Evening star. [volume], February 12, 1937, Page A-10, Image 10

About Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972

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THE EVENING STAR
With Sunday Morning Edition.
WASHINGTON. D. C.
FRIDAY_February 12, 19S7
THEODORE W. NOYES.Editor
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The Strike Settlement.
For some time it has been apparent
that the chief obstacle to settlement of
the automobile strike was an agreement
that would reflect peace without victory.
Such an agreement, it is believed, has
at last been gained. Neither side has
been forced to lose face. The greatest
victory belongs to Gov. Murphy of Mich
igan, who has added enormously to his
prestige by his patient efforts at con
ciliation and his prevention of the vio
lence and bloodshed which less capable
handling of a delicate situation might
have precipitated.
The settlement has been achieved
through compromise on both sides. It is
useless to speculate on which side has
gained the most. The union has won
recognition where none formally existed
before. But it has receded from its
demand that it be recognized as a sole
bargaining unit of the automobile work
ers. The corporation has won its point
that it would recognize the union only on
the basis of its membership. But it re
ceded from its demand that it could
make no settlement of any kind until
the unlawful occupation of its property
by the sit-down strikers had been ended.
Such compromises are essential for the
Settlement of most strikes. The question
now is the wisdom of the most important
and far-reaching compromise of all—the
compromise with the laws of Michigan,
which permitted, in defiance of court
order, occupancy of the corporation
property by the sit-down strikers. As a
practical matter in dealing with an im
mediate emergency, this compromise
was probably necessary. Had the sit
down strikers been ousted by physical
enforcement of the court order the re
sults might easily have been widespread
disorder and violence. Furthermore, the
door would have been virtually closed to
any immediate peaceful settlement. For
this reason, temporizing with the law
Was expedient and in this case may have
been wise.
But temporizing with the law, com
promising with important principles, is
a dangerous process. Once under way,
It is hard to stop. If the sit-down strike
Is now recognized as having been the
effective weapon which brought about
the present settlement the use of that
same weapon in other cases is immedi
ately Invited. A dangerous precedent,
in other words, has been established.
The authorities who must deal with such
Situations from now on will recognize
that fact or pile up a great deal of
trouble for themselves and for the
country later on.
To avoid the sit-down strike there
tnust be mutual willingness to agree on
the nature of the compromise which is
the basis of this present settlement.
Employers must recognize the right of
collective bargaining. But employes
must recognize the right of the indi
vidual worker to choose, without coercion,
the unit which is to represent him in
collective bargaining. That is a far more
logical and equitable basis of collective
bargaining than the Wagner act's pro
vision that the majority shall constitute
the bargaining agency, thus forcing the
closed shop principle on a possibly un
willing minority of workers. General
Motors agreed, even before the strike was
settled, to deal with the union in so far
as its actual membership was concerned.
St agreed, moreover, to permit a secret
ballot under the auspices of a third party
to determine this membership. That is
the formula which suggests itself as the
reasonable alternative to such dangerous
manifestations of illegal force as the sit
down strike.
It may be that Trotzky is homesick
for Harlem, where he began his politico
literary career. He may now consider
himself lucky if he can get within broad
pasting distance of the dear old place.
To End a “’Racket.”
The Alcoholic Beverage Control Board’s
proposal of an amendment to the District
liquor act to prohibit the sale or assign
ment of beverage licenses is designed to
end the “racket” that is developing in
the sale of permits from one dealer to
■mother. The board finds that exorbi
tant prices have been charged for what
Is known In the business as a “transfer *
At the same time the board asks that
the Commissioners amend their regula
tions to place a limit of 300 on the num
ber of Class C licenses, for sale of liquor
of all kinds by the drink. A limit of 400
Is proposed for Class D licenses, for sale
Of beer and light wines by the drink.
The need for both changes is graphic
ally illustrated In the board’s statement
that while the number of Class C and D
permits outstanding during the past year
constituted 41 per cent of the total, 70
per cent of those convicted of violations
of the act or regulations were holders
Of Class C or D permits. '
The board believes a major reason for
this showing is that there are too many
such permits, particularly as to the beer
parlors. The resulting sharp competition
opens the door to violations as dealers
strive to make expenses and protlts.
Limitation of permits and abolition of
the privilege of transfer of permits should
go together. The Commissioners wisely
have placed a limit of 400 on the number
of Class A licenses, for the sale of bottled
beverages of all kinds. Certainly,# the
District has not suffered from an under
supply of such retailers. But so long as
the law allows transfers of permits the
limitation creates a high commercial
value for a permit. The board has been
informed that some dealers have asked
from $5,000 to $10,000 for sale of a
license.
