Evening star. [volume], February 23, 1937, Page A-13, Image 13

About Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972

Image provided by: Library of Congress, Washington, DC

                
WM IN FORUM
ASKS U. S. PREPARE
Quotes Washington and
Urges New Means of Pre
serving Neutrality.
Quoting the words of George Wash
ington, “to be prepared for war Is one
of the most effectual means of pre
serving peace,” Senator David I.
Walsh. Democrat, of Massachusetts,
last night called for “new ways and
means of preserving strict neutrality,”
and for strengthening of national de
fenses on land, sea and In the air.
Walsh spoke in the National Radio
Forum arranged by The Star and
broadcast over a national network of
the National Broadcasting Co.
First citing Washington’s Birthday
and paying tribute to the first Presi
dent, Walsh discussed national defense
and declared "It is apparent that our
own naval and military defenses are
far below the standard set by other
nations for themselves.”
“Our traditional policy has been and
ought to be,” said the Senator, "to
think in terms of national defense—
not in terms of offense. Our Navy is
necessarily our first line of defense
and if impregnable, our complete de
fense. because by the circumstances of
our geographical position, attack upon
us. if attack does come, must come by
way of the sea.”
ifxi or ftuarexs.
The text of Senator Walsh's address
follows:
On this national holiday, which we
have been observing today, every
American citizen who truly loves his
country, and who is truly worthy of
his heritage has had on his lips the
name of George Washington and In
his heart profound sentiments of ad
miration and gratitude.
Tonight It is my purpose to speak to
you of Washington and to recall to
you some of the circumstances and
events of his day—and then to discuss
the subject of peace in terms of naval
defense. Washington and the others
who founded our Republic and whose
memories we revere had their prob
lems. We have ours. But in some re
spects, despite the interval of a cen
k tury and a half, their and our prob
lems, purposes and objectives are
basically identical.
When Washington took control of
fhe Army in 1775, there were less than
three million men, women and chil
dren. black and white, in the 13
Colonies. Most of them were depend
ent on the toil of their own hands for
their bread and shelter. Many
Winters some of them went hungry.
Wood was their only fuel. Medical
, care was scarce Schooling was rudi
mentary. Travel was slow anti
fraught with hardship and danger.
Of recreation, as we know it today,
there was none. Yet, except for their
political grievances against the Roval
Governors and the Mother Country,
they regarded themselves as contented
nuu yi Lwjjriuua. i nty uiu nut com
plain of their lot nor grumble about
hardships. They were accustomed to
Rather in their churches and render
thanks to their Creator for his many
blessings and mercy. They were God
fearing and C^od-trusting men and
women who ioilnd peace and content
ment in steadfast reliance upon the
Creator.
Today we have an aggregate na
tional wealth represented by stores of
gold, and other valuable resources far
beyond the imagination of King Solo
mon. We have fine highways, free
schools, libraries, hospitals, play
grounds and public beaches. To be
sure we have unemployment. Poverty
has not yet been abolished. Admit
tedly we have deep and grave social
and political problems with which to
deal. I do not want to seem to mini
mize them, but X submit that all of
our present-day troubles are small in
comparison with our blessings; that
our present personal hardships are as
nothing when compared with those
»o bravely endured by our forefathers.
Faith in Omnipotent God.
One fundamental and priceless
treasure, however, was possessed by
George Washington and his compa
triots which, for the most part, we
today seem to have lost—that is the
sustaining comfort of belief in the
highest guidance and the protecting
power of an omnipotent God.
Any comparison between the pres
ent and Washington's period, that is
not superficial, will reveal the fact
that the spiritual resources of strength,
inspiration, comfort and contentment
to Washington and his compatriots
have largely disappeared. The ab
sence of this influence has become
marked in every walk of life. Observe
the absence of religious influence, to
day In the three activities of our
society, namely the education of youth.
