WM IN FORUM ASKS U. S. PREPARE Quotes Washington and Urges New Means of Pre serving Neutrality. Quoting the words of George Wash ington, “to be prepared for war Is one of the most effectual means of pre serving peace,” Senator David I. Walsh. Democrat, of Massachusetts, last night called for “new ways and means of preserving strict neutrality,” and for strengthening of national de fenses on land, sea and In the air. Walsh spoke in the National Radio Forum arranged by The Star and broadcast over a national network of the National Broadcasting Co. First citing Washington’s Birthday and paying tribute to the first Presi dent, Walsh discussed national defense and declared "It is apparent that our own naval and military defenses are far below the standard set by other nations for themselves.” “Our traditional policy has been and ought to be,” said the Senator, "to think in terms of national defense— not in terms of offense. Our Navy is necessarily our first line of defense and if impregnable, our complete de fense. because by the circumstances of our geographical position, attack upon us. if attack does come, must come by way of the sea.” ifxi or ftuarexs. The text of Senator Walsh's address follows: On this national holiday, which we have been observing today, every American citizen who truly loves his country, and who is truly worthy of his heritage has had on his lips the name of George Washington and In his heart profound sentiments of ad miration and gratitude. Tonight It is my purpose to speak to you of Washington and to recall to you some of the circumstances and events of his day—and then to discuss the subject of peace in terms of naval defense. Washington and the others who founded our Republic and whose memories we revere had their prob lems. We have ours. But in some re spects, despite the interval of a cen k tury and a half, their and our prob lems, purposes and objectives are basically identical. When Washington took control of fhe Army in 1775, there were less than three million men, women and chil dren. black and white, in the 13 Colonies. Most of them were depend ent on the toil of their own hands for their bread and shelter. Many Winters some of them went hungry. Wood was their only fuel. Medical , care was scarce Schooling was rudi mentary. Travel was slow anti fraught with hardship and danger. Of recreation, as we know it today, there was none. Yet, except for their political grievances against the Roval Governors and the Mother Country, they regarded themselves as contented nuu yi Lwjjriuua. i nty uiu nut com plain of their lot nor grumble about hardships. They were accustomed to Rather in their churches and render thanks to their Creator for his many blessings and mercy. They were God fearing and C^od-trusting men and women who ioilnd peace and content ment in steadfast reliance upon the Creator. Today we have an aggregate na tional wealth represented by stores of gold, and other valuable resources far beyond the imagination of King Solo mon. We have fine highways, free schools, libraries, hospitals, play grounds and public beaches. To be sure we have unemployment. Poverty has not yet been abolished. Admit tedly we have deep and grave social and political problems with which to deal. I do not want to seem to mini mize them, but X submit that all of our present-day troubles are small in comparison with our blessings; that our present personal hardships are as nothing when compared with those »o bravely endured by our forefathers. Faith in Omnipotent God. One fundamental and priceless treasure, however, was possessed by George Washington and his compa triots which, for the most part, we today seem to have lost—that is the sustaining comfort of belief in the highest guidance and the protecting power of an omnipotent God. Any comparison between the pres ent and Washington's period, that is not superficial, will reveal the fact that the spiritual resources of strength, inspiration, comfort and contentment to Washington and his compatriots have largely disappeared. The ab sence of this influence has become marked in every walk of life. Observe the absence of religious influence, to day In the three activities of our society, namely the education of youth. In our business and in our political - life Xjook about and witness the con sequences of this loss of spiritual values, and rejection of religion in the present-day world! The world has been rocked by ex plosive combats that have Impaired faith in government, created class hatreds, permitted disproportionate distribution of wealth and recurring cycles of panic and economic pros tration. We have reached a point in this combat of material and political forces. In this age of machines and money and the pursuit of pleasure and power that today many are ap prehensive with respect to the sur vival of democracy. This is, indeed, a stupenduous departure from the Ideals of the mm of Washington's era. I do not hesitate to say to my fel low countrymen on this anniversary of Washingtons birth that in my opinion there will be no lasting solu tion or permanent reconstruction of our economic life unless we return and onoe more become inspired by the di vinely taught principles of Justice, equality and charity that guided Washington and the other patriots of his epoch. Unless the soul of the Na tion is dominated by the spiritual, rather than the material, of what avail are our laws and our Constitu tion? If tne spirit oi wasnington couia apeak to us tonight, would he not un equivocally proclaim that without divine guidance and assistance we as a people are doomed? We must not only move to preserve the democracy, which Washington be queathed to us: we must not only emu late the founding fathers' love of country and their religious faith and reliance on divine guidance, but we may also take a lesson from Wash ington with respect to one of our paramount present-day questions of national policy—the question of war and peace. George Washington was a lover of peace and therefore a firm believer in national defense. It was he who said: "To be prepared for war is one of the most effectual means of pre serving peace.” By what means did Washington plan for us to choose be tween peace and war? Here are his - words: “Taking care to keep ourselves * r Calls for Adequate Defense SENATOR WALSH.