Evening star. [volume], May 08, 1937, Page A-9, Image 9

About Evening star. [volume] (Washington, D.C.) 1854-1972

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Women Voters
Dodge Court
Stand
League Holds Time for
"Effective Action”
Passed.
BY DAVID LAWRENCE.
SINCE the National League of
Women Voters is such an im
portant national organization,
the announcement that its
general council “refused to take ac
tion for or against the President’s
Judiciary reform proposal” may have
David Lawrence.
come as a mat
ter of surprise to
those who are
unfamiliar with
the league’s
processes.
The reasons
given in the for
mal announce
ment were “that
the time for 'ef
fective action’
has passed, and
that the league
mem bership Is
too closely dl
l' i d e d on the
question.”
It ■will be noted also that the
league's "news release” quoted Mrs.
Marion A. Cheek of Buffalo, chair
man of the league's economic welfare
department, as having discussed the
motion to withhold action on the
court plan as follows:
"In view of the fact that action
could not have been taken by the
National League before this council
meeting and congressional hearings
have concluded, the league is not
in a position to act effectively at
this time. There is a diversity of
opinion and the delegates here are
not able to reflect correctly the rec
ognized division of opinion among
the membership.”
Amendment to Be Studied.
It occurred to me as passing strange
that any spokesman for the League
of Woman Voters would consider that
the time for "effective action” had
expired when congressional hearings
• re concluded on any pending bill,
especially as in this case, before it
has been reported from committee
in either the House or the Senate
and before any votes had been taken
tn either house of Congress.
It also seemed odd that at the same
meeting, at which no action was
taken on the President's judiciary pro
posal, the General Council, by a
two-thirds vote, decided to put on
*s "program item” for subsequent
•tudy a proposal to make it easier
to amend the Constitution. Indeed,
the news release said:
"Action regarded by league lead
ers as more fundamental and more
reflective of the league's interest in
the pending constitutional discussions
vas an earlier vote to "advocate an
amendment to the Federal Constitu
tion’ which will make ratification of
the amending process less difficult
end more responsive to the will of the
electorate.”
Accordingly, I sought an interview
Wth Miss Marguerite Wells, president
Of the League of Women Voters, and
Mrs. Harris T. Baldwin, vice presi
dent, and propounded a number of
Questions along the foregoing lines,
4tie position taken that the league’s
Attitude at the General Council is in
no way to be construed as favoring
or condemning the President’s judi
ciary proposal, that the league itself
had not had time for “effective ac
tion.” By this is meant that a sub
ject is put on the two-year program
And. as a rule, a thorough study is
conducted by one of the departments
of the league and by the members be
fore a position is taken. In other
words, there has not been time for
“effective action within the league it
self.”
Deny Power to Speak.
As for the powers of the council, it
was explained to me that many of the
members felt that they were not in a
position to speak for the constituent
bodies which they represent at a coun
cil meeting. It was also pointed out
that the reference to congressional
hearings was not to be construed as
limiting the league hereafter to the
taking of positions on current ques
tions after hearings have been held,
but was merely in reference to the
situation in which the council found
Itself at the meeting this week in
Washington.
Unlike the General Federation of
Women's Clubs, which recently by
overwhelming vote condemned the
President's judiciary proposal, the
League of Women Voters is a study
group primarily and does not pass
resolutions until after a long period
of situdy. Unfortunately for the Gen
eral Council meeting, the President’s
Concrete attack on the judiciary did
rot come until February 5, so there
was not time to prepare a lengthy
Study for members on which action
could be taken in time for the meeting
here this week.
What is, of course, just a bit puz
zling is the fact that the council did
support the study of a proposal advo
cating an easier way U, amend the
constitution. But this is defended on
the ground that the league’s attention
is devoted thereby to a broad process
related to the structure of Govern
ment rather than to a single phase of
the problems raised by the present
controversy over judicial interpreta
tion.
Problem Importance Recognized.