In our business and in our political
- life Xjook about and witness the con
sequences of this loss of spiritual
values, and rejection of religion in
the present-day world!
The world has been rocked by ex
plosive combats that have Impaired
faith in government, created class
hatreds, permitted disproportionate
distribution of wealth and recurring
cycles of panic and economic pros
tration. We have reached a point in
this combat of material and political
forces. In this age of machines and
money and the pursuit of pleasure
and power that today many are ap
prehensive with respect to the sur
vival of democracy. This is, indeed,
a stupenduous departure from the
Ideals of the mm of Washington's era.
I do not hesitate to say to my fel
low countrymen on this anniversary
of Washingtons birth that in my
opinion there will be no lasting solu
tion or permanent reconstruction of
our economic life unless we return and
onoe more become inspired by the di
vinely taught principles of Justice,
equality and charity that guided
Washington and the other patriots of
his epoch. Unless the soul of the Na
tion is dominated by the spiritual,
rather than the material, of what
avail are our laws and our Constitu
tion?
If tne spirit oi wasnington couia
apeak to us tonight, would he not un
equivocally proclaim that without
divine guidance and assistance we as
a people are doomed?
We must not only move to preserve
the democracy, which Washington be
queathed to us: we must not only emu
late the founding fathers' love of
country and their religious faith and
reliance on divine guidance, but we
may also take a lesson from Wash
ington with respect to one of our
paramount present-day questions of
national policy—the question of war
and peace.
George Washington was a lover of
peace and therefore a firm believer
in national defense. It was he who
said: "To be prepared for war is one
of the most effectual means of pre
serving peace.” By what means did
Washington plan for us to choose be
tween peace and war? Here are his
- words: “Taking care to keep ourselves
* r
Calls for Adequate Defense
SENATOR WALSH.__
I
by suitable establishments on a re
i spectable defensive posture.’’ which
: means adequate national defense. He
i also urged for securing peace and
avoiding war, national isolation, by
i keeping away from foreign entangle
! ments and alliances—another name
today for strict neutrality.
Avoidance of War.
As we look about the world of today
and witness the political and social
revolutions tnat are transpiring, the
dethronement of kings and emperors,
the abandonment of constitutions and
democratic institutions to be replaced
by dictatorships, the ominous clouds
of war that hang low throughout Eu
rope. with three actual wars having
taken place since the World War. is
not our paramount problem to escape
I involvement in another war, if war
comes?
The growth of dictatorships in cer
tain countries of Europe injects a new
danger into the international situa
tion. They are warlike and bellicose
| in spirit and purpoje and have pro
ceeded to build up military, naval and
aircraft armaments on a scale here
4 tofore unimagined in Europe. Again,
communism, spreading stealthily and
strategically its tentacles in every part
of the world, has become a real and
definite threat to the continuance of
democracy.
I repeat, no realistic discussion or
America's present-day problems can
avoid mention of the war risk. Sound
statesmanship requires that our na
tional policies be so shaped as to pro
mote and safeguard peace for our own
country and, so far as lies within our
power, peace for the world. It is not
enough that we proclaim our desire
for peace—we must leave nothing un
done in an effort to Insure peace.
In the past this has meant treaties
to outlaw war, efforts to conclude dis
armament agreements. It has meant
attempts to reach an accord with
other nations with respect to interna
tional trade and international finance,
since It is recognized that economic
factors are so often the breeders of
war. It has meant unselfish efforts
to spread the gospel of peace and good
will among all the nations of the earth.
The United States has led the world
in preaching the gospel that the road
to peace is through universal disarma
ment. After 16 yeara of conference*
and treaty making it is regrettable to
announce that practically no progress
has been made toward limitation of
armaments. During this period we
have seen three concerted efforts to
limit naval armaments by internation
al agreement fail. These efforts finally
ended on December 31, 1836, with the
termination of the treaties that had
been made. We are now back where
we were before the World War.
