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Mrs. Roosevelt and Tax on Charity Law Bars Transfer of "Income” Without Paying Levy. * BY DAVID LAWRENCE. Mrs. franklin d. roose VELT discussed with the newspaper correspondents a day or so ago her income tax returns, and said: "On every penny of income I have received I've paid my full tax.” Unfortunately, no other taxpayers enjoy the ad vantage which Mrs. Roosevelt has, for other taxpayers must not only pay taxes on every penny they re c e i v e. but on every penny they earn. Mrs. Roosevelt has told the pub lic that all of the income she earns by speaking over the radio goes to „ ... , ” David Lawrence, charity. Early in 3933 the question of taxes came up and a contract was entered into with the agent by which Mrs. Roosevelt agreed to speak over the radio for a certain fee for each broadcast and the checks for the services she rendered were to be made out directly to the charities she designated. Rulings Are Strict. Now, under the rulings of the Bu reau of Internal Revenue, taxes have to be paid not only on actual money received, but on what is known as & "constructive receipt." As for the assignment of income to third par ties, the official ruling of the bureau is as follows: "Cases in which one person con tracts to perform services for a sec ond person, and it is agreed that the remuneration therefor shall be paid to a third party, the receipt of the third party must be held to be a constructive receipt by the person per forming the services. "Income, whether it is derived from labor, from the use of capital, or from the sale of capital assets is n each case income, and the Same rules with regard to constructive receipt apply in all cases. "The ruling as above set forth rep resents the position which this office has consistently held." Other Taxpayers Would Fail. Undoubtedly Mrs. Roosevelt has in terpreted the law as it ought to be. end most people will concur in her view that if she doesn’t actually receive the money she ought not to pay taxes upon it. But the rules of the Internal Revenue Bureau are the law today, and other taxpayers who attempt to assign their income to a third party and thus-have it excluded from their own gross income would probably come into collision with the Internal Revenue Bureau. The fact that the taxpayer does not actually possess the money for a single instant does not seem to have altered the view which the courts have held of such cases. Thus the late Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, the great liberal, speaking on behalf of a unanimous Supreme Court of the United States, dealt with this aspect of the matter in a certain case several years ago when he said in a formal opinion: “There is no doubt that the statute could tax salaries to those who earned them and provide that the tax could not be escaped by anticipatory ar rangements and contracts however skillfully devised to prevent the sal ary when paid from vesting even for a second in the man who earned it. “That seems to us to be th< bnport of the statute before us, and we think that no distinction can be taken ac cording to the motives leading to the arrangement by which the fruits are attributed to a different tree from that on which they grew." Earned $90,000 in One Year. Mrs. Roosevelt is lucky that she can assign checks to charity amount ing to so large a part of the income from the services she renders and avoid taxation herself. In one year she is estimated to have earned $90,000 for charities. Any other in dividual would be in hot water if he diverted so large a part of his in come to charity. The law' allows 15 per cent deduction for charity. In Other words, out of the $90,000 earned by Mrs. Roosevelt, for example, she rouid deduct about a little less than one-sixth as a charity deduction, and -on the balanced, namely, about $76. *00, she would have to pay a per sonal tax, and then from whatever •he had left after the payment of a she could give as much to charity as the desired. What Mrs. Roosevelt may not have discovered as yet is that the Govern ment of the United States assumes the right to do its own charity giving, snd that the taxpayer is gradually losing that privilege because of the large wms taken in taxes. Only 15 per cent k the allowable deduction* now for charity. If the case of Mrs. LUMBER For Any Repairing or Remodeling Soft Pine shelTlnr, g^ asT” svzc ft. 2x I, 2x6. 2x8 L*ine Framinr, C Cl 10' to 16' lenfths __ | Cedar Fence C C _ Post, bbc up I 2x4, 2x(i, 2x8 Cieorrii Q I / , fi 2 Heart Pine _ /2C II* g Best Quality % Q. Cl % Oak Floorinf **• '$ Best Quality SoN Pine *0 i A * Window Frames_ spj.'tU Up | Windows - $2.30 UP J Fiber Wallboard, square O 1 / _ 5 foot _72 C ^ H-Inch Fir Plrwesd. 