It is apparent, of course, that the
league of Women Voters, which more
pxrurately should be described as a
League for the Study of Current
Problems by Women Voters, recognizes
the importance of finding some answer
to the present agitation over judicial
Interpretation. If It be conceded, it
seems to me, that the Supreme Court
when tinder liberal influence stretches
the powers of Congress derived from
the interstate commerce clause and
lienee “amends” the Constitution, then
the converse is also tenable, namely,
that the refusal of the four cbnserya
tive justices to add to the powers
of Congress at the expense of the
States is a refusal to "amend” the
Constitution.
President Roosevelt in his radio
address told the country that there
was a crisis ahead and that it took
too long to amend the Constitution
because 13 States could block the
amendment. Mr. Roosevelt, therefore,
concluded that instead of changing
the Constitution, it was much easier
to change the Judges. When the
League of Women Voters in its cus
tomary non-partisan approach to all
question- holds discussions on how to
amend the Constitution in the easiest
way, there will no doubt be New
Dealers on hand to argue that the
simplest of all is the Roosevelt method
which avoids the so-called bother of
A
News Behind the News
Congressmen Have Had Cause to Fear President but
Not to Show Him Gratitude.
BY PAUL MALLON.
IN CONNECTION with this new self-assertiveness within Congress, It
is an overlooked fact that the President and Congressmen have never
got along very well together personally. Frankly, the average Con
gressman does not like President Roosevelt. He has never had
much cause to.
Two emotions dominate congressional thought. One is fear, the
other gratitude. The Congressmen have had cause to fear the President
politically, but they have not had much cause for personal gratitude.
Contrary to the popular opinion, not much patronage has been
doled out to the average member of the House. They get a few post
masters now and then, but this really causes them more trouble back
home than any other pari of their business. The best jobs have been
going to the few powerful chairmen of the big congressional com
mittees.
On top of this, several Congressmen have come back from their
districts, after making speeches for the President’s court program, com
plaining that there was a notice
able lack of popular interest in the
plan. One Congressman, making a
speech in a large Southern city,
drew an audience of only 150
people. Also their mail indicates
there is far more popular concern
over the approaching nuptials of
the Duke and Mrs. Simpson.
Of such practical things are
revolts made.
--— The strange preachings of
Agriculture Secretary Wallace lately have stirred considerable commo
tion among the thinkers of the new order.
They are all thumbing through copies of his speeches which are
supposed to be prophetic of the coming "social democracy” (Wallace’s
phrase), but apparently he means something like a socialized democracy.
There is not much new in the Wallace philosophy. He merely
says frankly uhat some of the less courageous new ordainers have
been hinting at. He says straightforwardly, for instance, he ivants
permanent confiscatory taxes upon every one who is making money
so the Government can continue to give to those who have little
money, and thus operate a supergovernmental spending machine
to “balance the economic order."
One point which is new is that he wants to crush out all corporate
power and have the Government supervise corporations in some kind of
co-operative arrangement for the control of production, prices and labor.
He does not know how it can be done, but is trying-to promote thinking
along these lines, in hopes that the solution will develop.
When this is done, he says the Government will then be able to
control capital, labor and agriculture in a near-perfect state.
♦ * * *
It sounds slightly Fascist in some particulars, such as the control of
group influences, but would preserve the democratic elective processes.
What many of his hearers are wondering is how long democratic processes
would last with the Government in control of everything. It might work as
long as wages and prices are being fixed ever higher and higher by the Gov
ernment, but you can imagine what would happen to the democratic proc
esses the first time this perfect democratic state decreed a wage cut for the
national economic well-being. What Mr. Wallace will have to do first is to
make every one as pure and unselfish as he is, and this may require a
constitutional amendment repeal
ing the law of human nature.
Quite an inside scramble has
developed over the high hats to be
worn by that World's Fair Com
mission which will strut officially
for the Government in New York
in 1939.
