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I p~~: 7— —I EDITORIAL SECTION 1
Financial News j Jhmfiay gto 1 Travel — Resorts | ^ Part 2 12 Pages WASHINGTON, D. C., SUNDAY MORNING, MAY 30, 1937. =======z i ~ — ■■■ 1 — — ■■ ! -- ——— "" "** 1 . 1 * ,M —1 ' «■■ BRITAIN IS CHALLENGED ON ALL FRONTS BY DUCE Seconded in His Task by Hitler, Eng* land Can Do Nothing but Prepare for Showdown. BY CONSTANTINE BROWN. HE political fever chart of Eu rope continues to show the same violent fluctuations we have been noticing in the last 12 months. Political diagnosticians think they have been able to localize the causes of the erratic chart. They believe that the most pernicious germ is the con flict of interests in the Mediterranean between the Roman and the British empires. The former celebrated its first birthday early this month with a spectacular display of military force In Rome, where Mussolini, for the hun dredth time, exorted his legions to be prepared to sacrifice their lives for their country. The latter demon strated its might at the coronation pageant of King George VI when dele gations from the four comers of the world, representing the component parts of the greatest empire, came to London to pledge allegiance to the new Sovereign. The medieval pomp was retained for the coronation—in these days of so cialism and democracy—for the sole purpose of showing that the annointed sovereign is the symbol which keeps the dominions and the colonies closely tied to the mother country. And while the military parade in London was less impressive than the one staged in Rome by Mussolini, the display of naval power was meant to serve notice to the European nations that Britan nia still rules the waves. ii uuee Mrst to Challenge. Whether the Mediterranean car buncle will necessitate a drastic opera tion or whether it will eventually ab sorb itself without painful interven tion, remains to be seen. It is on the Spanish battlefields that the necessary laboratory studies are being made at the present moment. For more than 100 years the Mediter ranean has been the vital base and the mast important military and com mercial route for Great Britain. No body had actually challenged Britain's supremacy in that sea until Mussolini threw his gauntlet at her during the campaign for the conquest of Ethiopia In 1935. The British foreign office and the admiralty at first treated thus as no more than a spectacular gesture. They compared it to the action of the little boy who threw a stone at the big fellow and then ran as fast as his legs could carry him. But the London moguls soon dis covered that the little boy had no intention of running away. They real ized that the "Roman upstart’’ was actually in a position to threaten their vital lines of communication. And they got busy with an enormous rearmament program, which, if ready tn time, will place Great Britain once more in a position of crushing su periority in the Mediterranean. Mussolini, in turn, has not remained Idle. Not only did he place the en tire country on a war basis; not only did he mobilize all the forces of the country for the struggle which he sometimes terms "David against Go liath,” but he also took advantage of a timely civil war in Spain to secure a unique strategic position for Italy in the Mediterranean. And herein lies the anxious desire of Rome and her German ally to see victory for the leader of the’ Spanish Fascists, Gen. Francisco Franco. The British diplomats, soldiors and Bailors are fully aware that in order to strengthen his strategic position at the crossroad-, of the world—the Med iterranean—Mussolini will spare no effort or sacrifice to obtain a solid foothold in the Balearic Islands and on the Spanish mainland. To consolidate his position in Spain »nd in the Mediterranean II Duce has been compelled to surrender to Hitler all his ambitious plans con cerning the Danubian basin in gen eral and Austria in particular. He yielded Austria to his German friends end acknowledged their zone of in fluence in Hungary, Yugoslavia and Rumania. He promised to mobilize enough forces at any given point re quired by the German general staff In the event of a "civil war” in Czechoslovakia. He also Joined ac tively in the anti-Communist cam paign started by Germany two years ago. He was glad to abandon some what doubtful economic and political ermbitions In Central and South eastern Europe for Germany's sup port in the fulfillment of Mussolini's great dream—the re-establishment of the old Roman Empire. irip wen Planned. The fears of the British regarding Mussolini's plans In Africa, his desire to become the protector of the Mos lems throughout the world, were fur ther confirmed by n Duce’s last spec tacular trip to Libya. Virginio Gayda, H Duce’s official spokesman, stated In the Giomale d’ltalia that the trip to North Africa was a reaffirmation of Italy’s imperial policy in the Medi terranean. The trip wqs well planned. Besides the usual number of newspaper men from Italy and other countries, in