THE EVENING STAR With Sunday Morning Edition. WASHINGTON, D.C. SATURDAY__..December 1*. 19S* THEODORE W. NOYES.Editor The Evening Star Newspaper Company. Uth St. and Pennsylvania Ave. New York Office: 1111 Bast 42jid ft Chicago Office: Lake Michigan Budding. Rate by Carrier Within the City. Regular Edition. The Evening Star--- -.45c ptr month Hi# Evening and Sunday Star xwhen 4 Sundays*-—80c per month The Evenin** and Sunday star ♦ when 5 Sundays)- 6oC per month Tb# Sunday Star---per copy Night Final Bditldn. Bight Final and Sunday Star_70c per month Right Final Star .. --—85c per month Collection made at the end of each month. Order* may be aent by mall or telephone Ra tional 5000. _ Rate by Mail—Payable in Advance. Maryland and Virginia. Daily and Sunday.__1 yr., $10.00; 1 mo., $5c pally only _1 yr.. $0 00: 1 mo.. 80c Sunday only_1 yr.. $4.00; 1 mo., 40c All Other Slates and Cnnadn. gaily nnd Sunday_1 yr.. $12.00; 1 mo.. $1.00 aily only._1 yr.. $8.00; 1 mo.. 75e Sunday only_1 yr.. $5.00; 1 mo., 50c Member of the Associated Pres*. The Associated Press la exclusively entitled to ♦he use for republication of all news dispatches credited to It or not otherwise credited in this paper and also the local news published herein. All rights of Publics non of special dispatches herein are also reserved. Valedictory. For stark dramatic poignancy the last message of former King Edward VIII to his people has not been surpassed in the history of tnodern times. It came Into uncounted millions of homes by grace of radio, and none of the multi tudes that heard it pronounced ever will forget the experience. There was a manly dignity in the abdi cated sovereign's valedictory; every syllable of it was measured and weighed; every word of it was spoken with deeply impressive earnestness and plainly patent sincerity. Introduced as a prince, the erstwhile monarch proved his right to the title both by what he said and the manner of his saying it. If he did not win sympathy from the majority of his listeners, no appellant could. The message Was not an apology nor •n excuse. It was simply an explana tion, "a few words of my own.” And it may be regarded as a constructive con tribution toward the imperative clearing of the atmosphere so sadly needed •broad as well as at home in England. Edward told why it had been ‘‘not Constitutionally possible for me to speak” earlier, how for a quarter of a century he had tried to serve his couptry and the empire and still sought what would "be best for all” concerned, why in “the most serious decision of. my life” he had chosen to resign his crown and his throne rather than vainly attempt to bear his burden without “the help •nd support of the woman I love,” and how “with all my heart” he pledged his allegiance to his brother, fortunate In his “long training,” “fine qualities” •nd the privilege of “a happy home with his wife and children”—a “blessing en joyed by so many of you, but not be stowed on me.” Yet the pathos of the occasion reached Its apex when Edward tried to thank “all classes of the people,” his mother, his ministers and Parliament. His voice faltered and broke when he mentioned the dowager Queen. But it was strong •nd courageous again w'hen he an nounced that “I now quit altogether public affairs and I lay down my bur den” and “it may be some time before I return to my native land.” The last words were instinct with patriotism, promising, as they did, “if at any time In the future I can be found of service to his majesty in a private station, I •hall not fail.” It w'ould be idle to attempt to deny that tpars dampened the pages as the concluding lines were read. A sensitive ear metaphorically could hear them fall. And with them the ultimate curtain of Edward’s regal career likewise came down. The tale is told, and not one single detail of It ever can be altered or changed. By a renunciation “mine • nd mine alone” the unhappy protagon ist has written finis to a romantic tragedy perhaps unparalleled In human annals. It is difficult not to be sentimental in a historic crisis. The words, “the woman I love,” frankly spoken, have upset gen erations of calculating court formality. The Aftermath. Time must elapse before full effects of Britain’s change of rulers will be manifest, but already it is clear what •ome of these will be. Purely symbolical as the crown Is, the disappearance of Edward VIII from the throne fore shadows certain consequences of moment both within the empire and in its ex ternal relations. The abdicated monarch Was represented as lukewarm toward the Anglo-French entente and as strongly preferring a rapprochement with Ger many. Both as Prince of Wales and as King he had made significant gestures In that direction. The Hitler-Ribbentrop program of "cultivating” the British was rooted to a considerable extent in the belief that Edward was strongly sym pathetic toward it. Berlin hopes of British friendship are pot likely to be strengthened by a couple of Ill-timed events in Germany while the constitutional crisis was at its tenith. The launching of a new battle ship at Kiel was utilised as