Evening star. [volume], March 06, 1937, Page A-7, Image 7

About Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972

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Strike Issues
Clarified by
Steel Pact
Powerful Aid for Lewis
Also Accomplishes
Gain for Employer.
BY DAVID LAWRENCE.
PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT has
been virtually directing the
course of employer and em
ploye relations in the major
disputes of the labor world in the last
few weeks.
Behind the scenes, unobserved by
iriff picaa,
the long distance
telephone freely
to talk to princi
pals on both sides
of the various
disputes, Mr.
Roosevelt has
been bringing to
bear the pressure
of the influence
of his office to
where divergent
views are found,
force a settlement
It was Mr.;
Roosevelt whose
frequent confer
David Lawrence.
tnces witn tne executive neaa oi me
United States Steel Corp. and also
with John L. Lewis, influenced the
making of the latest treaty between
the steel corporation and the C. I. O.
It was Mr. Roosevelt who dictated
that part of the General Motors settle
ment which gave Lewis his advantage
In the letter sent separately to Gov.
Murphy by the General Motors Corp.
agreeing for six months not to bargain
with other groups without submitting
the facts to the Michigan Governor—
a stipulation which is being variously
Interpreted but which the Lewis fol
lowers say was a tactical advantage.
What is significant about the Presi
dent's personal intervention in the
Industrial war is that the adminis
tration took no steps at any time to
compel the evacuation of plants by
"sit-down" strikers. The knowledge
that the Government of the United
States might do likewise in the case
of a steel strike had no doubt quite
an effect on the attitude of the United
States Steel Corp. in seeking to avoid
a strike.
.MPSSajJP l*OPN i Iin-priiiiaiiuru.
Lewis and President Roosevelt are
H’orking together in the labor situa
tion. The C. I. O is in such high
favor at the White House that the
use of a circular entitled "A Message
Prom the President" to imply to pros
pective members of the C. I. O. unions
In New Jersey that somehow the Gov
ernment wanted them to unionize was
not in the slightest way reprimanded.
If some other organization used the
words "A Message From the Presi
dent" in a circular and then pro
ceeded to interpret some law as mean
ing that the recipient should take due
note of governmental action affecting
him, the White House probably would
act .promptly. In this case the Presi
dent for reasons of his own decided
to overlook the implied use of the
name of his office.
Concurrently with this obvious
friendliness to the C I. O. cause, the
organizations controlled by Lewis are
getting ready to repay the President
by developing among their members
and the circle of their influence a
public sentiment in favor of the Pres
ident's plan to enlarge the Supreme
Court. The C. I. O. is reported to
have contributed no less than $500,000
to Mr. Roosevelt's campaign fund and
to have put into active operation a
get-out-the-vote scheme which the C.
I. O. leaders feel entitles them to the
favorable consideration for their cause
by president Roosevelt.
Forced One Lewis Retreat.
But whatever the C. I. O. spokesmen
may say about the high position they
occupy at the White House, the fact
remains that Mr. Roosevelt did force
them to retreat in the steel contro
versy on a major item of strategy—
the demand for exclusive bargaining
rights. Lewis attained so much more
In return from the United States Steel
Corp. settlement that he was prob
ably glad for the time being to waive
such a demand. But Mr. Roosevelt
nevertheless is in a position now to
Insist on the wider application of the
principle which was incorporated in
the steel settlement. It if were in
cluded in the Wagner labor relations
act it would remove much of the op- j
position that employers have to what
they call a one-sided statute. The
principle as officially stated in the
agreement signed by the C. I. O. and
the United States Steel Corp. is as
follows:
“There shall be no discrimination.
Interference, restraint or coercion by
the corporation, or any of its agents,
against any member because of mem
bership in the union or its successors.
"The Steel Workers Organizing
Committee or its successors agree not
to intimidate or coerce employes into
membership, or to solicit membership
on corporation time or plant prop
ertv."
Approved by Employers.