There is no good reason why dealers
should be permitted to bargain over a
privilege that has been granted them to
engage in the liquor business. There is
no good reason why individuals should
be permitted to capitalize wise restric
tion on the number of places that
may be licensed. The ability of one
retailer to pay a higher price for a
transferred permit than his neighbor
should not be the test of whether he
may enter the liquor business.
Lincoln.
The annual commemoration of Abra
ham Lincoln brings him closer to the
masses to whom he belongs. Time serves
him in that way, makes him better un
derstood, more accurately evaluated and
more deeply loved. It happens that the
shifting kaleidoscope of his country’s
unceasing development advances his
figure ever forward; year by year his
character and personality appear in
truer focus; legends innumerable sur
round him, yet he is not obscured, he
does not fade—rather, he possesses a
growing immortality; he is an active part
of the Nation’s living spirit.
Nor is it difficult to explain his vitality.
The chronicle of his experience has the
appeal of dynamic tragedy. His career
bums with the elemental light which
humanity finds in that of the Man of
Sorrows. Those who knew him inti
mately and a thousand strangers who
saw him only in passing testify to the
infinite sadness of his eyes. His smile
was a solemn benediction, the blessing
of a martyr. He was born to suffer,
fated for agony—and his countenance
mirrored his destiny. But that is his
glory. No other American ever felt so
keenly the fundamental pathos of hu
man life. Sensitive in an inordinate
degree, he was schooled in pain to com
prehend the meaning of existence. So
he won his everlasting victory. The
definitive utterance of his second inaugu
ral—"with malice toward none; with
charity for all”—was his expression of it.
Divinity infused the words, and western
civilization attained its apex in their
utterance. They never will be sur
passed; at best, they may be equaled.
Pride, arrogance, ambition — such
blemishes are not to be discovered in
Lincoln’s soul. His heart was washed
clean by unshed tears. The Deity to
whom he carried the troubles and trials
of his people instructed him in sym
pathy until he forgot himself and be
came merely the servant of the race. It
was natural that he should pay the ulti
mate price with his blood. The same
exaction was demanded of the Maid who
saved France. It seems to be a law that
the species should immolate its noblest
heroes.
But • their triumph is not affected.
Lincoln survives because of his Geth
semane and his Golgotha. And a like
observation may be suggested with re
gard to the Nation and to the world at
large. Men taste defeat that they may
be qualified to wear laurels which can
not wither; they die that they may de
serve eternity.
The poet Young wrote: “At thirty man
suspects himself a fool; knows it at forty
and reforms his plan.” This decennial
program sometimes has to be resumed
at forty and carried right along through
fifty and upward.
The idea of retiring eminent men on
full pay surpasses any suggestion yet
made in the way of liberal disbursement
for Government pensions.
It is discouraging for a hotel to dis
cover, after a banquet to experts in crime
prevention, that some of the guests have
stolen sooons for souvenirs.
Russo-Finnish Entente.
Amid its preoccupation with affairs of
major magnitude, Europe this week took
note of an event on its far northern
sector which is fraught with no little
significance. The incident in question
is the visit to Moscow of Rudolf Holsti,
foreign minister of Finland, for con
ferences with the Soviet government.
Although announced in advance that
the object was the i^gotiatlon of com
mercial arrangements, the conversations
with Foreign Commissar Lltvinoff re
sulted in the signature of what is de
scribed as a “good neighbor agreement.”
Its purpose, though the terms have not
been disclosed, is undoubtedly far
reaching. It is destined to have a pro
found effect upon the whole situation
In Northwestern Europe and through
out the Baltic states in particular.
Germany has the most reason to view
the Russo-Finnish entente with concern.
It brings to a close a period of mutual
suspicions, which during the past three
or four years assumed an acrimonious
aspect. The Russians, who so long
held dominion over Finland and ruled
the country until establishment of the
republic during the World War, have
felt that the Finns latterly were more
than sympathetic with the program for
extension of Nazi sway over Baltic terri
tories. At one time the Soviet union
suspected that Finland's terrain was
being used for German air bases in con
templation of a future attack on Lenin
grad, which is a mere forty miles from
the Finnish frontier. Not long ago the
government at Helsinki (formerly Hel
singfors) took occasion to suppress vio
lent anti-Russian activities on the part
of Fascist elements within Finnish bor
ders. Moscow welcomed this action as
conclusive evidence that the Soviet's
A
sturdy little neighbor harbors no ulterior
designs, either of its own or in collusion
with Germany. The pact of friendship
and amity just sealed is final proof that
animosities and fears have disappeared.