When the bill passed the
House, the Foreign Affairs Com
mittee fixed it up to give two of its
own committeemen, Messrs. Fish
and Bloom, places on the commission. The bill provided for a commission
composed of the Secretaries of State. Agriculture. Commerce. Labor, and
chairmen and ranking members of the Foreign Affairs Committee of the
House and Senate.
But the Senate did not propose to let that go The Senate elim
inated the Secretary of State and added the chairman and ranking
majority and minority members of its own Senate Committee on
Commerce, instead of Foreign Relations. But this left Senator
Wagner of New York out. so the bill was again changed to add the
two New York Senators, Wagner and Copeland. The effect was to
name Copeland twice, as he is also chairman of the Commerce
Committee.
The commission serves without pay. but not without honors.
* * * *
Representative Louis Ludlow's new book says that among the 77 major
laws passed during the New Deal. 59 were written downtown by the execu
tive branch of the Government. That is, the legislative branch really wrote
only 18 of the New' Deal laws.
(Copyriaht, 1937.)
6 AIDES OF C. I. 0.
JAILED IN MAINE
Shoe Strikers’ Reaction to Im
prisoning of Leaders Waited
by Officials.
Ey the Associated Press.
LEWISTON, Me., May 8.—Tense
and under guard. Lewiston and Auburn
yesterday awaited shoe strikers’ reac
tion to the jailing of six strike leaders
for contempt of Maine’s Supreme Court
in violating a temporary injunction
outlawing the 44-day walkout.
While the six aides of the Com
mittee for Industrial Organization be
gan six-month sentences, eight deputy
sheriffs guarded the home of Justice
Harry Manser, who presided at the
trial and issued the court order for
bidding further strike activity.
A seventh defendant convicted yes
terday had not been sentenced. John
D. Nolan, C. I. O. organizer, was m
Elmira, N. Y„ for his mother's funeral
with the court’s permission.
Those in Androscoggin County Jail
were: Powers Hapgood, Boston, New
England C. I. O. secretary; Sidney
Grant, Boston C. I. O. attorney, and
these organizers of the United Shoe
Workers, a C. I. O. affiliate, William
J. Mackesy, Ernest Henry and Martin
J. Lawless, all of Lynn, Mass., and Paul
Salvaggio, East Boston.
SWEEPSTAKES TICKETS
SEIZED IN NEW YORK
40,000 Books ‘Just Plain Phoney,’
Says Inspector, Who Denies
Race Is Planned.
By the Associated Press.
NEW YORK, May 8.—Post office in
spectors here yesterday seized 40,000
books of engraved sweepstakes tickets
which Chief Inspector James J. Doran
called “just plain phony.”
The tickets purported to entitle pur
chasers to shares in the “St. Paul's
Hospital, St. Anne de Beaupre, Quebec,
drawing,” to be held June 23, 1937, on
the running of the Northumberland
Plate Handicap In England.
There is no such handicap and no
one In St. Anne de Beaupre knows of
the drawing, said Doran. He declined
to reveal where the tickets were seised,
but said Massachusetts inspectors, as
well as those here, are Investigating
distribution of the tickets.
asking the people to vote on specific
issues at all.
The League of Women Voters in
cidentally says in its news release
that the popular will “could best be
expressed through State conventions,
a direct referendum to State voters
and a time limit for ratification,”
but it is to be presumed that the
league will not limit its studies and
explorations to these three methods,
but will include Mr. Roosevelt’s de
vice, which has the merit of being
the simplest and most direct as well
as the easiest way to amend the
Constitution that any liberal has yet
advanced.
CCopyrlght, 1937.)
RESORTS.
NEW HAMPSHIRE.
LAKE WINNEPESAUKEE—Lsrreot N. f
lake—Bpaelona woodland earns at water'!
edge facing White Mto.: eeelndedt attrac
tively furnitheds 4 double bed room*. t
large pcreheat modem plumbing: IMC mo.
or hum rats. Ain. 1989-W.