Despite the horrifying memories of
the World War, which are still fresh
1 in the minds of this generation, the
! race in armaments continues un
abated, in fact, with accelerated speed.
Practically every major power has
joined in this mad race and even the
extraordinary demands upon national
budgets do not seem able to slow
I down the large building programs,
which embrace all the expected naval
and military armaments, and, what is
perhaps most ominous, vast numbers
| of airplanes fully equipped for scout
' ing and bombing which constitute a
; sinister menace not only to the armies
: ana navies 01 inner puwers, uui iu
! the helpless populations as well.
For the future, national defense to
us should mean implementing our
Government with new ways and means
of preserving our own strict neutrality
in the event of war elsewhere; It
means enactment of statutes to elimi
nate the profit motive within our own
land as related to the supplying of
materials or labor during the state of
war; it means Anally the strengthen
ing of our national defenses—on land,
on sea and in the air.
Example of Other Nations.
Before discussing what the United
States Is doing with respect to
strengthening its own defenses, let
me picture to you very briefly, what
other nations have been doing and are
now proposing with respect to their
own armaments.
Great Britain is embarked on a
naval building program of immense
proportions. In the single year of
1936. she authorised the construction
of 61 naval vessels including two bat
tleships, five cruisers and another air
craft carrier. She has built a new
naval base at Singapore. She has in
creased the enlisted personnel of her
navy. She Is expanding her air force
and strengthening her army.
Japan, within the last year or two
has authorized or completed a total
of 88 additional cruisers, submarines,
destroyers and other types of naval
craft and Is acquiring many modem
cargo vessels of high speed, easily con
vertible into naval transports.
France is building two battleships
and her 1937 program calls for con
struction of approximately 43 vessels.
Germany has now under construc
tion or appropriated for 3 battleships,
2 aircraft carriers, 3 cruisers, 23 de
stroyers, S submarines and 12 torpedo
boats.
Italy’s naval building program is
proceeding rapidly and even 8oviet
Russia has now turned her attention
to naval defense and is reported to
now have in commission a submarine
fleet of perhaps 100.
Our own Navy of today has 16 heavy
cruisers and is building 2. England
has 19 today and Japan 12.
We have built and building 19 light
cruisers, while Japan has 20 In this
category and Great Britain has 34.
Our own fleet of destroyers, Includ
ing those now under construction,
totals 73. Japan has 82 and Great
Britain has 108. What about sub
marines? We have a total of 42,
built or building, whereas Japan has
61 and Great Brrltain has S3.
Aircraft carriers continue the mo
bile base of a naval force. When we
finish the aircraft carriers we now
have under construction we will have
a total of 6, Japan has 6 and Great
Britain 9.
In comparative strength of com
bined air forces we are in seventh
place, according to a public state
ment recently made by the chief of
the Army Air Corps That means
that six nations now have larger air
fleets than the United States. We have
a present total of 2.074 planes. Even
Japan Is reported to have as many
military and naval planes as we have.
Germany has 2.800 war planes;
France, 4,000; Italy. 4.400; Great
Britain, more than 4,600. and Soviet
Russia is reported to have approxi
mately 5.000 planes.
Army Comparatively Small.
In the matter of comparative
strength of our land forces you are
well aware that our own standing
Army is the smallest of any large
nation. In fact, in numerical strength
it is about on a par with Turkey. Our
own total army strength including all
our trained reserves is about 400,000.
The British Empire count* It* army,
including It* trained reserves, at l,
100.000. Germany has more than
2.000. 000. not including any of her
numerous semi-military organizations.
France and Italy each, including both
active and trained reserves are main
taining an army of approximately
6.000. 000 Japan has more than 2,
000.000 men trained and ready for
service. Soviet Russia has nearly
19.000. 000 trained soldiers, of which
number about 1,500,000 are on active
service.