search of spectacular copjT, there were some 50 reporters representing Tunis ian, Egyptian, Syrian, Arab and other Indian newspapers. Sightseeing busses carried no less than 500 Tunisians to see 11 Duce’s big parade in Libya. Delegations from almost every Moslem potentate were given liberal hospi tality at the expense of the Italian government during Mussolini’s tri umphant trip through North Africa. And Mussolini’s flirtation with the Moslems was not confined to giving their representatives a good time. Ibn ben-Saud, the powerful leader of Ara bia, and other minor chiefs are still being courted by Mussolini’s emissar ies. Hospitals and schools are being built in the Moslem regions of Ethio pia. Airplanes, somewhat dilapidated tanks and obsolete artillery—obsolete compared with the newer European equipment—are being presented to the Arabs in Africa and Asia. Lavish per sonal gifts are given by Mussolini’s representatives to the various chief tains. The Addis Ababa authorities hastened to inform the Moslem world that none of their co-religlonists were Implicated in the attemp to assassi nate Viveroy Rodolfo Graziani, and scores of Christian Ethiopians were executed after that abortive attempt on the general’s life. Through the cafes of Arabia, Itali^i ft salesmen have Installed radio sets and the Bari radio station is working over time to spread "news” among these people who hitherto have known only one great Christian power—Great Britain. The announcers of that station are polygots. The broadcasts are made several times a day in Ara bic. English, Hindustani, Japanese, Chinese. Afghan, French and Italian, and they carry the new's Mussolini likes these people to have, and talks on Italy as Mussolini wants his country to be known to them. Italian diplomatic activities in Tur 1 key, in Spanish Morocco, in Egypt | mow an independent state) and in Tangiers indicate that Mussolini fol lows Kaiser Wilhelm’s footsteps. The latter failed because he did not have the means II Duce has today. Musso lini .is as spectacular as the tfbrmer ; supreme war lord of Germany, but also more practical and more thorough in his methods. And there is not much Great Bri tain can do about these activities ex cept to be prepared for a showdown if | it becomes necessary. Mussolini is j seconded in his task by the German I government. The interests of the two ; dictators are parallel. Germany wants j to establish her hegemony in Europe— j in Central and Eastern Europe to be | oxact—and Italy wants to revive the old Roman Empire. There are many experienced and wise men in both authoritarian states who shudder at the possible consequences of such a program. But they are few and can not be heard. The masses, stirred to fanaticism by the fiery eloquence of their dictators and by the easy vie ; —tiixr ui me Versailles , treaty and the conquest of Ethiopia— | believe that their leaders are invinci ble. They willingly accept the sacri ! fives imposed upon them. That-is why | Mussolini and Hitler's spokesmen 1 can answer offers of the democratic i leaders abroad to join in an economic | conference to discuss repartition of raw materials with the words: "Eco nomic agreements can be of no value as long as there is no political agree ment to satisfy our demands.” Britain and France Alone. Great Britain and Prance, for the time being, are alone before the in creasing menace from the authori tarian states. One by one, officially and unofficially, the satellites of the two democracies have abandoned them. The Little Entente, one of the pillars of France's policy against Germany, has crumpled down. Bel gium, while still in sympathy with Great Britain and France, has taken i the necessary steps to keep out of any | possible entanglements which might cause her to become involved in an other conflict. Russia is still on the side of France and will remain so as j long as Germany's chief aim is to ! penetrate and annex some of the j "superfluous Soviet territories.” ; The diplomats of France and Great j Britain are endeavoring to bolster up : the morale of the Continental Euro pean nations by rash statement* which often prove fallacious the day after they are made. Thus, two weeks ago, an announcement was made in Paris that Great Britain and France had decided to guarantee the integrity of the territory of Austria. This fol lowed a long and pleasant conversa tion between Foreign Secretary Yvon Delbos and Austrian Foreign Minister Schmidt. But as soon as the Austrian reached Vienna, he issued a statement indicating clearly that because of Aus tria's geographical position, she is compelled to remain in the Italian German sphere of influence. The dip lomates of the two democratic states of Europe still refuse to recognize— officially, at least—that the situation which existed during the first 10 years after the World War has radically changed. They still like to think that ‘‘expressions of strength” are suffi cient to ward off the dangers which come, realistically, from Europe’s two