WEIRTON WORKERS
TO FILE CHARGES
Forcible Ejection of I. 0. C. Mem
bers From Steel Mill Com
plaint to Board.
By thy Associated Press.
STEUBENVILLE. Ohio, May 8 —
Paul Rusen, Ohio Valley subregional
director for the Steel Workers Organiz
ing Committee, said yesterday charges
would be filed with the National
Labor Relations Board concerning
forcible ejection of Committee for
Industrial Organization members
from the Weirton Steel "Mill at
Weirton, W. Va.
The charges, the C. I. O. organizer
said, would deal with employes’ right
to join the union of their choice with
out outside interference. He also said
additional charges would be filed with
the La Follette Civil Rights Senate
Committee, with 154 individual cases
of interference cited in violation of
the national labor relations act
since 1935.
He declared the ejection occurred
Wednesday night when the Security
League, formed after the company
discontinued its employe representa
tion plan and headed by Claude
Conway, called on workers to get rid
of their C. I. O. membership cards.
DR. GRIFFITH PRAISES
SETTLEMENT PROGRAM
Philosophy of Movement Basis
of Address at Celebration Held
at Y. W. C. A,
Dr. Ernest Griffith, dean of the
Graduate School of American Uni
versity, spoke on “The Background
of the Philosophy of the Social Set
tlement Movement’’ Thursday night at
a celebration of the founding of social
settlements in the United States, held
at the Y. W. C. A.
Mrs. William Kittle, chairman of
the Washington Social Settlement
Council, presided, introducing the
speaker of the evening and the resi
dent directors of the eight settlement
institutions in the District, each giv
ing a brief talk on the origin of their
respective establishments.
Entertainment by children of the
houses was a feature of the evening’s
program, composed of dancing and
music, both vocal and instrumental.
CTHE opinions of the writers on this page are their own, not
necessarily The Star’s. Such opinions are presented in
The Star’s effort to give all sides of questions of interest to its
readers, although such opinions may be contradictory among
themselves and directly opposed to The Star’s.
_ _ f
Action on Court Near
Roosevelt Must Decide Whether to Accept
Compromise on Reforms.
BY MARK SULLIVAN.
PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT will
return to Washington about
May 13. Five days later, May
18, the Senate Judiciary Com
mittee is scheduled to act on the
President’s court measure. Sometime
between now and the Senate Com
mittee’s action Mr. Roosevelt must
make an important decision. He must
decide whether he will insist on his
court measure in the form in which
he sent it to Congress, or whether he
win accept a com
promise. It is pos
sible Mr. Roose
velt may express
his decision by
silence. Silence
would mean that
he stands pat,
that he wants the
bill as written.
Many Wash
ington observers
think Mr. Roose
velt will stand
pat. The existing
situation about
the court bill is
not css entially
Mark Sullivan.
amerent. irom wnat it nas Deen during
the past 12 weeks. During that whole
period many Democratic Senators
have told the President It would be
dangerous for him to insist, and have
recommended various compromises.
All that has happened has been merely
confirmation of what the Democratic
Senators told him. The danger of his
lasing his measure has now become
apparent to all.
Whether the President has the kind
of temperament that compromises !
when faced by danger, or whether he
Is one who insists on a showdown,
will shortly be seen. He may conclude
that even if compromise must be, the
time for it is not yet. Probably the
best judgment Is that the President
will not retreat and that in due course
there will be a showdown, a roll call
in the Senate on the court measure
in its original form.
As respects the Senate committee,
the measure in its original form is
last. There are 18 members of the
committee. Ten are opposed to the
measure as It stands. Several have
alternatives which they propose.
Others are against it, against all of !
it and against any variation of it. J
With 10 out of 18 opposed, it is |
obvious the measure cannot get a
favorable report from the committee, j
This, however, makes no material dif- i
ference. The eight who* favor the
measure, or less if they are less, can
send the bill to the Senate with a
minority report.
