from going too far; that he
keeps elbow-touch with them, "klaces
them along," until the country shall
have recovered sufficiently to make
them less a danger.
' System Doesn’t Work.
One trouble with that theory k
that if It existed It has not worked—
Mr. Roosevelt has lost touch with the
more violent radicals. They are now
attacking him with the vehemence
illustrated by last week’s Incident.
The second defect in that theory Is
that it does not exist. Mr. Roosevelt
Is not a conservative, trying to pla
cate the radicals and hold them In
line for practicable compromise. The
evidence Is strong that Mr. Roosevelt
is himself far on the radical side. His
“punitive and terroristic attacks”—I
quote a phrase of Walter Llppmann
—on one class cf the community come
from a deeply held animus. His own
incitements to class anger differ from
those of Huey Long only as Harvard
words differ from those of the Louisi
ana cane brakes.
Of Mr. Roosevelt’s address to Con
gress January 7, this year. Ills own
former aide, Gen. Hugh Johnson, said
it “was a rabble-rouser. .. deliberate
appeal to passion ... the Joy of every
advocate of class hatred here and In
Russia ... it makes him chief of the
factions of discontent.”
As ‘ he who takes the sword shall
perish by the sword,” so will he who
hurls stones get back rocks. When
Father Coughlin said “liar,” that was
merely a more compactly eplthetlc
form of the same word which, as a
verb Instead of a noun, Mr. Roosevelt
himself used on May 14, 1935, when,
In an address to a delegation of A. A.
A. supporters, he declared from the
White House veranda;
“As you know, a great many of the
high and mighty—with special axes
to grind, have been deliberately tivirg
to mislead the people who know noth
ing of farming by misrepresenting—
no, why use a pussyfoot word—by
lying about the kind of farm program
which this Nation Is operating to
day.”
Boosts of Shifting.
It is a fact that Mr. Roosevelt,
through some twist of his tempera
ment or his thinking, rather fre
quently conveys impressions to vhich
his subsequent actions do not ten
form. That partly accounts for the
resentment felt by radicals who first
embrace Mr. Roosevelt and ‘ater cry
out bitterly agalr.it him. It accounts
also for dismay felt by some, who still
remain close to the President and
still work with him In spite of doubt
felt by them about what they de
scribe as Mr. Roosevelt's—this Is an
engaging euphemism—“lack of con
tinuity of Intention.”
That Mr. Roosevelt lacks continuity
of intention is not denied by himself;
on the contrary, he takes it to himself
as a virtue. His urbane description of
this trait is that he Is the quarterback
of a foot ball team who changes the
play from moment to moment; or. as
he said In his Baltimore speech, “Do
something, and when you nave done
that £oaieth.ns, if it woriu, do u
scme more; and If It does not wor^, do
something else.”
That strategy. In some circum
stances, may have value. But It some
times becomes “brutal opportunism.”
And we can hardly be surprised if
this trait leads some of the President’s
temporary allies to feel the alliance
was ended without due notice to the
second party thereof.
(Coprriebt, 1936.)
Han 84 Win* Bride.
A woman of 80 in Auckland, New
Zealand, advertised for a- “life mate”
and will marry a man of *4 who re
plied.
———^——————
Senatorial Battleground
Four Candidates Seek Democratic Nomination in
Wyoming—Farley’s Words Recalled.
BT B. E. EVANS,
Special Correspondent of The Star.
CASPER, Wyo., July 20.—Political speculation continues to dominate
Wyoming following the formal entrance of John D. Clark of
Cheyenne into the Democratic contest for the seat of United
States Senator Robert D. Carey, Republican. His declaration,
made in a well-publicized radio broadcast from Casper, confirmed pre
dictions of a live-way race for the Democratic nomination—a develop
ment viewed with mixed feelings by some party members, and with open
satisfaction by Republicans looking for signs of factional jealousies in
the enemy eamp.
One effect of the Clark announcement is the prospect that
the wider split in the party vote may encourage J. F. Kirkland of
Buffalo, a Townsend Club leader, to enter the derby. His appear
ance before a recent Townsend rally in Nebraska as a "candidate
for Senator in Wyoming" was taken to indicate that if he did
not file in the primary he would run as an independent later.
Otherwise Democratic groups are well represented by the five candi
dates. Dr. Clark, formerly an oil
executive, now professor of economy
at Nebraska University, and H. H.