principal dictators, Hitler and Musso lini. They are still convinced that the condition can be patched up by offer ing these two dictators loans and cer tain economic advantages when they demand new territories for their sur plus population and raw materials for their factories. The civil war in Spain is likely to enter into its final phase in the course of the next few weeks. The last con versations between Mussolini and Hit lers representatives have freed II Duce of his last worries concerning German co-operation. More troops will be dispatched shortly to Spain—despite the non-in tervention agreement and under the nose of the war vessels which are pa trolling the Spanish coast. German and Italy have decided that renewed efforts must be made to hasten Franco’s victory. If the British gov ernment decides to overlook this de velopment in the hope that she will be able to defend her position in the Mediterranean when her military preparations are completed, the im pending crisis will be deferred. (Copyright, 1937.) .. .• Huge Waterways Link Completed by Soviet MOSCOW. — The opening of the new Moscow-Volga Canal will com plete the second link in the huge Soviet waterway system. The canal proper is 80 miles long and has five locks, raising the waters of the Volga 270 feet to the level of the Moscow River. North of Moscow the huge "Moscow Sea" has been created and acting as a key to the control of the Volga water. The entire system is con trolled by a single dispatcher station, while the smaller stations are oper ated automatically without personnel. Memorial Is Planned For Dr. Sun Yat-Sen SAN FRANCISCO This city, once the home of Dr. Sun Yat-sen, Chinese revolutionist and one-time President of the Chinese Republic, will honor him with a statue. A 14-foot Image of stainless steel will be erected in St. Anne’s Square, where Sun Yat-sen often studied while planning his revolt against the Chinese imperial house. The memo rial is to be the gift of the local Kuo mintang, or Chines# Nationalist party. 4 Wanted: Workers or Jobs? Industry and Labor Disagree on Which Is in Excess—Both Join in Training Craftsmen. BY JOHN C. HENRY. IMMINENCE of a wage and hour law which will seek to Impose a maximum work week of 40 hours or less upon mo6t of American industry focuses attention anew upon the widely conflicting declarations of industry and labor on the issue of availability of skilled labor. From the beginning one of thi arguments of proponents of the pend ing legislation has been that the shorter work week would help materi ’ ally in reducing the unemployed rolls, j generally estimated at some 9.000.000 i persons. It is upon this argument ! and their dogged reference to the | unemployment estimate that the forces i of labor indorsed the Black-Connery 30-hour bill and unquestionably will press for the lowest obtainable hour figure in the pending bill. Spokesmen for industry, such as the National Association of Manufacturers, answer this contention by a positive one of their own, namely, that "there is a severe shortage of skilled labor becoming more apparent month by month” in such occupations as the building trades and the metal-working industries. To back up their contention, they cite April 1 employment in the manu facturing industries of some 11,000,000 persons, approximately the number employed in the glad days of 1929. The association relies further upon a recent survey conducted by the National Industrial Conference Board among 404 companies in the metal working Industries. Of this number of concerns 21.4 per cent reported to be the board that they felt no shortage of skilled labor, 26.5 per cent Indicated that a scarcity of such labor had been noticed and 52.5 per cent reported that they were unable to secure competent craftsmen to fill Jobs that were open. This last classi fication, comprising 211 companies, declared they had jobs for 7,158 skilled workers if they could find the men. Labor spokesmen, suspicious that industry merely is attempting to drive wages down by working up an over supply of labor, points again to the unemployment rolls and denies in 1 sweeping terms the existence of any unfilled demand for workers. ‘ Within the week, for instance, M. J. McDonough, secretary-treasurer of the Building and Construction Trades Department of the A. F. of L., in formed Congress through a letter to Representative Beiter, democrat of New York, that for the country as a whole "at least 40 per cent of the skilled building-trades workers are without employment.” In support, he submitted estimates from councils of the department scattered throughout the country, the approximations of unemployment in their membership ranging as high as 60 per cent in Tampa, Fla., and in one county of Ohio. Spotty Distribution. Brushing aside for the moment the complaints, counter-complaints and even the statistical estimates, it is an obvious fact that the almost complete abandonment of apprentice training during the depression, the shifting of occupations occurring