The foregoing would be accepted
by 99 per cent of the employers of the
Nation as a proper statement of em
ployer and employe relations if em
bodied in State laws or in Federal
laws relating to businesses engaged
In interstate commerce. Such a state
ment in almost identical language was
first agreed to by President Roosevelt
when he signed the automobile code
under the N. R. A. and such a statement
was in almost the same phraseology
Included in the Republican national
platform adopted at the Cleveland
convention. It was repeated in the
formal statement issued last July by
the American Iron and Steel Institute
on behalf of all the members of the
steel industry. And it was that very
same principle which Philip Murray,
organizer for the C. I. O., publicly
denounced as having been inspired
by the National Association of Manu
facturers.
So w’hile Mr. Lewis is making some
gains, it is aiso fair to record that
gains have also been made in other
directions, toward a clarification of
the main issues that have caused or
threatened to cause strikes.
(Copyright. 1937.)
AWARDS READY
Applications for the $1,500 in gradu
ate fellowships annually awarded by
Kappa Kappa Gamma Sorority can
now be made, it was announced today.
Divided Into three $500 fellowships,
the awards are open to any woman,
iorority member or not, who has or
will have by July 1 a degree from any
one of 72 American and Canadian
colleges and universities having Kappa
eha.pters.
Application blanks can be obtained
from the office of the dean of women
■t George Washington University or
the University of Maryland Results
will be announced shortly after July 1.
t
News Behind the News
Air-Tight Secret Negotiations Effected Steel Con
cession Bombshell.
BV PAUL MALLON
THE suddenness of steel's concession to John L. Lewis knocked several
of the highest Washington hats off. Such a free concession, with
out a struggle, was hardly expected by any one except a very small
circle in on the negotiations.
Many rumored explanations for the cave-in are being passed around.
One is that President Roosevelt waved the Walsh-Healey act as an Indian
sign over the heads of steel manufacturers. There is something in that
one. Steel could not indefinitely continue to refrain from bidding on
naval ships for national defense.
Then, there is another one about big orders for steel plate for British
battleships hanging fire. These orders, the curb-sitters say, could not be
handled as long as steel was not being furnished for new American battle
ships because of the wage and hour restrictions of the Walsh-Healey
act. This one seems to he wet. i tie
official figures show manufacturers «
have more domestic orders on hand
that they will be able to fill any
time soon. Furthermore, trade ex
perts say there have been some
British inquiries, but no British
orders, and no prospects of any big
ones being filed.
A thoroughly dry explanation
is probably the simplest one. Steel
is doing excellent business, does
not want strike trouoles ot any kina, i-arucuiariy n uues wain, a
repetition of the recent auto bedlam, which is fresh in mind
The demand for its product is so strong now that it immedi
ately took steps to pass on the increased oost of labor in increased
prices. A year ago that could not have been done.
While the deal gives Lewis an inviting opportunity to organize steel
into his own particular kind of union, the question of whether he can
do it is left for further determination. The companies are to maintain
an open shop. Meanwhile, a separate independent union is being organ
ized in th.e Chicago district, and one is expected to be started soon in the
Pittsburgh district. It is called "The Steel Workers’ Independent Labor
Union” and wili resist the Lewis campaign. When the losses and gains
of the industry are added up they appear to be nearer even than the result
of a different way of handling the same situation in the auto industry.
The only net loss will be to the consumer, who, as usual, seems to be lost
in the shuffling of the new order.
* • * *
The steel deal may have broken suddenly on the public mind, but it
had long been in the process of secret negotiation. The inside story of
how it started is this:
Lewis and Senator Guffey of Pennsylvania were lunching at the most
expensive hotel in towui more than a month ago. They spied the steel
chief, Myron Taylor, and Mrs. Tavlor, at a nearby table
The paths of Lewis and Taylor crossed on the way out. They
spoke. Lewis had met Taylor in 1933 when he negotiated a con
tract for his miners in the so-called "captive mines" of United
States Steel. They sat down and had a chat, agreeing that,
inasmuch as they must explore their situation some day, it might as
well be faced then. The chat led to further exploration conferences,
and. for the past few weeks. Lewis was in constant contact with
steel officials, including President Moses of Frick Coal, whom Lewis
knows by his front name.