During the struggle for Finland’s in
dependence and after the overthrow of
the Kerensky government, German
armies occupied Finland. Her people
have no hankering to let the Reich, under
its present militant leadership, again set
foot on their soil or anywhere near it
German ambitions to expand to the
northeast, at the expense of the Baltic
lands adjacent to both Russia and Fin
land, are notorious, as well as tradi
tional. The continuous Nazi agitation
over Memel and Lithuania, as well as
recurrent Fascist-Nazi maneuvers in
Poland, Danzig, Latvia and Estonia,
provide ample indication of Hitlerian
dreams in that strategic corner of Eu
rope, which is not only sedulously seeded
with Berlin-inspired propaganda, but
kept in intermittent unrest by political
action of supposedly local origin. Fin
nish military and nayal power is, of
course, relatively negligible, but the
U. S. S. R. is steadily elaborating its
own preparations, by land, sea and air,
to guard the whole Baltic region against
German aggression. The agreement
with Finland, savoring of a defensive
understanding, is designed to give pause
to Nazi hopes of unchallenged penetra
tion of the coveted area. The cause of
European peace is thereby distinctly
advantaged.
A custom may be Insisted on of re
producing In print everything that Is
put over the microphone, including first
performances of songs, some of which
sound as if they might stand a touch of
expurgation, should public opinion so
decide.
Business will go on regardless of po
litical and economic change, although the
same concerns may not continue to an
nounce the greatest profits. The natural
course of events may be depended on to
assert itself without theoretical super
vision.
Boy Scouts are expected to rejoice in
the privilege of living in tents in a land
scaped area. If they can get the habit,
the housing problem will be simplified for
a future generation.
A press conference is another of those
imposing assemblages of distinguished
citizens that decide nothing.
A paradoxical frame of mind may go
so far as to argue that the Constitution
itself is unconstitutional.
Shooting Stars.
BY PHILANDER JOHNSON.
Power and Titles.
We said a man by fortune blest
Was happy as a King.
A monarch often is depressed.
Who knows what time may bring?
A regal crown upon the brow
May find its glory done.
It is the bold Dictator now
Who seems to have the fun.
One simple title, after all,
Of power fears no loss—
That of the person who can call
Himself the Real Boss.
On Record.
“You may some time change your mind
about this important question,” warned
the cautious friend.
“Not if I can help it,” answered Sen
ator Sorghum. “Changing your mind
is an easy matter. But changing all
these speeches I have been making for
years would be an enormous under
taking.”
“A dragon” said Hi Ho, the sage of
Chinatown, “no longer terrifies by its
appearance. It is only imaginary. A
flame-breathing automobile is real.”
Prices.
The price of bread that we must eat
Does not reflect the price of wheat.
Nor does the moonshine liquor try
To measure cost with growing rye.
The garb when tailors have a pull
In cost increases o’er plain wool.
Each price soars high, .with grace ethe
real,
Above the cost of raw material.
Jud Tunkins says a man who brags
about himself merely shows that he
hasn’t enough wealth- or Influence to
get a press agent.
Letting Well Enough Alone.
“There is a man outside,” said the
secretary, "who acts as if he really has
something Important on his mind.”
“I don’t believe we’d better encourage
him,” said Mr. Dustin Stax. "He prob
ably wants to flnanoe something.”
"What he has might make a lot of
money.”
“It might. But supposing we were
to take a chance on him, I already have
abundant wealth and nothing much to
think about. He has a lot to think
about and maybe he’ll be happier if we
leave him that way.”
Privilege of Expression.
The statesman ought to have his say—
If his authority grows greater
Than this, he may on some fine day
Be criticized as a Dictator.
“Dar a in’ much exercise in a crap
game,” said Uncle Eben. "Yet It kin
Improve de appetite. I has seen it keep
men goln’ hongrier an’ hongrier.”
Way Down South.
Prom the Shreveport Journal.
Just our luck! We’ve had that "Beau
tiful Snow” poem of Mr. Whittier’s ready
for publication all Winter, and now a
feUow comes along and tells us it snowed
along about noon last Tuesday—and we
didn’t see it.
Amendment.
From the Grand Island Independent.
Revised, to fit the trailer age: "What
Is home without a motorl”
k
THE POLITICAL
MILL
BY G. GOULD LINCOLN.