when skilled workers lost their trade Jobs and finally became settled in some new position where compensation might have been less but stability greater, the curtailment of supply through death and incapacity of craftsmen, and the willingness of both labor and industry to «oeept lower wagee and a poorer 1 grade of workmanship during the years of economic pressure have re sulted in a spotty distribution of the more highly skilled craftsmen. In like manner, the comparative permanence of public jobs such as those of the W. P. A. frequently in fluences the less skilled workers in hesitating to cut off sure sustenance in favor of private employment of un certain duration. On a long-range basis, the answer would seem to be two-fold: first, the application of apprentice training pro grams in the industries requiring skilled craftmanship and. second, the establishment of wage levels and work ing standards for such work at planes sufficiently attractive to make up for the time and patience neccessary to learn a trade. In the meantime, a partial solution may be sought through operation of such an agency as the United States Employment Service. Created by the Wagner-Peyser act, the service began operation on July 1, 1933, and now blankets the country either through its own agencies or through co-ordinated effort with state services set up during the past few years. Designed to bring the job to the worker and the worker to the Job, LATIN AMERICA IS HELD BLAMELESS IN DEFAULTS Fall in Prices and Shrinkage of Foreign Trade Left Them Unable to Pay Debts to Bankers. BY GASTON NERVAL. THE Securities and Exchange Commission has forwarded to Congress a report based on its study of protective committees and agencies for holders of defaulted foreign governmental bonds, together with recommendations for legislative and other action. In view of the fact that many of the Latin American government bonds fall into that category, the recom mendations made to Congress will be of great interest to the republics on the other side of the Rio Grande. They will be particularly so because they are a further confirmation of the definite passing of “dollar diplo macy.” The commission observes that the use of armed force in collection of bondholders' claims is incompatible with national policy, and especially with the present attitude of the United States toward Latin America; that under existing international law and practice formal diplomatic interven tion in a default situation, except in such cases where the borrowing nation is discriminating against specific bond holders, is not in favor; and that the use oi economic sanctions, sucn as trade clearing agreements, from a long range point of view carry de trimental effects which may over balance any immediate benefit to bondholders. Accordingly, the commission states that in the general run of cases the responsibility for negotiating foreign debt readjustments should be lodged in capable private agencies receiving the informal aid and co-operation of the Government. Such informal as sistance in initiating and facilitat ing the negotiations 1s frequently rendered at present, as acknowledged by the commission. Most Are Unable to Pay. The members of Congress who will study these recommendations and con sider the legislation suggested are, of course, already conversant with the facts which led to the present defaults, but it may help a public understand ing of the position of the Latin Ameri can Governments to add, once more, a few considerations as to their will ingness but real Inability to resume payments now. A With very few exceptions, the Latin American are countries depend ing almost exclusively on one or two sihgle products. The tremendous fall in prices which was the major characteristic of the world crisis, therefore, intensified by the evils of overproduction, upset the economic structure of nearly every one of them, by cutting down to a half, or a third, the price of the particular commodity which constituted the bulk of its exports. Counting largely on their exports to cover their expenditures and meet their foreign obligations, the Latin American governments were forced, by this uncontrollable decline in values, to cut down their budgets, create new taxes, and even compro mise their credit abroad. Even more: As a result of the col lapse of their buying power, they found their foreign obligations sud denly doubled or tripled. For they were compelled to sell two or three times as much of their main products to secure the money required for the service of those obligations. And. there's the rub, they could not sell that much, because there was no de mand that large. Trade Lull to Blame. Obviously, the governments them selves cannot be blamed for a crisis of this kind, unless the whole eco nomic system which produced it went out of existence. Truly, governmental inefficiency and extravagances might have added to the seriousness of the situation in certain and well known instances, but in the main it is clear the