Not. a word leaked out about the conferences, although they were held
In Washington and New York.
* * # *
The Lewis labor organizers' rally held in Pittsburgh showed how en
thusiastic he and his associates are about their prospects of sweeping
inrougn sirei. nicy inn.* uo'c
more trouble than they expect—
for one thing, steel has never been
organized. The workers are not
unipn-minded. Their work re
quires much more skill and brings
them much greater return than
the average. They are conse
quently much more independent.
The Lewis people place great
faith in their new right to put
badges on their representatives in
the steel plants. They thmK tnis will nave great psycnoiogicai eueci. nu»
ever, the most liberal non-partisan guess here is that he can put badges on
no more than 25 per cent of the industry, which will still leave him a con
siderable psychological distance yet to go.
His task obviously is going to be longer and harder than his associates
will admit.
No emotion was disclosed by State Secretary Hull when he ex
pressed the regret that had been officially requested by Hitler
because Mayor La Guard’a said uncomplimentary things about Der
Fuehrer. In fact, you might say his regrets were routine. The pro
test, carried to the State Department verbally by Herr Thomsen,
counselor of the German Embassy, likewise sounded more protocohsh
than anguished.
The only result, therefore, will be that Hitler ran advertise another
great diplomatic victory to hia people in a press which dares to tell them
only what he wants them to hear. Apparently that is all he wanted any
way.
(Corimsht. 1»H7.>
CITY NEWS IN BRIEF.
TODAY.
Card party and dance, Ohio Girls’
Club, Raleigh Hotel, 8 p.m.
Dinner. Federal Schoolmen’s Club,
Raleigh Hotel, 7 p.m.
Dance. Home Owners’ Loan. Ward
man Park Hotel, 10 p.m.
Dance, Minnesota State Society
and University of Minnesota alumni,
Shoreham Hotel, 9 p.m.
Dinner. District Building and Loan
League, Mayflower Hotel, 7 p.m.
Dance. State Department Recrea
tion Association, Mayflower Hotel, 9:30
p.m.
Card party and dance, Ruth Chap
ter, No. 1, O. E. S., Scottish Rite
Cathedral, Third and E streets, 8:30
p.m.
Card party and dance. Progressive
Club, People’s Life Insurance Co., Wil
lard Hotel, 10 p.m.
Concert. Chadwick Orchc-tra, Home
for Incurables. Wisconsin avenue and
Upton street, 7:30 p.m.
Dance, Daughters of America, 808
I street, 9 p.m.
Meeting. Biological Society of
Washington, Cosmos Club, 8 p.m.
Card party and dance. Harmony
Chapter. No. 40. O. E. S., Broadmoor
Hotel, 9:30 p.m.
TOMORROW.
Meeting, National Educational Fo
rum, 2230 California street, 2:30 p.m.
Card party and dance, Ladies’ Aux
iliary, Southeast Hebrew Congregation,
Willard Hotel, 9 p m.
China Closes 8 Radio Stations.
China recently closed eight Chines*
commercial radio broadcasting sta
tions in the Shanghai International
Settlement. -|||
(THE opinions of the writers on this page are their own, not
necessarily The Star’s. Such opinions are presented in
The Star’s effort to give all sides of questions of interest to its
readers, although such opinions may be contradictory among
themselves and directly opposed to The Star’s.
20, 1941
Date Remains in Roosevelt’s Mind, But No Clear
Cut Statement Forecasts Course.
BY MARK SULLIVAN.
PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT, In hi*
address Thursday night, made
two mentions of a certain
future date, January 20, 1941.
He recited a conversation he had had
with a friend, in which he told the
friend that *'My great ambition on
January 20, iy«i,
is to turn over
this desk and
chair in the
White House to
my successor,
whoever he may
be • • •” That is
more direct than
some of Mr.
Roosevelt’s other
utterances and
intimations o n
the same subject.
It is still short,
however, of the
form of words
which' past Presi
Mark Sullivan.
dents have used when they wished to
serve notice on the country that they
would not run again.