Of the eight who favor the measure
the most outspoken is the chairman,
Senator Henry F. Ashurst of Arizona.
He says he insists on "a clean-cut vic
tory or a clean-cut defeat; I don't
want two justices or three or five, I
want six justices.” By a clean-cut
decision, Senator Ashurst means a de
cision in the Senate as a whole. Sen
ator Ashurst's position alone, unless he
changes it by request from the Presi
dent. would seem to assure the Presi
dent's measure going on the Senate
floor and there being voted on.
In the Senate, would it be ‘‘clean
cut victory or clean-cut defeat?” In
dications point toward defeat of the
measure in the form the President
asked. Senator after Senator, among
the Democrats who at first indorsed
the measure, now say they favor a
compromise. Some eight Democrats
have put forward alternative measures,
others have indorsed one or another
of the alternatives. That does not
look like clean-cut victory for the
original measure.
I he existence of so many alterna
tives may give rise to an interesting
parliamentary situation. Let us say
there are half a dozen small blocs,
each favoring some change about the
court, but each favoring its own
alternative over the original and over
all other agernatves. And let us say
there is a fairly large bloc who don't
want any change in the court what
ever, who will vote against the original
measure and against each and all
alternatives. That would be some
thing like the League of Nations fight.
In the League controversy, like in
the present court fight, there were
blocs of Senators who favored the
League, but favored it only with vary
ing reservations. The sum of those
blocs was for a long time a majority
of the Senate—a majority of the Sen
ate favored the League in one form
or another. Against them was a bloc,
larger than any one of the others, who
wanted no League whatever. This
latter bloc was, in the beginning, a
comparatively small minority of the
Senate as a whole. The group of
Senators who in 1919 opposed any
League whatever was much smaller
than the group who today oppose any
court change whatever. But in the
end that little 1919 “battalion of
death,” by their personal force and
by astute management of the parlia
mentary situation, with the help of
time and growing popular opposition
to the League, defeated the League
and all variations of it.
Essential in the defeat of the League,
however, was President Wilson’s un
willingness to accept any compromise.
Had he been willing to accept reser
vations proposed by Senators faithful
to him, he could have won. But he
rejected all modifications. As the
fight in the Senate began to go
against him, he looked forward to
the then approaching presidential
election of 1920. That election, Wil
son said, should be “a great and sol
emn referendum” an the League. In
that 1920 election the Democratic can
didate, ex-Gov. James M. Oox of
Ohio, running on a platform of whole
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hearted indorsement of the League,
was defeated. He was defeated very
badly, receiving an even smaller pro
portion of the popular vote than the
Republicans got last November.
If President Roosevelt were to fol
low the parallel to Wilson, he would
reject all compromise proposals on
the court. If, after several weeks
of debate, it appeared that his court
plan could not get a majority of the
Senate, he would then propose that
next year’s congressional elections be
a "great and solemn referendum.”
To that the opponents of the court
proposal could not object. Indeed,
they already suggest it. They say
the present Congress was elected in
a campaign in which the court pro
posal was not mentioned. Therefore,
they say, the proposal should not be
voted on until after an election, at
the least a congKssional election, in
which the court proposal is an issue.
On this contention rests the Justifica
tion for any filibuster the opponents
may feel called on to make. Prob
ably Mr. Roosevelt would have little
difficulty in getting an agreement that
the court proposal should be voted
upon in the first week of the first
session of the Congress following the
present one—that is. during the first
week o/ January, 1939.
CCopyruht, 1937.)
PLAYGROUNDS SHIFT
HIT BY CITIZENS
Chillum Association Fears Con
fusion, Expense and Employ
ment Juggling.
Opposition to the transferring of
$97,565 from the Department of Play
grounds to the Community Center De
partment of Public Schools was voiced
by the Chillum Citizens’ Association
last night at a meeting in the Keane
School.