Latin American countries are the victims of an economic phenomenon beyond their contdol. The most rigorous taxation and the most drastic domestic economies will not produce foreign exchange, that is, international money, unless it becomes available through the avenues of foreign trade, foreign Investments or foreign loans. Even if the Latin American countries could improve their position in relation to foreign exchange through curtailment of im ports, the payment of their foreign debts would continue to be difficult until other countries were able to receive Latin American products In (Continued on Page 6-1.) the service Is attacking possible labor shortages in three directions; first, by providing information with .respect to the available labor supply, second, by increasing the geographic mobility among skilled workers and. third, by increasing the occupational and in dustrial mobility of labor. Detailed registration data kept by the service is becoming an increasingly valuable source of Information as to location of labor shortages or sur pluses. trends of employment, and a guide to planning occupational train ing programs or public works projects. Geographic mobility is being achieved by development of the system of state and interstate clear ance under which, when workers can not be found within a community to fill available jobs, a search for qualified persons is conducted among other offices of the service in a widening circle from region to state to nation. To Facilitate Transfer. Through an occupational research program, the service aims to facilitate transfer of workers from occupations in which there are few employment opportunities to other occupations by classifying similarities of jobs in unre lated Industries and also the distin guishing characteristics of successful workers in different occupations. That the files of the service provide a reservoir of labor is obvious from the number and classification of registrations. In December, 193E, and again in July, 1936, the service made an anal ysis of occupational and employment characteristics of registrants. On the earlier date, it found 7,791.979 persons registered while the figure had fallen to 6,619.891 on July of last year. In each case, about half of the total were persons with relief status. In classifying the registrants ac cording to occupational characteristics, the service found it had 1,567.637 skilled craftsmen listed in December, 1935, and 1,244.966 on the rolls last July. Representing a drop of more than 300,000, most of whom presum ably have been absorbed into industry, this classification also reflected greater labor demand than others since in 1935 it accounted for 20.1 per cent of the total registrants as compared to only 18.8 per cent last July. Training Progress Made. As regards the long-term solution of training workmen, apprecible progress has been made during the last two years. In the preceding five years such efforts had come to almost a complete stop as industry shed Itself of the co6t of training young workers and labor viewed with reluctance the idea of training men to take the inadequate number of jobs then available for those already skilled. Along with general business im provement, however, most effective force in bringing about a realization of the need and elimination of the distrust between industry and labor in connection with training workmen has been the Federal Committee on Apprentice Training. First established in June, 1934, the committee's initial function was to establish minimun apprenticeship standards whereby employers, upon compliance, might hire such workers at wages and hours less favorable than those prescribed by N. R. A. codes. When the codes were invali dated, the committee oerame an ad junct of the National Youth Admin istration and is still receiving its financial support from that source A (Continued on Pa«e 0-7.) 4 FAILURE OF COUP D’ETAT PUTS PRESIDENT IN JAM Court Plan Is Held Attempted Coup De spite Absence of Force; Scheme Was 4Too Clever.’ BY MARK SULLIVAN. MR. ROOSEVELT'S court plan, and himself because of his court plan, are in a Jam, a most serious one. He under took a coup d'etat. If the country at first did not rocognize it as an at tempt at coup d'etat, that was because it had not the element of force—the public thinks that coup d'etats must be marked by force. The country did not understand that in some over throws of forms of government force is supplanted by artfulness. Some where in the recent literature of revo lution in Europe I read a sentence which I wish I could find; I think it was in the writings of either Trotzky or Lenin; it was to the effect that in some maneuvers of revolution, force is unnecessary and undesirable—art fulness must take the place of vio lence. Mr. Roosevelt undertook a coup d'etat. By his court reorganization plan, added to his executive reor ganization plan, he meant to bring about a form of government in which the President is supreme. I quote Mr. Walter Lippmann. "The little