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LONG CALLED FOR t Close Decisions and Power Over Acts of Congress Subjects in 1800. The story of the Supreme Court —its origin, its development and , issues it has raised in the history of the United States—is told here in a series of articles, of which this is the fifth, until the object of throwing light on questions raised in the momentous political battle note being waged m Washington as a result of President Roosevelt’s program for court reorganizations. BY WILLIAM C. McCLOY. No sooner had the general public ! begun to appreciate the importance of the Supreme Court in the affairs of the Nation than it sought to change j the structure and power of the court. This was about 1800. The first changes suggested had to do with the Justices’ term of office, close decisions and the courts power over acts of Congress. With the rise of the Republicans— progenitors of the present Democratic Young Washington President has learned to his dismay that justices, once on the Supreme bench, feel little or no obligation to ward the man who named them. As the slavery problem began to attract greater attention, the agita tion to limit the Jurisdiction of the Supreme Court increased. During the decade 1820-1830 nearly ail of the proposals to alter the Supreme Court that are being presented today were discussed In Congress and out of it. Ex-President Jefferson advocated limiting the tenure of the Justices to six years without reappointment ex cept by agreement of both houses of Congress. In 1921 Richard M. Johnson of Kentucky offered a reso lution in the Senate to give that body appellate jurisdiction in cases calling for constitutional interpretation. In 1822 and 1823 Representative Stevenson of Virginia sought to de prive the court of the right of judicial review of acts of Congress and. in 1824, Senator Johnson proposed a bill requiring the concurrence of five out of seven justices in constitutional cases—a proposal that was favorably reported from the Committee on Judiciary by Senator Martin van Buren. Nine Proposals in 45 Years. Proposals for the concurrence of more than a majority of the Supreme Court to hold an act of Congress un constitutional have appeared in Con gress every now and then since 1824. More than nine times from 1823 to 1868, proposals |-ere made requiring concurrence of more than a ma jority of the court to hold a State of seven justices out of nine to pro nounce an act of Congress uncon stitutional. In 1935, the Senator told why he changed his views. In a letter to Mr. Warren, July, 1935, the Sena tor said: “In 1923, I felt very strongly and I feel now that, if there is any prac tical way to avoid these five-to-four decisions upon constitutional ques tions, it should be done. But, after introducing the bill and studying the subject with considerable care, I could see no practical way to bring this about. The more I considered the subject, the more I concluded that the majority rule had to obtain in the courts as elsewhere in our Govern ment. There were other objections which seemed (insurmountable. It was also doubtful whether the result could be reached by statute or in any other way than by a constitu tional amendment." Minority Rule Illustrated. Mr. Warren also gives a cogent Illustration of how "the minority rule" works. The State Constitution of Ohio provides that "no law shall ■ be held unconstitutional and void by ; the Supreme Court of the State with- ! out the concurrence of at least all but one of the judges”—of six out of seven. In a suit attacking the validitv ' or the workman’s compensation act, five judges held it unconstitutional and two thought it constitutional. The views or two judges, under the rule, prevailed—two-sevenths ot the court outvoted five-sevenths! There was no question in the earlier days regarding majority rule in the Supreme Court. The views upon thus matter of the two outstanding leaders of the two major political parties were identical: "To give a minority a negative upon the majority, which is always the case where more than a majority is requi site to a decision, is, in its tendency, i to subject tlie sense of the greater number to that of the lesser.”—Alex ander Hamilton. "The first principle of Republican ism is that the law of the majority is the fundamental law of every so ciety of individuals of equal rights: to consider the will of the society enounced by the majority of a single vote as sacred as if unanimous is the first of all lessons in importance, yet last which is thoroughly learned.”— Thomas Jefferson. (Copyright. l!i:iT by the North American Newspaper Alliance Inc.) England's 1.152 co-operative so cieties now have 7.435.307 members DON'T party—the country became office-con- | scious. Everybody was in politics, in-1 eluding the justices of the Supreme Court, some of these campaigning openly for their respective parties. In the last days of John Adams' admin-! Istration, his party, under the judiciary act of 1801. created 16 Circuit Court judges and. under a supplementary law, 42 justices of the peace for the District of Columbia. When the Jeffersonians came into power in Congress, they repealed the ! judiciary act of 1801 and anticipated a possible unconstitutional ruling of the Supreme Court by suspending the court. This was accomplished by set ting aside the court's next term of meeting until February. 1803. The conduct of Justice Samuel Chase was particularly obnoxious to President Jefferson and he sought to have Chase ! Impeached Justice Chase was ac quitted in 1805. Randolph Introduced Rill. John Randolph, on advice of Presi- ! dent Jefferson, then introduced a bill In Congress, providing that the judges of the Supreme Court and of all other courts of the United States shall be removed by the President on the joint 1 address of both houses of Congress. “ The Republicans—Jeffersonians—were so disappointed over the result of the trial of Aaron Burr that another amendment—again with the Presi dent's approval—was proposed in Con gress limiting the tenure of all United i Spates judges to a term of years. The ! bill,also provided for their removal by the President on petition from two thirds of both houses. The object of these amendments was to wrest control of the Supreme Court from the Federalists and place It with the Republicans (.Jefferson The rotogravure section of The Sunday Star attracts the at tention of a winsome student at the Takoma Elementary School kindergarten. The child is Donna Belle Robinson, daughter of Mr. and Mrs. Carl H. Robinson, 808 Philadelphia avenue. Silver Spring. Md. Tomorrow—Janice Elaine Bregman, daughter of Mr. and Mrs. David Bregman, at the Truesdale School. —Star Staff Photo. iansl. Up to 1804 the Federalists fully controlled the court. In that year the resignation of Justice Moore enabled Jefferson to appoint the first Republican-Democrat to the Supreme Court. He was William Johnson of South Carolina, age 32, the youngest man ever appointed to the Supreme bench. The death of Justice Patter son and the addition of a new cir cuit gave President Jefferson two more justices. With the hope of getting control of the court in a lawful way, the Jef fersonians abandoned their plans of changing the court's structure and the tenure of offlre for the justices. But Jefferson was destined to dis appointment in his desire to control the court. The Chief Justice. John Marshall, was too clever for him. At the time the justices all lived under the same roof, and the cul tured intelligence of Marshall proved more potent than the politics of the President. Jefferson's justices wouldn’t stay hitched. Two Opposed Sponsor. Both Justice Livingston and Jus tice Johnson, Jefferson’s own ap pointees. went against their sponsor in opposing the embargo act prohib iting the selling of food to European nations at war—an act as unpopu lar as the Volstead law a century or more later. Pour years later, when President Madison revived the em bargo act, Joseph Story, Madison’s ap pointee to the Supreme bench, ruled vigorously against it. President after 1 ^ statute unconstitutional. Nothing the Supreme Court has done in the last two decades has oc casioned more discussion than its five-to-four decisions. The greatest good that will result from the pres ent agitation will be that the gen eral electorate will have a clearer idea of why the framer of the Constitution adopted the majority rule. Charles Warren, in an exhaustive review of this subject, relates the story of Senator Borah's conversion to the rule of majority opinions. In 1923. the Senator introduced a bill In the Senate reauiring the concurrence _.. 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