Not since President Roosevelt first en
tered the White House have the Demo
crats in Congress been so divided over
any of his proposals for legislation as
over his judiciary bill. If he wins his
fight for authority to appoint additional
members of the Supreme Court, it seems
highly probable he will be able to get
any legislation he may seek in the fu
ture. On the other hand, if he is check
mated by the Democratic Congress in
this matter, he may have an increas
ingly difficult time with other measures.
Perhaps never in recent years have
members of the Senate and House been
so hesitant about expressing themselves
on a measure of major importance. The
truth of the matter seems to be they are
still waiting, in many instances, to ob
tain the reaction of the country to the
President’s demand with regard to the
Supreme Court. Some of them who an
nounced themselves in favor of his pro
posals immediately after the President’s
message was received have since shifted
their positions. The shift has come be
cause of the many protests they have re
ceived from their constituents.
* * *' *
Senator Capper of Kansas was among
the first to declare his opposition to tam
pering with the Supreme Court. He has
stuck to that position. Probably no other
Senator receives such a large mail as does
the Kansas Senator. He is the publisher
of a long string of newspapers and
weekly and monthly magazines. Lit
erally thousands of letters and telegrams
have reached him already in regard to
the Sftpreme Court issue, and the very
great majority of them have supported
his stand in opposition to the President
on this matter. The letters are not writ
ten on embossed paper. They are writ
ten for the most part on tablet paper
and come from farmers in the great agri
cultural section covered by his publica
tions.
The administration is counting on the
support of labor and of the farmers in
the fight to revamp the Supreme Court,
just as the President counted largely on
the support of those two groups in win
ning the last election. For the Supreme
Court struck down the N. R. A. and the
A. A. A., which were in the interests of
labor and the farmers. The probabilities
are that efforts will be made to rally the
labor and farm organizations strongly
behind the court proposal of the Presi
dent. And if these organizations line up
pretty solidly back of the President, some
of the members of Congress may again
revise their earlier positions with regard
to the proposed legislation.
* * * *
If and when the President's judiciary
I bill reaches the floor of the Senate, there
is promise of an historic debate. The
opponents of the measure will count
upon some of the most forceful talkers
in the Upper House to lead the fight for
them. Borah of Idaho and Johnson of
California. Bailey of North Carolina and
Glass of Virginia, Vandenberg of Michi
gan and Connally of Texas are expected
to attack the proposal to add to the Su
preme Court—certainly all those except
Senator Glass, who has as yet not ex
pressed himself. The presumption,
however, is that the fiery Virginian will
finally align himself against the pro
posal. On the other side, supporting the
President’s plan, will be Majority Leader
Robinson of Arkansas, Ashurst of Ari
zona, chairman of the Judiciary Com
mittee, Minton of Indiana, La Follette
of Wisconsin, Schwellenbach of Wash
ington, Bulkley of Ohio, Wagner of New
York and many of the younger Sena
tors. When it comes to oratory, it looks
as though the opponents of the Presi
dent’s plan will have the decided bulge.
* * * *
The key to the final answer on the
President's court plan seems to lie in
the Senate. The administration leaders
are confident they can whip the House
majority into line for it. The Senate,
however, gives them some pause. In the
first place, there is still the rule of un
limited debate in the Senate, with the
accompanying power to filibuster a
measure to death. The Senate has
a cloture rule, to be sure. But it
can be applied only if two-thirds of
the Senators present and voting declare
for it. In other words, if all the Sena
tors are accounted for in the vote, it
would take 64 of the 96 Senators to im
pose cloture. Thirty-three Senators
could prevent the adoption of cloture.
If 30 Senators or more should undertake
a filibuster against this legislation, it
would be a heavy task to bring the bill
to a final vote. And if as many as 40
Senators took part in a filibuster it would
be almost impossible to force a vote, even
with all-night sessions. The Senators
desiring a vote would be compelled to
remain in the Senate as well as those
who oppose it. There is a limit to hu
man endurance in such a contest, and
filibustering groups in the Senate have
a way of parceling out their speakers
that is devastating to the other side.
* * * *
So far as any action on the President’s
Judiciary bill is concerned, there is a
breathing spell until next week, for
neither the Senate nor the House Judi
ciary Committee is to meet before the
first of the week. The Senate Judiciary
Committee is pretty evenly divided on the
Supreme Court matter, according to latest
reports. Indeed, of the entire member
ship of the committee, only two mem
bers have declared themselves definitely
in favor of the President’s plan with re
gard to the Supreme Court—Chairman
Ashurst is one of them. Undoubtedly
there will be others, but they have yet
to announce themselves finally.