Thus, it is apparent that our naval
and military defenses are far below
the standard set by other nations for
themselves and, in view of what 1*
happening elsewhere In the world, are
perhaps below the level for our own
safety. We are not. however, pro
posing to embark in any competitive
race for naval supremacy. Our own
naval program, large as It may seem
to be, is nevertheless not more than
is required if we are to have a navy
of treaty strength, that is. of the
strengtn * penned for ourselves In the
peace-time naval treaties which re
cently expired. If we continue our
present program, we will not reach our
treaty strength until 1942. Whether
is will prove necessary to accelerate our
program and Increase It Is a question
which future events will determine.
Our traditional policy has been, and
ought to be, to think In terms of na
tional defense—not In terms of offense.
Our Navy is necessarily our first line
of defense and if Impregnable, our
complete defense, because by the cir
cumstances of our geographical posi
tion, attack upon us. if attack docs
come, must come by way of the sea.
We had no Navy when we fought
the Revolutionary War. By courage,
by strategy and by cunning, though
often with inferior forces, Washington
won many battles. He lost many other
battles and nearly lost the war because
of one major reason. He was com
pelled to watch, helplessly, the con
tinual landing of foreign soldiers on
American soli, while his own troops
dwindled through battle after battle
until Valley Forge, the time when the
historians say "all was lo6t save hope."
The Continental forces had no ships.
Had they been able to prevent the. con
tinuous landing of foreign trooos and
supplies, the Colonists would have won
the Revolution in a comparatively
short time. Indeed, had they finally
not been able to prevent the landing of
troops and supplies, we probably would
not have won our freedom. It was
not until France recognised the Col
onies and dispatched the French fleet,
through the efforts of John Paul
Jones (in part), which prevented fur
Psychic Message Council
11M Twelfth St N.W.
Corner ef ltih end “l"
Circle. Daily, 2:30 * 7:30 P.M.
Grace Gray DeLaat. Reader
Personal interview, for spiritual help
and guidance may be arranged by a
visit ta the Council House or Telephone
Mei»-„,)litan 5934 Consultation SI
ther landing of troops, that the Rev
olution was won. Naval blockade by
the French waa the final, If not the
decisive factor that made possible the
existence of our Nation. We can well
understand, therefore, why Washing
ton recognized the need of a Navy
sufficiently powerful to prevent the
landing of foreign troops on Ameri
can soil.
In the event of war, if we have a
nucleus of an active army, it can be
rapidly expanded. Indeed, the Army
must expand to many times its insig
nificant peacetime strength before it
could become eflective for war. But
not so with the Navy. It must be ready
to withstand attacks immediately, at
the very hour that war is declared,
and repel any attempts of invasion un
til the Army can be recruited and
trained. Theoretically at least. If the
Navy were strong enough, the Army
would never be called upon for the pur
pose of defense.
Furthermore, a strong and efficient
Navy with its planes and carriers Is
the only cure safeguard from foreign
air aggression. Invasion from the air
will come through the use of aircraft
carrier*—huge naval crafts that carry
100 planes each. The enemy, by the
use of its aircraft carriers lying two
or three hundred miles oft shore, with
in comparatively few minutes could
send hundreds of planes from its car
riers, under cover of night, and launch
a raid that could destroy our seacoast
cities.
Reliance of China.
we have been speaking about war
ships, and about building more war
ships—walls of steel for our defense.
We have seen why this has and will
continue to cost billions of dollars. But
with all our extensive naval craft, we
must remember that the defense of
the country in the final analysis lies,
unfortunately, with walls of men and
not walls of steel. China relied upon
walls of stone. So did the Roman Em
pire. Ethiopia relied upon walls of
words, namely, international leagues
and peace pacts. All such walls,
whether they be of steel, or stone, or
words, crumble unless they are backed
up by walls of men Naval vessels,
however powerful, do not win wars.