An authorized talk with Mr. Roose
velt was published in the New York
Times a few days ago by Arthur
Krock. In it much of Mr. Roosevelt's
talk was defense of his action about
the Supreme Court. Accompanying
that was defense against those who
cry "dictator'’ and "one-man Govern
ment.” Especially conspicuous was
Mr. Roosevelt's assurance, conveyed
indirectly, that he will not seek a third j
term. It was not really an assurance, |
but the impression was conveyed
strongly. It infused the whole talk.
The opening words of the article
quoted Mr. Roosevelt as having said,
“When I retire to private life on Janu
ary 20, 1941.” And the closing words
of next to the last paragraph repeated:
"By the time he leaves office 'on Janu
ary 20, 1941.’”
4 omrs h rom More Purees.
The same atmosphere of self-con- I
sciousness on this subject, and the
same kind of assurance by indirection,
is conveyed in a recent article by a
Roosevelt intimate. George Creel, in
Colliers. Creel's article begins:
"Not the least cause for White House
laughter in the.se post-election days is
the growing whisper that the idea of
a third term has taken fixed shape
in the President's mind * * * It hap- i
pens to be the case that Franklin D.
Roosevelt looks forward to private life
with keenest expectation • • * Only
recently, in conversation with an inti
mate, he said. 'On January 21, 1941, !
when a new President takes over, I [
will be in Hyde Park having the time ,
of my life.’ ”
Clearly that date, January 20, 1941,1
is much on Mr. Roosevelt's mind. His
preoccupation appears again and
again in the reports from callers at
the White House. Senators call on
Mr. Roosevelt to talk about his court
proposal. When the Senators come
out, waiting newspaper men ask them
what their talk with the President was
about. One after another says the
President brought up thf absurdity of j
his wanting a third term, and said his ]
dearest wish is to retire to Hyde Park I
on January 20, 1941.
What is to be inferred from this
reiteration? And from the fact that
it is put in indirect form, and from f
the fact that the President obviously 1
thinks a good deal about the coming
to an end of his second term? The
question is asked in good faith. It is
for those to answer who have most
understanding of human nature, most
experience with the v/orld.
First Roosevelt Was Direct.
Theodore Roosevelt, under analo
gous circumstances, when he deter
mined not to run again at the end
of his second term, said it once, and
said it directly—and thereafter never
said it again. Theodore Roosevelt, on
the night after he was elected for a
second term, issued a direct formal
statement ending: “Under no cir
cumstances will I be a candidate for or
accept another nomination." Through
out his second term he was repeatedly
besought to repeat his declaration. He
never would and never did. To the
' writer of this article and to many
; other friends he explained that a sec
i ond declaration would weaken the
I first. He lived up to the declaration
I In the sense that he would not permit
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another nomination immediately fol
lowing his second term, although after
four years elapsed he again sought a
nomination.
Calvin Coolidge had the same no
tion, that saving It once is better than
saying It often. Toward the end of
his second term he said, “I do not
choose to run," and stuck to the de
cision. But never would he repeat it,
though he was often besought to.
Temperament May Be Explanation.
What shall we Infer from the dif
ference between those two past Presi
dents and the present one? Between
Theodore Roosevelt, who said it once,
directly—and Franklin Roosevelt, who
says it many times, but indirectly? Is
the difference merely one of tempera
ment? Does one man's repetition
mean the same as another man's re
pression? So far as temperament
enters into the matter, Franklin
Roosevelt is exceptionally dominated
by his temperament. To a'degree
greater than most men, he is in the
control of his impulses, likes to do
what he wants to do at the time he
wants to do it. The trait grows on him.
One thing is safe to say. let no
one dismiss the notion of a third term
for Mr. Roosevelt just because such an
idea is sensational. Mr. Roosevelt en
joys being sensational, daring, takes
almost a voluptuous pleasure in it.
Besides, to run for a third term would
not be as sensational as what Mr.
Roosevelt has already done about the
Supreme Court.
True, a third term for Mr. Roosevelt
would be extraordinary. It is improb
able. Anything that has never hap
pened before is, of course, improbable.