The Senate committee is expected to
take early and favorable action on the
House bill, passed on Wednesday, for the
voluntary retirement of justices of the
Supreme Court on full pay, and prob
ably the bill will pass the Senate
promptly. It will then be up to the .six
members of the Supreme Court who have
passed the age of 70 to make up their
minds whether they wish to avail them
selves of such opportunity. If several of
them should retire, then the President
would have the opportunity to add new
blood to the court without further de
lay.
* * * *
Representative James C. Oliver, Re
publican, from the first Maine district,
is a liberal—as liberals go in Maine. He
believes in keeping his constituency in
formed about what is going on in Wash
ington and the part he is playing in the
legislative merry-go-round on Capitol
Hill. Other members of the House might
well take a page out of his book. For he
is delivering a radio address over the
local station in Portland once every two
weeks. He delivered his first address, the
first of 13 biweekly talks of this kind, last
Saturday night. Mr. Oliver, after dis
cussing the legislation passed during the
first weeks of the present session and
pointing out that, in his opinion, Con
gress is “drifting and not being too seri
ously concerned about the economic and
financial fundamentals” of the situation,
launched into his own view of what
should be done. Said he:
"I am inclined to the viewpoint that
the matter of equitable distribution of
goods and services available in this
country on some decent minimum stand
ard must be solved. Since there is no
person, group of persons or private in
stttutloii to tbli niUir to tfri
j .
THIS AND THAT |
BY CHARLES B. TRACEWELL.
Gossip is another of these things the
world conspires to speak harshly of but
continues to practice vigorously.
Just as bad women often are more
Interesting than good ones, so gossip
keeps its place in the affections of man
kind despite the strictures upon It..
We all gossip In one way or other, so
why all the pother about it?
It Is only when gossip becomes some
thing else—to wit, malicious untruth—
that It really harms any one.
Even then It sometimes brings a mat
ter to a head, gets it out in the open,
clears the atmosphere as nothing else
will.
If we go back to the word itself we
find that in the beginning it had a very
good meaning, indeed. "Familiar ac
quaintance,” marked "archaic,” Is the
very first meaning from the derivation
through the Old English “godslbb,” or
"person related to one in God.” Thus a
gossip, in the very beginning, was simply
a sponsor for a child at baptism, a god
father, in other words.
From this came the meaning, so often
found in Shakespeare, of one’s familiar
acquaintance, or gossip, one's nurse, or
other very close friend.
A gossip, in other words, several cen
turies ago had Just that one meaning, of
some very close friend who not only
would listen to another’s tales of success
and misfortune, but would tell his own
In return.
* * * *
Now this was all very human.
In the reveries which make up so large
a part of our mental lives we all largely
think of two matters.
These center around the self.
They are self-glorification and self
justification.
Many persons who have never stopped
to think even for a second about their
own thinking would be amazed and often
a little chagrined to find that mostly
they think about nothing else.
Some might not even be inclined to
call these reveries real thinking, be
lieving that what they say and wfite only
is thinking. The truth is that talking
often enough is not thinking at all.
When we talk often enough t^e stop
thinking. We say almost anything
which "comes to mind,” and will fight to
uphold it, not because the conviction
expressed is dear to us, but because any
attack upon it is a plain attack upon us,
and that is something which we as
humans simply cannot forgive.
Our reveries (not day-dreams) are
composed mostly of one precious theme.
We are always seeing the self in some
more exalted role, and If attacked we
are always justifying what we do and
say to this self.
Any one who is honest with himself—
that is, intellectually honest—and not all
persons are, or can be, by any means—
will realize Just how much of his intel
lectual life is hinged on these two things.
* * * *
It is natural, therefore, to gossip.
The dictionary becomes more explicit
as it goes on with its definitions: "Idle
talker, newsmonger, tattler (especially
of women), Idle talk, groundless rumors,
tittle-tattle, easy unconstrained talk or
writing, especially about persons or social
incidents.”
Here we have both the bad and good
side of gossip, set forth succinctly, as any
good dictionary should. We see the age
old slant against women; the truth is
that women, as humans, are no more
given to gossip than men, if as much,
perhaps. It all depends I
For gossip Is, after all and before all,
news. ,
In a day when news In all Its aspects
has come to the fore of public conscious
ness, when the entire world is nevs
minded as it never was before, there
need no longer be any apology for it.
The world likes news and wants news,
and so it has news.