__ I by suitable establishments on a re i spectable defensive posture.’’ which : means adequate national defense. He i also urged for securing peace and avoiding war, national isolation, by i keeping away from foreign entangle ! ments and alliances—another name today for strict neutrality. Avoidance of War. As we look about the world of today and witness the political and social revolutions tnat are transpiring, the dethronement of kings and emperors, the abandonment of constitutions and democratic institutions to be replaced by dictatorships, the ominous clouds of war that hang low throughout Eu rope. with three actual wars having taken place since the World War. is not our paramount problem to escape I involvement in another war, if war comes? The growth of dictatorships in cer tain countries of Europe injects a new danger into the international situa tion. They are warlike and bellicose | in spirit and purpoje and have pro ceeded to build up military, naval and aircraft armaments on a scale here 4 tofore unimagined in Europe. Again, communism, spreading stealthily and strategically its tentacles in every part of the world, has become a real and definite threat to the continuance of democracy. I repeat, no realistic discussion or America's present-day problems can avoid mention of the war risk. Sound statesmanship requires that our na tional policies be so shaped as to pro mote and safeguard peace for our own country and, so far as lies within our power, peace for the world. It is not enough that we proclaim our desire for peace—we must leave nothing un done in an effort to Insure peace. In the past this has meant treaties to outlaw war, efforts to conclude dis armament agreements. It has meant attempts to reach an accord with other nations with respect to interna tional trade and international finance, since It is recognized that economic factors are so often the breeders of war. It has meant unselfish efforts to spread the gospel of peace and good will among all the nations of the earth. The United States has led the world in preaching the gospel that the road to peace is through universal disarma ment. After 16 yeara of conference* and treaty making it is regrettable to announce that practically no progress has been made toward limitation of armaments. During this period we have seen three concerted efforts to limit naval armaments by internation al agreement fail. These efforts finally ended on December 31, 1836, with the termination of the treaties that had been made. We are now back where we were before the World War. Despite the horrifying memories of the World War, which are still fresh 1 in the minds of this generation, the ! race in armaments continues un abated, in fact, with accelerated speed. Practically every major power has joined in this mad race and even the extraordinary demands upon national budgets do not seem able to slow I down the large building programs, which embrace all the expected naval and military armaments, and, what is perhaps most ominous, vast numbers | of airplanes fully equipped for scout ' ing and bombing which constitute a ; sinister menace not only to the armies : ana navies 01 inner puwers, uui iu ! the helpless populations as well. For the future, national defense to us should mean implementing our Government with new ways and means of preserving our own strict neutrality in the event of war elsewhere; It means enactment of statutes to elimi nate the profit motive within our own land as related to the supplying of materials or labor during the state of war; it means Anally the strengthen ing of our national defenses—on land, on sea and in the air. Example of Other Nations. Before discussing what the United States Is doing with respect to strengthening its own defenses, let me picture to you very briefly, what other nations have been doing and are now proposing with respect to their own armaments. Great Britain is embarked on a naval building program of immense proportions. In the single year of 1936. she authorised the construction of 61 naval vessels including two bat tleships, five cruisers and another air craft carrier. She has built a new naval base at Singapore. She has in creased the enlisted personnel of her navy. She Is expanding her air force and strengthening her army. Japan, within the last year or two has authorized or completed a total of 88 additional cruisers, submarines, destroyers and other types of naval craft and Is acquiring many modem cargo vessels of high speed, easily con vertible into naval transports. France is building two battleships and her 1937 program calls for con struction of approximately 43 vessels. Germany has now under construc tion or appropriated for 3 battleships, 2 aircraft carriers, 3 cruisers, 23 de stroyers, S submarines and 12 torpedo boats. Italy’s naval building program is proceeding rapidly