Schwartz of Casper, Democratic na
tional committeeman who was de
feated by Carey two years ago,
enjoy the support of the more con
servative forces. Organisation aid
has been understood to be behind
Schwarts, together with prominent
labor support, while Clark on several
occasions has assailed the economic
policies of the Ntw Deal, especially in addresses before the live stock in
terests. The other three candidates—J. Kirk Baldwin, State treasurer;
Charles Trenary of Torrington, State Senator, and Antonio Radalj of Rock
Springs, United Mine Workers’ official—are openly bidding for the more
liberal vow.
* * * *
Thus Wyoming, despite its small presidential electoral vote, will be
one of the principal battlegrounds of the senatorial elections. The cost
of conducting a campaign here Is relatively small in comparison with
the more populous States, and major parties may be expected to capi
talize on the situation.
Senator Carey is one of the few surviving Republican Sen
ators of the West, and his party here is moving to meet the
challenge of James A. Farley, who declared on a visit to the
State last year, “We’ll get Carey next time"
Senator Carey has returned to his home ranch at Careyhurst for an
extended rest, and is understood to have no plans for an intensive
primary campaign. His friends profess no anxiety over the opposition
to his renomirtfction offered by A. F. BruDaker of Glenrock, a Townsend
indorsed candidate, or that presented by the younger E. L. Brubaker to
the nomination of State Senator
Frank A. Barrett of Lusk for Rep
resentative in Congress.
* * * *
Senator Carey called on Gov.
Landon in Estes Park before the
latter returned to Topeka, and
brought back reassuring opinions of
the presidential nominee’s attitude
toward Western problems and de
velopment, admittedly an important
issue of the national campaign in
Wyoming. Landon’i position will be acceptable to the people of this State,
the Senator said.
Otherwise the Senator’s only public pronouncements have
been directed to Washington in urging loans to stockmen in the
drought emergency, out of funds appropriated for the purpose,
to enable them to move their live stock to available feed. He
discounted shipping in feed, as too expensive. The new tax law.
he added in one statement, will impose an additional burden on
stockmen because their interests ere largely ivcorporaied tn
companies.
Paul B. G reaver, Democrat, Wyoming's lone Representative in Con
gress, ha* no opposition in tne primary, and will not have to conduct a
campaign, but he has launched a survey of water conservation needs
that will permit him to make contacts In all sections of the State.
The national campaign in Wyoming is marking time except for organi
zation activities devoted largely to elub work. Public demonstrations as
yet indicate no definite trend.
Rev. Mr. Smith
Versatile in
Politics.
Speaks Voice of the
Bayous When He
Isn’t Being Erudite.
BV LEMUEL F. PARTON.
PROMINENT clerics mixing in
potently in national politics is
a quite unusual phenomenon
in America—this with a hasty
qualification as to sumptuary legisla
tion. In this field they have been
active and powerful, from Henry
Ward Beecher on down. Including
Billy Sunday, Dr. Parkhurst and
Bishop Cannon.
The Rev. Gerald L. K. Smith and
Father Coughlin, stealing the show
from the Town
sendites at Cleve
land, are among
the few to sluice
evangelistic fer
vor into the field
of practical pol
itics or millennial
economics. The
late Father Yorke
of Ban Francisco,
ferocious battler
for labor when
the unions had
the town, 30 years
ago, Is a localized
instance, as were Mf>
the few small
time Methodist and Baptist parsons
of Kansas and Colorado who rolled up
apocalyptic thunders behind old
"Blood to the Bridle Reins” Waite,
Governor of Colorado in the Populist
days. Individuals and issues were
quite comparable to thoee of today.
But on a national scale, this is the
first transmutation of religious zeal
into the purely secular wallop, hay
maker or short-arm jab.
The big, handsome, bucko Mr.
Smith, red-blooded apostrophe of he
I man religion, is the arch type of cler
ical careerist whom, no doubt, Sin
clair Lewis would enjoy depicting. H*
says he has In hand Huey Long's
share-our-wealth clubs and. whether
he is in error or not, he Is the Voice
of the Bayous. He can talk swamp
talk, and does on occasion, and he
can deal quite elegant and erudite
discourse when he wants to, as he
frequently did as pastor of the most
! fashionable church of Shreveport.
Bilingual politicians frequently travel
far.
Stringing along with the Kingflsh,
he left his pastorate and Joined Sen
ator Long's organization as a poorly
! oa'd organizer, wearing an old brown
,-uit which the Senator had given him.
11 fitted him nicely—denoting here his
foot ball physique—as did the Sen
ator’s ideas. As to the long mantle,
some of the powerful New Orleans
politicians had other ideas, and Mr.
Smith began taking in more territory,
seeking a wider range for his talents.
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