2t to 48 C- 2 Inches wide. Squire foot_ "*■ uiarei J. FRANK _ FREE DEUVERY ■jjjP® fl| ■ 4B We any alie ^BB ■ order free of K[ ^B am H Buy now before prices ■■■ HhB H ro INC. LUMBER-MILLWORK Paints, Hardware, Sand, Gravel, Cement 2121 Ga. Ave. North 1341 1 What’s Back of It All Robinson Vetoes 90-Day Vacation Plan Suggested by President to Win Support. BY H. R. BAUKHAGE. NEW piece of White House strategy to smash opposition on Capitol Hill has come to a sudden and unexpected end. The President called in his "old faithful,” Senate Majority Leader Joe Robinson, and suggested a 90-day recess for Congress. The idea was to let the tax evasion investigation and the heat keep the public's mind off a number of tittle private gatherings where recalcitrant Congressmen, under a cooling palm, might be made to see the light. A few intimate conversations, perhaps on the deck of a yacht or elsewhere. But Senator Robinson, stealing Vice President Garner's stuff as chief "no-man,” injected a “no” of his own. It just couldn't be risked, he said. If the boys ever had a chance to get back to the grass roots, heaven knows when they could be rounded up. And so, the court bill, Govern ment reorganization, relief and kindred matters will probably be droned out on the floors of both our Houses, if it takes all Summer. The President will get what relaxation he can witn trips to Hyde Park. * * + * The cloud of dust left by that "mile-long'’ car of Vice President Garner, as he burned the highways for Uvalde, set a lot of eyes smarting. The official reason for his departure, with the court bill and the rest of the "ought" legislation hanging high, is that he needs a rest. The other one is just that the President's No. 1 "no-man" is tired of saying “no” to no avail. On party matters, the Texan sees eye to eye with Fellow Party Member Roosevelt. But when it comes to looking some of the New Deal legislation in the face, he prefers the horned toads of his native State. The Vice President's last official act before departing gave one New Deal agency, now rather busy dodging the dead cats, a considerable jolt. In response to a Senate resolution, he named a committee of five Senators to investigate Harry Hopkins' relief organization. Looking them over, they don’t look so sweet to Mr. Hopkins. Only one could be classified as a supporter of the relief administration—Senator Hatch of New Mexico, a Democrat. The rest regard relief a la Hopkins with a somewhat fishy eye. They are Senator Byrnes of South Carolina, the chairman, and Senators Clark of Missouri, Frazier of North Dakota and Davis of Pennsylvania. * * * * Reports of Secretary of the Interior Ickes’ imminent resignation are about aue again, one oi tne harciest working of the New Deal's workhorses. Mr. Ickes is ill. From his sick bed at Naval Hospital he is carrying on business, which isn't helping his recovery. Charlie West, Undersecretary of the Interior and likewise ace liaison man between the White House and Congress, has been try ing to run the multifold depart ment. But he is having a tough JosT < LCTIft — TPT To ~ ‘J * V' Ccrt&cessr^ I time because the final oaay nas to come irom uie cmei. This is not the only difficulty Mr. West has. All the routine business has been routed by Mr. Ickes through Administrative As sistant Burlew. It is not a secret that this "career” official has many ideas which run counter to administration innovations in the department. Mr. West has to catch as catch can. And when sometimes he has to make an instant decision, he finds that he is reversed by the Secretary himself. * * * * Those who say the President doesn't mix with enough representatives of business noted that Thomas Watson, president of the International Business Machine Corp- and a member of the board of the United States Chamber of Commerce, dropped in for a visit at the White House the other day on his way to the Paris Exposition. Mr, Watson's machines are among those which have made possible some of the astronomical calculations and records required by New Deal agencies. They help turn out triple-A rhecks to farmers, W. P. A. rhecks to workers and handle the complicated and multifarious records of the Social Security Board. ★ * * aft “What would happen to me If I got out and stopped that mail truck?" Just a Washington taxi driver's reaction to the controversy over the interference with the mails by strikers. ^Copyright in:’.?, hv thp North American Newspaper Allianrr Inc >I Roosevelt serves to emphasize that a taxpayer ought to be able to escape taxes if he gives all his income to charity, every charitable institution, university, hospital and community chest in the country would rejoice. Perhaps Mrs. Roosevelt's interpreta tion of the law will lead to an amend ment by the Bureau of Internal Reve nue of the rules that apply to other taxpayers who do not enjoy the pres tige and prominence In official life that is enjoyed by a member of the President's own family. (Copyright. 1937.) -« STUDENTS GIVE OPINION ON COURT IN EXAMS Future Citizens Asked to Discuss Importance of Judiciary in U. S. System. By the Associated Press. ALBANY, N. Y., June 16.—Several hundred thousand of New York State's future voters recorded yesterday in black and white their opinions of the United States Supreme Court. The future citizens took the business of airing their views seriously, too— for it was all part of the annual re gents examinations which began yes terday in high schools throughout the State. The opportunity for comment on the Supreme Court offered by a ques tion instructing American history stu dents to “discuss the importance” of the tribunal “in our system of gov ernment.” The required discussion was only half of the program, however, for after giving their opinions, the students were asked to “give two recent deci sions of the Supreme Court and dis cuss the importance of each.” Mi i JUilLi '’*'325^ ■ PACKARD RAZOR I l *. .« .