and even 8oviet Russia has now turned her attention to naval defense and is reported to now have in commission a submarine fleet of perhaps 100. Our own Navy of today has 16 heavy cruisers and is building 2. England has 19 today and Japan 12. We have built and building 19 light cruisers, while Japan has 20 In this category and Great Britain has 34. Our own fleet of destroyers, Includ ing those now under construction, totals 73. Japan has 82 and Great Britain has 108. What about sub marines? We have a total of 42, built or building, whereas Japan has 61 and Great Brrltain has S3. Aircraft carriers continue the mo bile base of a naval force. When we finish the aircraft carriers we now have under construction we will have a total of 6, Japan has 6 and Great Britain 9. In comparative strength of com bined air forces we are in seventh place, according to a public state ment recently made by the chief of the Army Air Corps That means that six nations now have larger air fleets than the United States. We have a present total of 2.074 planes. Even Japan Is reported to have as many military and naval planes as we have. Germany has 2.800 war planes; France, 4,000; Italy. 4.400; Great Britain, more than 4,600. and Soviet Russia is reported to have approxi mately 5.000 planes. Army Comparatively Small. In the matter of comparative strength of our land forces you are well aware that our own standing Army is the smallest of any large nation. In fact, in numerical strength it is about on a par with Turkey. Our own total army strength including all our trained reserves is about 400,000. The British Empire count* It* army, including It* trained reserves, at l, 100.000. Germany has more than 2.000. 000. not including any of her numerous semi-military organizations. France and Italy each, including both active and trained reserves are main taining an army of approximately 6.000. 000 Japan has more than 2, 000.000 men trained and ready for service. Soviet Russia has nearly 19.000. 000 trained soldiers, of which number about 1,500,000 are on active service. Thus, it is apparent that our naval and military defenses are far below the standard set by other nations for themselves and, in view of what 1* happening elsewhere In the world, are perhaps below the level for our own safety. We are not. however, pro posing to embark in any competitive race for naval supremacy. Our own naval program, large as It may seem to be, is nevertheless not more than is required if we are to have a navy of treaty strength, that is. of the strengtn * penned for ourselves In the peace-time naval treaties which re cently expired. If we continue our present program, we will not reach our treaty strength until 1942. Whether is will prove necessary to accelerate our program and Increase It Is a question which future events will determine. Our traditional policy has been, and ought to be, to think In terms of na tional defense—not In terms of offense. Our Navy is necessarily our first line of defense and if Impregnable, our complete defense, because by the cir cumstances of our geographical posi tion, attack upon us. if attack docs come, must come by way of the sea. We had no Navy when we fought the Revolutionary War. By courage, by strategy and by cunning, though often with inferior forces, Washington won many battles. He lost many other battles and nearly lost the war because of one major reason. He was com pelled to watch, helplessly, the con tinual landing of foreign soldiers on American soli, while his own troops dwindled through battle after battle until Valley Forge, the time when the historians say "all was lo6t save hope." The Continental forces had no ships. Had they been able to prevent the. con tinuous landing of foreign trooos and supplies, the Colonists would have won the Revolution in a comparatively short time. Indeed, had they finally not been able to prevent the landing of troops and supplies, we probably would not have won our freedom. It was not until France recognised the Col onies and dispatched the French fleet, through the efforts of John Paul Jones (in part), which prevented fur Psychic Message Council 11M Twelfth St N.W. Corner ef ltih end “l" Circle. Daily, 2:30 * 7:30 P.M. Grace Gray DeLaat. Reader Personal interview, for spiritual help and guidance may be arranged by a visit ta the Council House or Telephone Mei»-„,)litan 5934 Consultation SI ther landing of troops, that the Rev olution was won. Naval blockade by the French waa the final, If not the decisive factor that made possible the existence of our Nation. We can well understand, therefore, why Washing ton recognized the need of a Navy sufficiently powerful to prevent the landing of foreign troops on Ameri can soil. In the event of war, if we have a nucleus of an active army, it can be rapidly expanded. Indeed, the Army must expand to many times its insig nificant peacetime strength before it could become eflective for war. But not so with the Navy. It must be ready to withstand attacks immediately, at the very hour that war is declared, and repel any attempts of invasion un til the Army can be recruited and trained. Theoretically at least. If the Navy were strong enough, the Army would never be called upon for the pur pose of defense. Furthermore, a strong and efficient Navy with its planes and carriers Is the only cure safeguard from foreign air aggression. Invasion from the air will come through the use of aircraft carrier*—huge naval crafts that carry 100 planes each. The enemy, by the use of its aircraft carriers lying two or three hundred miles oft shore, with