the occasion for an old-fashioned naval saber-rattling fulmination about the Reich's “day of destiny.” At almost the same moment Reichsbank President Dr. Schacht was thundering that if Germany’s former colonies are not restored, the peace of Europe and of the rest of the world Will be endangered. Developments like these are not conducive to perpetuation of the Edwardian pro-German influence. With the single exception of the Irish Free State, the King’s abdication has produced no untoward repercussions on empire relations. A bill was introduced In the Dublin Parliament yesterday pro viding for abolition of the office of gov ernor general and of further use of any 'British King’s name in conducting Irish affairs. This action 1^ la pursuance of the long-projected purpose to divorce the Free State from even nominal union with Oreat Britain and veat all executive authority in the Dali Eireann and the cabinet. While the action now pro posed would still further delimit co operation of the two countries and vir tually obliterate the crown as a link between, them, there seems to be no immediate plan on the part of President De Valera’s government looking to declaration of the Free State as an Irish republic utterly devoid of British affilia tion or control. Within Britain itaelf the predominant political result of the week’s breath taking events is the fortifying of Primt Minister Baldwin’s position. For a long time, because of poor health and In cessant sniping by his enemies, his re tirement has been persistently fore shadowed. It had been generally as sumed that he would leave Downing Street not later than the date of Xing Edward's coronation in May. Mr. Bald win's triumphant riding of the consti tutional storm has immensely bulwarked his leadership. The chances now are that he will carry on as long as his physical well-being permits, because of the enhanced prestige and public esteem acquired through his victorious battle for the "integrity of the monarchy,” the sanctity of parliamentary government and the unity of the empire. Labor’s Program. William Green, president of the Ameri can Federation of Labor, has presented labor's program to the Council for In dustrial Progress. It looks first of all to careful planning to prevent un employment on a large scale, such as fol lowed on the heels of the crash in 1939. It looks further to a more equal dis tribution of the benefits of the new pros perity into which the Nation is now pushing rapidly. Mr. Green enumerates four principal recommendations. Involved in some of these recommendations may be a con stitutional amendment granting to the Federal Government and the States greater power to deal with working con ditions, with production, with hours of labor, minimum wages and child labor. Mr. Green, however, made no specific mention of such a constitutional amend ment. The first of Mr. Green's recommenda tions calls for setting up in the Federal Government a permanent advisory eco nomic council, with an equal number of representatives of labor, management and the public—the consuming public. The duties of the council would be purely ! advisory, but its recommendations are expected by Mr. Green to be translated into legislation by Congress. His second recommendation is the traditional de mand of organized labor that entire freedom be guaranteed for collective bargaining. This was written into the old N. R. A. act, although in terms that were sometimes confusing. It was later embodied in the Wagner labor relations act. What Mr. Green demands is that industrial workers be permitted freely to organize and then proceed to collective bargaining with the employers. The third recommendation is for spe cific protection to labor through legis lation designed to establish minimum wages for women and elimination of child labor, to establish also other mini mum standards essential to the welfare of the wage earners and the economic welfare of the Nation as a whole. Mr. Green's comment here is interesting. The legislation which he claims should be enacted to carry out this recommend ation should be "so formulated as to make possible the establishment of such standards not by legislative fiat but by collective bargaining procedure between representatives of labor, management and the public.” Apparently he does not propose that standards shall be hard and fast, established by law, but that labor be permitted to improve these standards whenever possible, through collective bargaining. Mr. Green‘a fourth proposal is for leg islation putting into effect a 30-hour work week of five days with six hours of labor each day. Here is the most con crete of all his proposals. It is some thing that Congress can sink its teeth in. It is something that has been pro posed in legislative form for several years. And it is something that is surely coming before Congress for considera tion at the coming session—if labor can have its way. Only by the adoption of such a pro gram, Mr. Green maintains, will it be possible to bring a “balanced recovery.” He is averse to a return to conditions such as existed in 1939 before the