If we were seeking words to express
how improbable a third term would
be. we might use such words as these:
Ridiculous, absurd.
Hazardous Words.
It happens that just those words
have been used in another connection,
to describe another futur. improb
ability. They were used to described
the notion that Mr. Roosevelt might
some day attempt to increase the Su
preme Court. When that notion was
first suggested, long before Mr. Roose
velt actually took the step, Senator
Ashurst of Arizona said;
"Among the unjust criticisms which
have been uttered . . . about President
Rosevelt. was that he intended at some
time—nobody knows when or where
to increase by some legerdemain—no
body knows when or where—the mem
bership of the Supreme Court of the
United States, so that his policies
might be sustaineo. A more ridicu
lous, absurd and unjust criticism of a
President was never made.”
Clearly, Mr. Roosevelt won't be de
terred from running for a third terra
just because the notion seems, in ad
vance, "ridiculous, absurd."
However, speculation about anothei
man's motives, or future course, it
always unsatisfying. One would pre
fer not to do it. For what goes or
within any man's mind cannot be full]
known by any one else; often the mar
himself is not fully aware of it.
(Cepyrluht. 1P37.J
We, the People
As a Church, Catholics Remain Uncommitted
on Child Labor Ban.
B" JAY FRANKLIN.
FOES of the child labor amendment have been encouraged by the
action of Cardinal O'Confiell of Boston and Cardinal Hayes of New
York, in opposing ratification of this elementary measure of social
reform. This action by two eminent Catholic prelates may delay
ratification of the amendment in New York and Massachusetts.
On the other hand, those close to Catholic affairs would be very
much surprised if Cardinal Mundelein of Chicago took an attitude
hostile to the effective regulation of commercialized child labor.
Archbishop Curley of Baltimore is another prelate who is regarded
as liberal and Archbishop McNicholas of Cincinnati, considered by
many insiders as "the voice of the Vatiean" in North America, re
mains also uncommitted.
It should be clearly understood by non-Catholics that these two
princes of the church speak only for themselves and cannot bind the
clergy outside of their own archdioceses. Cardinal Dougherty of Phila
delphia has not yet Joined his voice to theirs, although some Catholic
observers believe that he may do so.
Unless all the American cardinals and archbishops speak in united
opposition to what the tones call "Youth Control,” it cannot be said
that the church opposes the cnua
labor amendment. And on the
o*her side, it should be noted that
so eminent a Catholic as Father
Rvan and the National Catholic
Welfare Conference are strongly In
favor of social reform.
This is because the Catholic
Church, which is the oldest and
most deeply experienced human
organization on the face of the
globe, has learned to allow great
independence of action and judgment to its bisnops, reserving its auinoruy
to matters of religious dogma and ecclesiastic personnel. This is particu
larly true in the United States, which was until recently under the Congre
gation for the Propaganda of the Faith, and where Catholic bishops are
subject to less control by the archbishops than Is usual in older nations,
where the church has been longer established.
• • • •
An effort has been made by such agencies as the Sentinels of the
Republic to represent this amendment as a threat to ••Home, Church and
School,-' and it has been hinted that it would permit Federal interference
with the education in parochial schools. This is too far-fetched to be a
valid explanation of Catholic opposition in the Northeastern States
The clergy are shrewd and well-informed and are fully aware that
the evils sought to be combatted by this grant of power to the National
Government are mainly industrial and economic and bear no direct relation
to education or religious freedom.
The true explanation would seem to lie in the fact that the
Catholics of the East are strongly influenced by the ideas and
philosophy of Latin Europe, as taught by the Jesuit Order, and that
child labor legislation runs counter to the spirit of the Roman law
on which Latin civilization has based itself.
The old pre-Christian Roman law gave the husband an unlimited
right to divorce his wife and to kill his children. The church forbade
divorce, but until recently, and perhaps today, an Italian man could not
be compelled by law to support his wife and children. That was a matter
of conscience, not of law, and as such lay within the province of the
church rather than the courts. So there is an obvious quarrel between
Roman ideas on family relations and measures which would assert, through
legislation, a public interest in protecting children from their parents
cupidity, indifference or necessity.