in comparatively few minutes could send hundreds of planes from its car riers, under cover of night, and launch a raid that could destroy our seacoast cities. Reliance of China. we have been speaking about war ships, and about building more war ships—walls of steel for our defense. We have seen why this has and will continue to cost billions of dollars. But with all our extensive naval craft, we must remember that the defense of the country in the final analysis lies, unfortunately, with walls of men and not walls of steel. China relied upon walls of stone. So did the Roman Em pire. Ethiopia relied upon walls of words, namely, international leagues and peace pacts. All such walls, whether they be of steel, or stone, or words, crumble unless they are backed up by walls of men Naval vessels, however powerful, do not win wars. It is the man power that achieves the victory. Therefore, it Is of supreme Importance that the man power of the country be prepared to defend our liberties in the event of an unfore j seen and unexpected attack. Unless we have well-trained men who know j how to navigate, how to fly and how to fight, our warships and warplanes are mere tissue. America more than any other nation because of Its small ao , tive military organizations must give special attention to the training and maintaining of large reserve forces, not j only for her Army, but likewise for her Navy and air forces. We must have trained soldiers, sailors and ma rines, as well as air pilots, who can speedily emerge from the peaceful avocations of life, ready to augment the active forces of the country's de fense, In the event of attack. We can build hundreds of airplanes in 90 days, but we cannot train the necessarily skilled pilots with knowledge of gun nery in less than a year to combat a superior force of trained pilots and gunnej-y experts, participating In a hostile attack. Therefore, It seems to me highly Important this necessary force and essential training be pro vided. It Is inspiring to note the number, character and extent of personal sacri fices already being made by the young men of the country, enlisted In the active and reserve forces. There are many more willing and anxious to bring to their citizenship this neces sary training, but, unfortunately, we have not provided the funds or facili ties to take advantage of their aplrlt of willingness. I know of no better contribution we can make to our na tional defenae than by training these thousands of fine young Americana who love their country—who hate war, but who consider it the highest pa triotic duty to be prepared to defend our liberties in any unforeseen emer gency. What a mighty force the very patriotic spirit of such organized youths would become In suppressing and eradicating communism and other un-American isms that have In fested so many of the countries of Europe and are believed to be propa gating their undemocratic doctrines In our own beloved land. If we could inculcate Into all the young men of the country the pride of service, the devo tion to duty and the respect for au thority that the youth of America who have enlisted In our Army, Navy and Marine Corps possess, we need have no fear for the Republic. These offi cers and enlisted men do not want war. They realize that they would be its first victims, but they fully ap preciate that the highest and noblest service as citizens that they can ren der to their country is to be adequately prepared to defend it. I wish that every American could know and see the fine group of Amer ican youths whose names adorn the service rolls of the Navy and the Army. Thousands of them this very night, many of them perhaps listening to this radio talk, far away from home, on and under the high seas, in the air or in distant military posts, receiving a meager $36 per month, out of w-hich they must pay for their uniforms and clothing, are undergoing training often under most dangerous conditions, in order to be ready to protect you and me against any foe who dares to in fringe upon or attempts to destroy our priceless heritage. I am pleading for a spirit of appreciation of this service. I am pleading for the Inculcation in the souls of all Americans, their spirit of love of service, their spirit of hap piness and contentment in being pre pared to serve America—not in the heyday of peace and prosperity, but In the hour of trial, of suffering and of sacrifice. You say we have no enemies and there is no danger of war. I reply that history—even our own history— shows that war is like the angel of death—It comes unexpectedly. It is no respecter of nations. No spot on earth has ever been immune from Its devastation. History is replete with never-ending conflicts of the human family, fighting against subjection by mightier military forces and in re turn fighting desperately to throw off the oppressor and win back freedom. We may hope for peace and pray for peace, but we must be prepared to defend our Nation if attack comes. Every war veteran m America is as ardent for peace as any pacifist, yet ' they are the most militant group for strong national defense. They have j breathed the poison gas of the enemy and they know war's unspeakable hor rors. They hate war. It Is to spare their families and their children a repetition of these horrors that they counsel the policy of preparedness. Let us read the lessons of history. Let us profit by the mistakes of the past. Let not our love of peace blind us to the realities in this present-day world. Let us perceive the dangers. 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