crash came. The prosperity of those days, he insists, was a false prosperity, built upon false values and false expectations;-a prosperity in which but few really shared. The program of labor will be strongly urged upon the Roosevelt administration and upon Congress, where it will receive and should receive exhaustive considera tion. Laws which deal with labor and employers should not be lightly written lest in the end labor find itself worse off than before, due to the operation of economic forces which cannot be con trolled by law. Chairman Grayson. Admiral Orayson's acceptance of the chairmanship ot the Inaugural Commit tee was made at a distinct personal sacri fice. for the position entails consider able and wearisome detail and his duties at the Red Cross demand much ot him. A part of the President’s insistence that his old friend take over the task was due, no doubt, to the President's confidence that whatever was done, under Admiral Orayson's direction, would be in keeping with the demands of good taste and dignity. • Speculation over the coming Inaugu ration has, as usual, presented the seem ing alternatives of a stupendous affair, rivaling the British coronation cere monies, or something so simple as to rob the inauguration*of much of its signifi cance. No President could appropriately choose, as his own wish, anything other than a "simple'^inauguration. No Preai dent, without a display of displeasing egotism, could come out as champion for a bigger and better inauguration. But there is a happy medium which Admiral Grayson may be counted upon to strike. The inaugural ceremony should be conducted with all the dignity be fitting the occasion. But it should ap propriately mark an occasion of great Importance to the American people. Ad mitting that a parade of Tammany and other large-waisted politicians in top hats is not conducive to high reverence for national institutions, it can be argued at the same time that an inaugural parade, and a colorful parade at that, is a part of the ceremony and should be held. The selection of the chairman will now permit plans for the Inauguration to go forward, and the personality of the chair man means that it will be a fitting and dignified ceremony. Kipling, in a favorite example of rough rhyming, says: "If you can keep your head when all about you are losing theirs and blaming it on you * * * you'll be a man, my son.” The words summarise the Ideas due in a great human crisis. Recent historic Incidents might as well be per mitted to pass without further poetry. Any one who doubts business activity has only to look at the base ball trading news. When its proper rating is recog nised In American affairs it becomes hard to understand how other nations have managed to muddle along through so many centuries without it. There are so many distinguished vis itors possible that the telephone com panies might confer a favor by per forating the pages of telephone direc tories so that they can be more conven iently torn up for use as confetti. One radio announcer advises you to get out of debt and stay out, while an other tells you how easily you may bor- ; row money in small sums. Each person must still consult his own intelligence for proper advice. Preliminary discussion is so pleasant that it requires patience to contemplate the number of snow balls that must melt before the first base ball is tossed into play. The musical saw has become so con spicuous in melody that in contracting for a Job of carpentering it may yet be necessary to consult the musicians' union. There is a cruel streak in humanity that finds an unconfessed fascination in the vivisection of human emotion. Shooting Stan. BY PHILANDER JOHNSON. Swift Game. Foot ball often brings us fear That disaster may be near; Folks contesting in the sky Make us tremble as they fly; Stock exchanges cause a frown As a price goes up or down; But for new and startling tricks. The roughest game is politics. Contract often leaves us broke. Poker may not be a joke. Yachtsmen brave the deep blue sea. Miners work with TNT. There are perils to be found Overhead and underground. But, no matter where you mix, The roughest game is politics. Differences of Opinion. “Opinions are likely to differ on pub lic questions." “That’s very true,” agreed Senator Sorghum, “and very fortunate. There have been several times in my career when the facts were distinctly unfa vorable to my prospects. An active and highly persuasive campaign to create a difference of opinion is all that saved me.” In a Position to Remember. “An elephant never forgets an injury." “He can afford not to. He's usually big enough to whip the creature that inflicted it.” Sad Sufficiency. I know they will investigate, Discovering much that’s new, And call the world to contemplate Things that are sad, yet true. As feelings get another twist By the disclosures rough, I murmnr sadly, “Please desist! I’ve really heard enough!" Jud Tunkins says he can see the ad vantage of not tryln’ to attract too much attention. The only rabbit he got was one who insisted on jumpin’ out and callin’ attention to