Now what is gossip, except news? May
be it is trivial, but even then it is entirely
personal. The closer it applies to the
self the better we like it, although we
might not always confess it.
Is it idle talk between two persons to
discuss matters which interest them?
The fact that they are talking about
them proves it is not.
* * * *
“He’s a gossip” or “she’s a gossip-"
How often one hears this said—always
by the other party to it!
It takes two to gossip, of course, and
that is where the trouble comes in.
For one party always thinks that the
other is going to tell!
This applies as much to men as women.
But the fact is that any one party to a
conversation along what is commonly
called gossipy lines is just as likely to
“tell” as the other.
In fact there is no “holier than thou”
attitude possible. Two are required,
and it will be found that the whole
souled gossip, not the some-timey gossip.
Is much more likely to keep sacredly hid
the topics discussed.
If there is any talking later to other
persons on the same subject it probably
will come from the party who deprecates
too much the extra-activities of his mate
in gossip.
* * * *
The only trouble with gossip, as such,
is that too many people fail to select
their “gossip,” in the archaic sense, with
common sense.
One’s gossip, a la Shakespeare, ought
to be very close, a truly trusted con
fidante.
If we select Just any old body, or
some one from whom we hope to get a
scrap of desired news, or confirmation
for our best or worst fears, without re
gard to our complete knowledge of them,
who is to blame if he goes and "spills”
some of what he gains elsewhere?
He may have a true "gossip” some
where of whom we know nothing. Has
the fact that we have sought him out
and given a little in return for a little—
a tattle for a tattle, according to the dic
tionary—put him in a position of going
back on his friend elsewhere?
* * * *
We think not, and so will he, or she,
if he, or she, stops to think about it.
We expect too much in this world,
when all of it shows that we will get
little.
That Is one reason why gossip, as com
monly understood, may or may not turn
out to be the truth, the whole truth,
and nothing but the truth.
Talk of any kind is colored with the
hidden reveries of friends and acquaint
ances. They may say nothing about
them, but they inject them, neverthe
less, in every conversation, labeled gos
sip or not.
Why should any one be “touchy,” then,
after gossip with another? Do a little
better selecting, in the first place, and
then realize that one is as much to
blame as another, if endless secrecy does
not follow what was, in all truth, merely
a little expanding of secret reveries, a
little unfolding of the precious ego of
man.
• WASHINGTON OBSERVATIONS
BY FREDERIC WILLIAM WILE.
Not in many a New Deal moon has
anything happened on Capitol Hill of
more significance than the revolt of
House Democrats against the President’s
Supreme Court program. It developed
with the suddenness of a thunderclap,
spreading consternation in quarters
where previously complacency ruled. It
was expected from the outset that there
would be insubordination in the Senate,
but nothing savoring of stern Democratic
opposition was expected in the House.
The determined protest supported by
Representatives Cox of Georgia, Peten
gill of Indiana, Celler of New York, Lam
neck of Ohio and others may not suc
ceed in wrecking the presidential pro
posals. But it goes far toward relieving
the House of the rubber stamp odium
which has shadowed it for the past four
years. The “spirit of "76’’ now flaming
there is the big surprise of the contest
which President Roosevelt precipitated.
It would be rash to predict that Speaker
Bankhead, Floor Leader Sam Rayburn
and Whip Pat Boland will not contrive
in the long run to keep their top-heavy
phalanx, though in reduced circum
stances, adequately in line for White
House purposes, but all concerned are
conscious that they have a fight on their
hands with a Democratic membership
heavily charged with rugged independ
ence.
* # * *
Mr. Roosevelt is no stranger to legisla
tive combat and party insurgency.. He
won his service stripes at Albany. Ex
perience in Washington since 1933 has
improved his fighting style. The Presi
dent's prestige admittedly is at stake in
the tit&nic struggle in which he is now
immersed. To maintain it he may be
depended upon to battle to the bitter
end and with every weapon at his com
mand, for defeat would be little short
of a major disaster. Not to be forgotten
is that a new House and a third of the
Senate will be elected next year. Roose
veltian stock is still accounted so high
with the country at large that the Presi
dent has a right to reckon that members
aspiring to re-election will think twice
and thrice before venturing to thwart
the custodian of recovery. It is pretty
freely acknowledged that the overwhelm
ing majority of those now in Congress
got there by clinging to the Roosevelt
coat-tails. Dare they let go?—that’s
the question many a practical politician
is asking. The President, too, will con
tinue to be the Santa Claus of vast pa
tronage bounty. Capitol statesmen are
traditionally * reluctant to do anything
that might displace them at the White
House pie counter.