group of bold and reck less men, who have been setting the pace for the President in the last few months . . . purpose to become the masters of the courts in order that constitutional limitations and judicial restraint may no longer check their own authority . . . the dominant New Dealers today are men who believe that there must be no limits upon the power of the New Deal majority . . . what they want 1s plenary authority for the President and a controlled congressional major ity; they want this authority to be unlimited by the rights of the States or by the checks and balances of the Constitution.” . . . Too Clever. But a coup d etat must go with a rush, or It is no good; it must es tablish itself quickly, or not at all. If it fails, it not only fails of itself but varnishes the gilt of the un successful attempter, arrests his momentum. Mr. Roosevelt's attempt did not push through to success with enough drive. It faltered, slowed down and Is now apparently at an end It failed, among other reasons, _*cause of the very excess of Mr. Roosevelt's art. Within a week, watchful minds warned that Mr. Roosevelt's court plan was, in the words of Dorothy Thompson, "a trick"; in the words of the Baltimore Sun, ‘‘devious, deceptive"; in the words of the Scripps-Howard newspapers, "too clever—too damned clever"; in the Army words of Gen. Hugh Johnson, "too damned slick.” In the terms of Mr. Roosevelt's favorite picture of himself, he, as a foot ball quarterback, tried a con cealed pass. That went all right— nobody on Mr. Roosevelt's White House team dropped the ball. But the pass went too slowly, the grand stands saw the ruse and did not like it—it seemed in the nature of foul. To deceive an opponent in a game may be within the rules; to deceive the country in order to achieve an undisclosed purpose— that, as the English say, is not cricket. Yet Mr. Roosevelt continued the same strategy. As late as March 4, in his victory dinner speech, a full month after he had given out the court measure, he blatantly told the country that the opposition to it came “from substantially the same elements of opposition” that had opposed him in the presidential cam paign last Fall. ■ imm in Accord - - - Mr. Roosevelt would not have said that had he thought the country would think about it. Either he must “get by" by the sheer momentum of his violent vociferation or he must be found out as having tried to mislead. He was saying, if he was saying anything, that the Senators and others opposing this plan were Republicans and economic royalists. He was saying that Democratic Sena tors Wheeler and Walsh, and Tydings, and Van Nuys, and Clark, and a dozen others—are Republicans and economic royalists. That was too much for even the New York Times. To the indictments for misleading that had been made by many others, the Times added a gentle euphemism. Mr. Roosevelt's charge, the Times said, was “not in accord with established facts.” By this time the strategy of artfulness had fallen down. An increasing pro portion of the public had begun to get glimmerings of what the President's court plan is. Because the subject is complex, understanding has been slow to seep through. But, beginning with patient study the members of Con gress, journalists and college teachers, and through their analyses the coun I try as a whole has come first to hava uneasy suspicions and then to under stand the incredible audacity that haj been attempted. What the Court Plan Is. No public need today Is more Im perative than that the country should see the undisclosed intention—tha artfully concealed intention—of Mr. Roosevelt's court plan. It is possible Mr. Roosevelt himself may not have grasped it fully. It may be the plan was devised and written out by soma remaining members of the brain trust, unknown to the public, who supply many of Mr. Roosevelt's ideas. Cer tainly the persons who wrote out tha bill which Mr. Roosevek sent to Con gress were men with ingenious minda and a purpose of revolution. The effect, to state it in a few sentences, is thus: To bring it about that every lawsuit, civil or criminal, between the Federal Government and an individual, is to be decided tha way the Government wants it decided, which would ordinarily be in favor of the Government. And 42 out of ! every 100 suits tried in the Federal courts are suits between the Govern ment and a citizen. Further than that, in suits between two individuals, tha Government is to insert its hand when it wishes to and exert its power to bring about a decision that the Gov ernment desires. The certainty of op pression is clear. The possibility of corruption is great. How is this to be achieved? Under standing can be best had by starting, not with what the President proposes about the Supreme Court, but with what he proposes about the lower Fed eral courts. May Name 44 Judges. First, the President by his court measure is given power to appoint 44 new judges, over and above such va cancies as he might be called on to fill by death or