hisaelf. Asking Too Much. “You ought to learn to sympathise with the interests of youth,” said the man to whom everything seems easy. “You mean I ought to get on closer terms with my boy Josh?” said Parmer Comtoseel. “Yes. Put yourself in his place.” “Can't always be done. When I see Josh in a foot ball game I’m ready to sympathise, but I’m blest if I’d think of puttin’ myself in his place” Bold But Impolite. Our novelists will not behave; And Qhe, who shall be nameless, Pretends that he is very brave When he Is only shameless. “Be liberal,” said Uncle Bben, “but don’t be to feared of hoardin’ money dat you rushes wlf yoh wages to de nearest Crap game.” Somnolent Salesmen. Prom the Seattle Star. The days when the traveling salesman fell asleep on the train and woke Up in the next town are definitely over. With world-circling air service imminent, the day is practically here when the sales man who falls asleep On the plane will wake uBs,on the next continent. ^ ' # National Amphitheater Idea For Jefferson Memorial To th* Editor of The Star: Nothing could be more appropriate and more constructive as a memorial to that great Virginia statesman, Thomas Jef ferson, than a great national amphi theater, dedicated to his memory and devoted to an exposition of arts, archi tecture, commerce, education, history, law, medicine, philosophy, religion and sociology. Leaders In all these sciences could well devote an evening a week to a lecture on one of the subjects mentioned, and the public might be invited to attend. A stiver collection might be taken to defray expenses, such as lighting facili ties and expenses Incurred In enrolling lecturers for the programs. What a splendid thing It would be if such a memorial as suggested here would some day become the gala scene of a world peace center, open to all people of all nations who are concerned with human progress along peaceful lines, Thomas Jefferson, I believe, would In dorse such a monument of good will. FREDERIC G. FROST. Higher Ability Needed for Protection of Car Riders To th« Iditor of The Star: It la regrettable that we have a Public Utilities Commission unsatisfactory to the people and too susceptible to repre sentations by traction magnates. Prob ably this is so because little attention seems to be given to basic principles and fundamental obligations. A steam railroad owns nearly all Us right-of-way, the property on which it operates Is mainly Its own. But a street railway uses the people’s highways; it could not operate without such use. It is important that such a commission as well as "the courts should adhere firmly to the salutary doctrine underlying the whole law of municipal corporations and the doctrine of the adjudged cases, that grants of special privilege affecting the general Interests are to be liberally con strued in the interest of the public, and that no public body, charged with public duties, be held upon mere implication or presumption to have divested Itself of Its powers." The quoted words are from the United States Supreme Court decision in the Knoxville Water Co. case (200 U. S.. 37). Congress has laid down with particu larity the requirements to be complied with by street railway corporations in the District. The commission, as well as the public. Is aware that these require ments too often are met in the breach rather than in the observance. The commission's duty to the public Is to block every effort to get more money from car riders until these fundamental obligations are fully met. The commission was furnished ample reasons why the weekly pass nsver should receive its approval. It was shown to be unfair discrimination against the poor man. It was a fantastic plan that has no rational relation to a commutation ticket. It worked as a game of chance, in which the pass buyer or the railway might come out either winner or loser when the week ended. Evidently the railway found It not profitable enough to continue as started. Two classes of riders were distinctly provided for by a pass for unlimited weekly street car use at $1 and a pass for unlimited weekly bus car use at $1.25. To approve now a pass at $1.25 is to dis criminate additionally against the ex clusive car user in favor of the bus car user. It retains for the bus car user unlimited weekly use that is taken away from the exclusive car user unless he pays 25 per cent above the old rate. It is, in effect, a continued favor to one class, but a 25 per cent increase against the other. The $1.26 pass also should be discontinued when the $1 pass no longer is sold. A public interest involved should prevent the commission from being the medium to get more money from the public for a transportation system by such methods. Where is the court basis for any In creased fare requests? The Capital Traction Co. has a valuation and ob tained a court order approving increased fares because the commission seemed unable to protect public rights. The Washington Railway It Electric Co. has no valuation, the bus lines had neither valuation nor charter from Congress to use the public streets. Hence the Capital Transit Co.