It is also probable that in Boston and New York as in other large
cities, a fairly large number of Catholic children contribute to the support
of their homes, as newsoovs. mes
senger boys, shop girls and factory
workers. The child labor amend
ment threatens this source of fam
ily income and thereby suggests
an Immediate injury to the home—
the greatest single moral concern
of the Catholic Church.
The answer to this argument
is. of course, that the Encyclicals
of Pope Pius XI urge a “family
wage” for labor, while child-labor
in America tenas lo cuspmctr iuc ui uic u*t» »»**«»»* — —
desires to receive wages adequate for the support of their families.
The tragedy is not so much that children are required to work—
a moderate amount of work and responsibility is good for a child
and has been the human way of life for countless years—as it is that
children at work cause the cheapest and most docile form of human
labor to compete with their own parents and thereby undermine
the economic security of the home and family.
With millions of able-bodied men and women unable to secure em
ployment at a living, let alone a family, wage, commercialized child labor
in the United States constitutes one of the greatest of all threats to the
welfare of the home and family winch the Catholic Church seeks to defend.
(Copyright. 1037.)
An American
You Should
Know
Dr. Eric Englund Keeps
Acreage Fever Charts
To Guide Farmers.
BY DELIA PYNCHON.
TATED simply, economies deals
with the problem of malting a
living. If you are "high brow .”
you may say that it deals with
the problem of "production, distribu
; tion and equalization of wealth."
Anyway you put it it involves intensive
study.
ftmm /*
Dr. Eric f.'nrlund.
I
ur. eingiuna is
an fcon omist.
For many year*
he has been as
sistant chief in
charge of re
search, Bureau
o f Agricultural
E c o n o m i c s.
United States
Department of
Agriculture.
The name, plus
a slight accent,
blue eyes, fair
hair and skin,
immediately
J - A1V n
;vaui]J.o iJiiKiuu'* «* * ■* *■'• ~* • • --
; before hearing that he was born with
in 150 miles of the Arctie Circle m
1 Sweden. His education, however, is
j 100 per rent American. Dr. Englund
; has had degrees bestowed here and
there all the way from Oregon State
College and University to Harvard.
He taught agriculture in Kansas; lee-*
tured and talked to farmers. Once he
delivered a speech and pointed out
that “land values had declined be
cause taxes had increased." A farmer
piped up "lots of land wouldn't be
J worth anything if it weren't for
taxes."
Keeps Farmers Informed.
Dr. Englund supervises preparation
of the important farm outlook parr.
1 phlets. They contain charts and data
on about 40 commodities. Distributed
through the Government extension
service to county agents. 10.000 copies
reached the farmers last year. The
pamphlets contain the last word
; trends, production and prices, all the
wav up and down from peanuts to
mules. Charts give predigested pic
tures of employment and pay rolls.
farm prices received and farm prices
paid, foreign markets, and so on
through much economic pulse-taking.
They may look like fever charts to the
layman, but every jump and slump is
I significant to Dr. Englur.d.
Mother Nature's Aide.
It is a miracle of clairvoyance to
j hear him talk of future planning In
terms of present data. He says that
on some crops "it can be predicted
what the acreage will be next year on
the basis of this year's price." Pro
ducers raising, for instance, water
melons or potatoes, should heed acre
l age storm signals and put their land
to other use. Consistently, Dr. Eng
lund feels that "adjustments are less
painful and injurious if through eeo
I nomic programs we help Mother Na
1 lure to do a better job."
Dr. Englund works on the "doctor
heal thyself" principle. He has a
farm near Washington. There he
puts into practice in a small way what
I he preaches in a big way.
Timing is as vital to the making
of Senate Beer as it is to the boxer
or the tennis star. Split-second
accuracy in the making of the
brew means uniformity of flavor.
And time is as essential to the ma
turing of Senate Beer as it is to the
bringing of an athlete to the peak
of form.
CHR. HEURI<||
——-——————