The association said this transfer
would increase expense, double over
head and servicing, create more con
fusion in an already complicated
set-up for the District and not assure
employment of playground employes
by the Board of Education.
To provide safety for the school
children the association asked for
traffic signs and a 15-mile speed limit
at Keane School zone. The associa
tion also asked that a policeman be
stationed there to aid children cross
ing the street.
Oil for dirt streets to eliminate dust
was requested.
The meeting marked the close off
an active year for the association,
and after a four months' recess it
will meet again in October. Various
committees will continue the work
assigned them during recess.
New members who were introduced
at last night's meeting are P. Par
tello, Mr. and Mrs. P. L. Lawhorn.
E. O. Henry, G. L. Naramore, Fred
Kannel and Mr. and Mrs. William
H. Keil.
We, the People
Roosevelt Resumes Old Battle of President Against
the Senate.
BY JAY FRANKLIN.
IN BRINGING the sword of the 8upreme Court issue instead of the well
padded peace of an era of good feeling, Mr. Roosevelt has resumed the
old battle of the President against the Senate of the United States.
8ooner or later this was bound to happen. No responsible party
leader could let matters stand as left by Woodrow Wilson after his defeat by
the Senate in the league of Nations fight. The idea that "a little group of
willful men" are free to break party lines at pleasure and to repudiate party
leadership is contrary to political
common sense.
In theory, of course, these
independent Senators are pure
souled patriots who place their
country’s good before the tinsel
rewards of partisan loyalty. But
in the first decade of this century
the suspicion grew that, while this
might be true of some Senators,
other members of the Senate used
this theory in order to represent
the nefarious "interests” rather than any substantial body of public opinion
or regional rights. This conviction finally led to the adoption in 1913 of the
seventeenth amendment, providing for the popular election of United
States Senators, Instead of their appointment by balloting in the various
State Legislatures.
This amendment completed a process of popular sovereignty never
desired by the founding fathers of the Constitution. The latter distrusted
democracy so completely that they quarantined it in the House of Repre
sentatives. The Senators were to represent the sovereignty of the States.
The President was to be chosen by the electoral college. Thomas Jefferson
got around the electoral college idea by the simple device of letting people
vote for electors pledged to vote for him, since when we have voted for our
Presidents, in fact if not in theory.
* * * *
But so long as the Senate remained Immune to popular votes, all was
lost. The Senate's impeachment trial of Andrew Johnson for trying to
follow Lincoln's policies sharply reduced the powers of the presidency and
from 1868 to 1900 our Chief Executives were mainly figureheads. Theodore
Roosevelt was the first one to tangle with the Senate again, but Boss Aldrich
and Boies Penrose could Ignore T. R. and run the country and the party
without 1 im.
Wilson’s defeat on the League issue put a senatorial clique in
the position to shuffle and deal Warren G. Hardings administration
like a pack of cards. Only now—nearly a generation after that dis
astrous event and largely as a result of the big business misman
agement which resulted from it—is it possible for Franklin Roosevelt
to resume the battle for responsible party government in the Senate
of the United States
Mr. Roosevelt's court program is designed to force the Senate to
become a representative assembly which will speak for the people of the
different States and follow the dictates of party discipline and doctrine.
Independents like Senator Norris of Nebraska. Senator La Follette of
Wisconsin and Senator Borah of Idaho remain to remind us that, in this
process, we shall lose something rather fine and important to our national
life when the Senate becomes as democratic as the House of Representa
tives.
Yet this is the price we must pay to get rid of the intolerable
situation in which a Carter Glass of Virginia can meekly seek and
accept New Deal indorsement in 1936 and then in 1937, when the
votes are in the bag. turn and attack the New Deal measures.
How else can we terminate a system which permits a Senator Burke
of Nebraska to pose as an ardent and liberal New Dealer and then organize
a revolt against the New Deal's judiciary reform bill?