retirement. In the cir cuit courts he would appoint 6 new judges at once, in the district courts 13 new judges at once. During the re mainder of his term he would appoint 25 more, a total of 44. iThis Is apart from the six to be appointed to tilt Supreme Court.) These 44 new judges are a class apart, a special caste. They are care t fully described as "hereafter appoint ed." They have a special status and function, differing from and superior to that of judges already on the bench. They would not be appointed exclusively, not at all except in one j ca^. to the circuits . and districts i "'here there is congestion of work. They are to be a "mobile army." a "flying squadron” of hand-picked judges. They are to be assigned to : sit In any district and to try any case. One of the regular judges may be about to step upon the bench to try a case, when he will be confronted i by a man he has never seen, one of the hand-picked flying squadron, who will tell the regular judge to step aside. The usurping Judge need give no reason: he can merely say: “I have been assigned to try this case.” Assigned By Proctor. The assigning is to be done by the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States, and Mr. ! Roosevelt, by the other part of his bill, hopes to get a new Chief Justice, one to his own liking. Moreover, while the assigning of the hand-picked judges is to be done officially by the Chief Justice, the actual work of recommending the assignments is to be done by a wholly new official, not now known in American law, a "proctor.” under tne complete system set up by the President's plan any citizen, party to a suit In which the Gov ernment Is the other party, whether the citizen be defendant or plaintiff, whether the suit be civil or crimi nal, may find his case tried In the District Court by a judge hand picked for that particular case. On appeal to the Circuit Court, he again finds himself before a Judge hand picked for the case. On appeal to the Supreme Court he would find himself before a court of which six would be the ones whom the Presi dent, under his plan, is to appoint. The clear purpose is to cause th# courts to be, not what they now are, unbiased arbiters between the citizen and the Government. It is to make the courts become what courts are in Germany, Italy and Russia, agents of the government, the same as soldiers are agents of the government. Such a change, because of far-reaching effects too many and intricate to de scribe here, would bring about a revolution in the American form of government. Mr. Roosevelt's court plan is an attempt at revolution with out use of overt violence, coup d'etat by artfulness. (Copyright. 1937.1 U. S. Business Man Virtually Barred From Operating Within Russia MOSCOW (>P). — The Soviet government virtually has slammed the door shut on the American business men. There are exactly four resident American business men left in Mos cow today, and the length of their stay is extremely problematical, inas much as they all must renew their resident visas every few months, and each time the renewal is harder to obtain. Those left are scarcely to be la beled “salesmen,” but rather act as observers of economic and political conditions, or as technical advisers to Soylet organizations using American machinery and methods. Although the Soviets some time ago u*de it obligatory for all foreign busi ness representatives here to register with the people’s commissariat of nuance, insofar as can be ascertained nu American or other foreign firm has yd arranged to maintain registered representatives here. The reasons for this are not always the same, but in general arise out of the peculiarities of Soviet foreign trade, which is a complete monopoly of the State, conducted under the supervision of the people's commis sariat for foreign trade. Although the government now is A endeavoring to prevail upon Amer ican firms to sign foreign trade con tracts in the Soviet Union, the gov ernment does not in general encour age these firms to maintain repre sentatives here. The government pre fers to admit representatives on tem porary visas which are not renewed unless they expire during the course of actual negotiations. No foreigner is permitted to buy or sell anything here directly to or from the consuming or producing agency, trust or combine. All foreign trade Is channelized through 29 ex port, import, export-import and trans port combines functioning under the commissariat of foreign trade. All imports are handled by 11 com bines, each bearing unusual combina tion names. Most purchases from the United States come through only two of these combines, mashinolm port, which imports heavy machinery, mining, metallurgical and transport equipments, ships, diesel engines and power equiment, and technoproim port, which imports machinery for the chemical, food and light indus tries, road machinery, precision in struments and apparatus, laboratory equipment, ball and roller bearings, automobiles, tractors and spare parts thereof.