It is the man power that achieves the
victory. Therefore, it Is of supreme
Importance that the man power of the
country be prepared to defend our
liberties in the event of an unfore
j seen and unexpected attack. Unless
we have well-trained men who know
j how to navigate, how to fly and how to
fight, our warships and warplanes are
mere tissue. America more than any
other nation because of Its small ao
, tive military organizations must give
special attention to the training and
maintaining of large reserve forces, not
j only for her Army, but likewise for
her Navy and air forces. We must
have trained soldiers, sailors and ma
rines, as well as air pilots, who can
speedily emerge from the peaceful
avocations of life, ready to augment
the active forces of the country's de
fense, In the event of attack. We can
build hundreds of airplanes in 90 days,
but we cannot train the necessarily
skilled pilots with knowledge of gun
nery in less than a year to combat a
superior force of trained pilots and
gunnej-y experts, participating In a
hostile attack. Therefore, It seems to
me highly Important this necessary
force and essential training be pro
vided.
It Is inspiring to note the number,
character and extent of personal sacri
fices already being made by the young
men of the country, enlisted In the
active and reserve forces. There are
many more willing and anxious to
bring to their citizenship this neces
sary training, but, unfortunately, we
have not provided the funds or facili
ties to take advantage of their aplrlt
of willingness. I know of no better
contribution we can make to our na
tional defenae than by training these
thousands of fine young Americana
who love their country—who hate war,
but who consider it the highest pa
triotic duty to be prepared to defend
our liberties in any unforeseen emer
gency. What a mighty force the very
patriotic spirit of such organized
youths would become In suppressing
and eradicating communism and
other un-American isms that have In
fested so many of the countries of
Europe and are believed to be propa
gating their undemocratic doctrines In
our own beloved land. If we could
inculcate Into all the young men of the
country the pride of service, the devo
tion to duty and the respect for au
thority that the youth of America who
have enlisted In our Army, Navy and
Marine Corps possess, we need have
no fear for the Republic. These offi
cers and enlisted men do not want
war. They realize that they would
be its first victims, but they fully ap
preciate that the highest and noblest
service as citizens that they can ren
der to their country is to be adequately
prepared to defend it.
I wish that every American could
know and see the fine group of Amer
ican youths whose names adorn the
service rolls of the Navy and the
Army. Thousands of them this very
night, many of them perhaps listening
to this radio talk, far away from home,
on and under the high seas, in the air
or in distant military posts, receiving
a meager $36 per month, out of w-hich
they must pay for their uniforms and
clothing, are undergoing training
often under most dangerous conditions,
in order to be ready to protect you and
me against any foe who dares to in
fringe upon or attempts to destroy our
priceless heritage. I am pleading for
a spirit of appreciation of this service.
I am pleading for the Inculcation in
the souls of all Americans, their spirit
of love of service, their spirit of hap
piness and contentment in being pre
pared to serve America—not in the
heyday of peace and prosperity, but
In the hour of trial, of suffering and
of sacrifice.
You say we have no enemies and
there is no danger of war. I reply
that history—even our own history—
shows that war is like the angel of
death—It comes unexpectedly. It is
no respecter of nations. No spot on
earth has ever been immune from Its
devastation. History is replete with
never-ending conflicts of the human
family, fighting against subjection by
mightier military forces and in re
turn fighting desperately to throw off
the oppressor and win back freedom.
We may hope for peace and pray
for peace, but we must be prepared to
defend our Nation if attack comes.
Every war veteran m America is as
ardent for peace as any pacifist, yet '
they are the most militant group for
strong national defense. They have j
breathed the poison gas of the enemy
and they know war's unspeakable hor
rors. They hate war. It Is to spare
their families and their children a
repetition of these horrors that they
counsel the policy of preparedness.
Let us read the lessons of history.
Let us profit by the mistakes of the
past. Let not our love of peace blind
us to the realities in this present-day
world. Let us perceive the dangers.
Let us realize the priceless values of
our homes, our loved ones and our
liberties. Let us remember again the
words of Washington, ‘'to be prepared
for war is the most effectual means of
preserving peace.”
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