* * * *
This is an issue which cuts even deeper than the vital problem of
curbing the judicial soviets which have been running the country for the
big corporations. It is the whole issue of democracy.
So the court fight must carry over into the 1933 and 1940 elections.
If Messrs. Roosevelt and Parley believe in democracy they have no choice
but to fight any and every Dem
ocratic Senator who has broken
faith with the people who voted
for Roosevelt and the New Deal in
1932. 1934 and 1936. This is irre
spective of whether the Roosevelt
plan is a good or a bad policy. For
only by the defeat of these rebels
can the democratic process be
tested and confirmed in American
government.
This issue is drawn much more
snarpiy man any one at wasnington cares to admit, isvery one Knows
whom the President represents. He represents the 27,000.000 voters who
trusted him to give substance to their hopes and satisfaction to their
needs, with due regard for the basic rights of the 17,000.000 who voted
for Gov. Alfred M. Landon. The question is: Whom does the Senate
represent?
From time to time, I shall try to answer this question.
ICOpjrirllt, 1P37.)
An American
You Should
Know
Irey Brings 30 Million
Dollars to U. S.
Annually.
BY DELIA PYNCHOV.
THE chase goes on for tax evad
ers. Elmer Irey, chief of the
intelligence unit of Internal
Revenue, Treasury Depart
ment, with a force of 215 special
agents, extracts from shy taxpayers
about 30 million unexpected dollars
a year.
Irey has been 30 yeass in Gov
ernment service. Almost he qualifies
Elmer Irey
as a - cnn aweu*
er.” At the age
of 5 he moved
to Washing ton
from Kansas
City, where he
was born. Edu*
cated in Wash*
ington public
schools, with a
year's sniff of
law at George
town, Irey was
holding a cleric's
job at 19 in
the Post Office
Department. For
12 years he
wonted up inside and outside as the
“eyes and ears" of the postmaster.
Athletically speaking, he is "no
bench warmer." Criminal inves
tigations have sired qualities of
physical and mental activity. Here
is a man, you say. who will not
give up nor lose his good nature,
his ready smile.
The intelligence unit harks bask
to war times. In 1917 Daniel C.
Roper, present Secretary of Com
merce, was appointed commission
er of internal revenue
“Almost over night.” Irey says,
“Roper was charged with the duty
of building up a tremendous organiz
ation to take care of work incident
to the new income tax and other tax
laws to rai.se money for war needs.”
Roper sent for Irey. The intelligence
unit was born in 1919. with Irey
its first chief from inception to date.
Volume and needs increase with
the Nation's growth. Internal Rev
enue personnel is now 24.000, Treas
ury, 85,000. The unit investigates
all income, inheritance and miscel
laneous tax evasions. It investigates
all charges affecting Internal Rev
enue personnel, attorneys and agents
practicising before the Treasury De
partment and all persons being con
sidered for appointment to responsible
positions in all branches of the Treas
ury.
Tax evaders have continued hope
ful. Irey has had some dramatie
cases. For two years he worked on
A1 Capone and his "gang" before these
public enemies "took the count" on
tax evasions. The "big shots" in New
York racketeering came next. Forty
seven gamblers, bootleggers, public
officials and a new type of racketeer,
who exacted tribute from legitimate
business—all landed in jail The movie
colony came in for a bit of unen
viable publicity. In excess of several
millions was collected from tax-shy
"stars.”
RECo*0
HOLDS ITS HEAD
HIGH
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BEER
—like the great racing driver—covers a lot of
ground in setting its sales record. In homes,
restaurants and hotels, the demand speeds on,
for there is universal appeal to the Senate
flavor. That’s because the tang is not too
tingly, but it’s there, and the yeast has brought
it across the finishing line with the help of
picked quality ingredients. If you’d have new
relish for your next meal start with a glass of
Senate!
CHR. HEUBICH BREWING CO.
WASHINGTON, D.C.
Dine Out Durinf National Restaurant Week,
May 3rd to 9th
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