* * * *
Representative Hatton W. Sumners,
chairman of the House Judiciary Com
mittee, who is in the forefront of cur
rent congressional turmoil, has long
rated as one of the profound juridical
minds in Congress. He has appeared
periodicaUy before the Supreme Court
on occasions involving fine constitutional
points of legislation and often been com
plimented for the lucidity and forceful
ness of his arguments. Mr. Sumners has
also functioned before the Senate in
several impeachment cases, as official
spokesman of the House. During debate
on the Supreme Court retirement bill
of action, then it must necessarily de
volve upon the Federal Government,
through Congress, to give us the fairest
type of legislation through which the
vital question of the distribution of our
potential production may be answered.”
From a Representative from Maine, this
certainly aounda prograaalve,
A
this week, Representative Guyer of Kan
sas, in charge of the Republicans’ time,
acclaimed the Texas Democrat as "one
of the most diplomatic and tactful men
in Congress.”
* * * *
Among the galaxy of legal talent
adorning the Senate Judiciary Commit
tee are two members who have been
chief justices of the Supreme Courts of
their respective States—Senator McCar
ran, Democrat, of Nevada and Senator
Logan, Democrat, of Kentucky. They
therefore have more than ordinary in
terest in the reigning unpleasantness.
Several other members of the Senate
are former State Judges—among them
George, Democrat, of Georgia, who also
was a Supreme Court justice until he
entered Congress, and Barkley, Demo
crat, of Kentucky. Representative Cox,
Democrat, of Georgia, chairman of the
House "Steering Committee,” which is
conducting the drive against the judici
ary bil* is an ex-judge.
* * * *
One of Uncle Sam’s veteran foreign
trade diplomats is a woman—Miss Eliza
beth Humes, just home on leave from
her post as Department of Commerce
commissioner to Italy. She has been sta
tioned at Rome for the past eight years
and ranks as an authority on economic
conditions in Southeastern Europe.
Miss Humes will spend four months in
the United States, consulting Washing
ton officials and acquainting American
business men with trade opportunities
in the Italian market, as well as in
Mussolini’s new African “empire.” While
Italy stands eleventh among this coun
try’s export markets, the United States is
second only to Germany among the
countries from which the Italians im
port. Our Rome trade commissioner sees
an improved outlook for Yankee wares
both in Italy and Ethiopia, though II
Duce’s latest colonial conquest is not yet .
quite ripe for commercial exploitation
either by the Fascists or anybody else.
* * * *
In quarters friendly to the administra
tion’s judiciary proposal, it’s softly whis
pered that the protests piling up all over
the country, especially telegrams and let
ters reaching members of Congress, may
perhaps be the fruit of a more or less
subtle campaign like the one launched
against the public utilities death sen
tence. If this should be established,
some people think “organized propa
ganda,” as they dub It, might defeat its
own purpose, and, before the war is over,
even prove the undoing of the Presi
dent’s foes. Be this as it may, it’s hardly
to be doubted that Rooseveltians are
deeply impressed, not to say disturbed,
by both the volume and caliber of re
sentment which their Supreme Court
scheme has aroused. It’s the critical at
titudes of various State Legislatures,
notably that of rock-ribbed Democratic
Texas, that make the deepest dent in
New Deal quarters.
* * * *
One burning question at least seems
to have been settled—whether F. D. R.
Is going to turn to the conservative right
or liberal left. Those who bet the detour
would not be in the direction of the con
servative “go” light think they’re now
entitled to collect.
* * * *
Australia is about to be represented at
Washington by an official who will rank
as counselor of the British Embassy. His
name is Frank Keith Officer. He has
hitherto been on duty in the London
foreign office. John Bull's great Com
monwealth on the far side of ttao globe
f
ANSWERS TO
QUESTIONS
BY FREDERIC J. HA SKIN.
A reader can get the answer to any
question of fact by writing The Evening
Star Information Bureau. Frederic J.
Haskin, Director, Washington, D. C.
Please inclose stamp for reply.
Q. Where did the idea of sit-down
and stay-in strikes originate?—V. G.
A. This strike method was started in
Silesia, a part of Austria, about three
years ago. It was employed in Poland
about the same time.
Q. Has the tavern in Natchez been
restored in which Aaron Burr conferred
with Blennerhassett?—O. L.
A. It is now being restored and win
be open for the first time during the
sixth annual pilgrimage conducted by
the Natchez Garden Club during Easter
week, March 28 through April 4.
Q. Please give the names of two streets
which form a busy comer in the Ghetto
district in New York City.—P. S.
A. One is located at Baxter and Hester
streets. At Ninety-seventh street the
New York Central tracks emerge, serving
as shelter for the pushcarts of merchants
of the uptown Ghetto.
Q. What college teaches Christian
Science?—A. V. G.
A. The Massachusetts Metaphysical
College, founded by Mary Baker Eddy,
now functions as the Board of Education
of the First Church of Christ Scientist
In Boston, Mass. Its classes are held
only for the purpose of instructing and
examining candidates to become author
ized teachers of Christian Science.
Q. What would be the modem name of
the disease of which George Washing
ton died?—N. C.
A. It would probably be diagnosed as
septic sore throat.
Q. Please explain how much of a copy
righted article can be used without per
mission.—L. W. C.
A. The copyright office says that the
copyright law makes no provision for the
quotation of a limited number of words
or sentences from a copyrighted work.
The copyright law gives to the owner
the sole right to print, reprint, sell or
adapt the copyrighted work in any way
whatsoever. There is, however, what is
known as a doctrine of fair use, which
is that any one may make such use of a
work as must have been reasonably ex
pected by the copyright owner—that is.
quote extracts by way of illustration or
criticism, or to consult the copyrighted
work in the preparation of another, and
other use of a similar nature. The term
“fair use” is not exactly defined, but de
pends on the interpretation by the court
if a suit for infringement is brought.
Where continued or extensive quotations
are to be made, it is wise to obtain per
mission from the copyright owner.
Q. Who is president of the Big Brother
and Big Sister Federation, Inc.?—E. M.
A. Dr. Sheldon Glueck of Cambridge,
Mass., is president of the organization.
Q. What has become of Gertrude
Ederle who swam the English Channel?
—M. R.
A. In December, 1933, Miss Ederle sus
tained a fall which broke her pelvis and
injured her spine She is forced to wear
a mechanical appliance on her back and
is unable to continue her work as a
swimming instructor and in exhibitions of
swimming.
Q. How many bad roads are there in
the United States?—H. J.
A. There are still approximately 1,413,
800 miles of primitive roads, of which
about 458.000 are of low-type earth im
provement and 955,800 miles entirely un
improved.
Q. Are Legislatures in session in all
the States?—S. K.
A. In all except Florida. Kentucky,
Louisiana. Mississippi and Virginia.
California's Legislature, however, is in
recess until March 1.
Q. Is it still possible to obtain seeds
of fringed gentians from Dr. George
Norton at Norwick, N. Y.?—W. J.
A. Dr. Norton has informed us that
the supply for this year is exhausted.
Q. Was Warwick Deeping, author of
“Sorrell and Son,” at one time a phy
sician?—J. H.
A. When he wrote his first novel he
was a practicing physician. Its instant
success caused him to give up medicine
for a literary career. During the war,
however, he resumed his original profes
sion in the Medical Corps and served
throughout the Gallipoli campaign and
afterward in France. •*
Q. How many workers are killed la
coal mine disasters?—J. H.
A. In 1935 1,241 men were killed.
Q. Are volunteer fire organizations to
be taken seriously, or are they just “for
fun ’?—I. K. G.
A. Latest available figures show that
there are about 12,000 volunteer fire asso
ciations in the United States, with more
than 250,000 members. It is claimed
that they protect the lives and property
of almost half the country's population.
Fire schools for volunteers were held in
42 States last year, with an attendance
of 30,000.
Q. Why was Buffalo Bill so called?
—E. H.
A. At the end of the Civil War, Cody
contracted with the Kansas Pacific Rail
road to supply buffalo meat to its laborers
and from that time he was called Buffalo
Bill.
A Rhyme at Twilight
By
Gertrude Brooke Hamilton
In a Crisis.
Danger assails someone I dearly love
And I am powerless to offer aid;
But must the Almighty to compassion
move
And succor from high powers in heaven
crave.
I kneel and pray. But, oh, my faith Is
wan;
For, resting not on heaven’s response
alone,
I have recourse to instruments of man—
And verify God by the telephone!
is convinced that Australia's present
diplomatic requirements in the United
States and other countries can be fully
served by counselors attached to British
embassies and at considerably less ex
pense than would be required for upkeep
of Independent legation establishments
such as Canada and South Africa main
tain here. The Canberra government is
also about to send a counselor to Japan,
in evidence of Australia’s special inter
ests in Pacific questions.
Ktamrrlatit, XMV4I
l