«■> » “• SOc a M eek | MAN'S BE?Sl $A 95 i his O «£ b«one. ^ fl Week 1R0NS0N MASTERCAS50 50c a Week SWANK SETS $1.95 to $5.00 Every man can use a dress set or col lar and tie set. Buy It from Kay's. The nationally famous pen which requires no ink. Spe cially made so that all you need to do is fill with water. 50c A WEEK CAMEL PEN MAN'S RYTIME Sturdy and handsome de sign for men. with genuine leather strap. 50c A WEEK MAN'S GLADSTONE Genuine Leather Fine, durable baa that every man cen use. A altt that will really please him. 50c A WEEK May 409 7th St. I\.W. Store Air-Conditioned Mil JGrand Canyon cm. youfe emu/ to- o*i tlom— • The clean, cool restfulness of Santa Fe’s air-conditioned ! trains has brought new pleasure to summer transconti* i nental travel. And that pleasure can be increased again by including one or more of those delightful stopovers pos sible in the Santa Fe Southwest: GRAND CANYON • Via Santa Fe, this summer, you will find daily through air-conditioned Pullmans, direct to the rim; lajt year's record low fares; all-expense Canyon tours in great variety. Walks, bridle paths, rim drives—all are at their best. There is another spectacular inner-Canyon saddle trail, a tug swimming pool at Phantom Ranch, in the Canyon depths. DUDE RANCHES • A dude ranch, of course, may be your summer’s main objective. But if not, and you can still spare a week for one, you w!Q fipd the experience big in fun and tonic. There are scores of ranchcnko Santa Fe territory. INDIAN-DETOURS • Lei urely, comfort able, intimate, these motor explorations through the still-unspoiled Spanish-Indian country surrounding historic Santa F£, New Mex ico, itself so picturesque, have proven as enjoyable as they are edu cational, to thousands of Santa Fe patrons. Economical they are, too, with one, two, or three nights at beautiful La Fonda Hotel. «4 5 Daily Train* to California • Summer Fare* at Their Lowest G. C. DILLARD, Ditt. Pus. Agent, SANTA FE RY. 302 Franklin Trust Bldg , PHILADELPHIA, PA. Phon#« Rittenhouae 1464-1469 Send me Grand Canyon, Dude Ranch and Indian-detours folders, with informa |G don on fares from-to____ _... - | Name___Addreia...—...... CTHE opinions of the writers on this page are their own, not L necessarily The Star’s. Such opinions are presented in The Star’s effort to give all sides of questions of interest to its readers, although such opinions may be contradictory among themselves and directly opposed to The Star’s. Labor Democracy’s Sham Coercion Over Minorities in Workers’ Struggle Needs Action by Congress. BY DOROTHY' THOMPSON. WE ARE engaged in civil war in Michigan, Indiana and Ohio, because a legal in strument, supposedly de signed to transfer the industrial struggle from the realm of violence and direct action to the realm of law ooes noc cio so. It does exactly the opposite. As it is being Interpreted by la bor and by the Labor Relations Board, it legiti matizes terror ism. The way the Wagner La bor Relations act is being applied has nothing to do with the es tablishment of industrial d e - mocracy. Indus Dorothy Thompson. trial democracy, like any other form of democracy, depends upon action freely taken, not action taken under coercion. It provides for the protec tion of minorities. It sets standards by which the majority are permitted to rule and the minority are per mitted to exist. It establishes a legal technique for ascertaining that majority. If there is no fair and disinterested applica tion of rules, then the rules are established and maintained by force. The establishing and maintaining of rule by force is a definition of war. And at present we are engaged in a civil war, and unless the struggle is returned to the arena of law, that civil war will extend itself into a class struggle which may destroy the American democracy. The administration has apparently adopted the policy that the Wagner labor relations act is sacrosanct. Because it is highly ambiguous and capable of being interpreted one way by Mr. Girdler and another way by Mr. Lewis, extremists have developed at both ends whose object is to apply whatever interpretation of the law suits their particular interests. Elections Languish. The law suggests that a majority for collective bargaining should be deter mined by a free election under neutral auspices. But it does not insist on such elections, nor explain how and when they should be held. There fore neither side will invoke the act unless it is sure of a majority. And. even then, if it is invoked, and an election held, there is no confidence that the auspices will be neutral. The Labor Relations Board lays down in its first annual report its own interpretation of the act—that it is exclusively an act to protect the workers in their right to organize, and that it is not applicable as protection for employers. In practice this means that carte blanche is given the C. I. O. to coerce the workers into joining their union. Maybe they ought to join the union: maybe it is to their benefit to join it. But there is nothing in democ racy that says that people ought to be coerced into doing even what Is good for them. Technique of Trotzky. Leon Trotzky, who is the greatest living strategist of revolutionary war fare, thought this technique out and put it into operation during the Rus sian Revolution. He had a mast in teresting conflict of ideas with Lenin on the subject. Lenin felt that it was extremely important to have the broad masses of the workers with any revo lutionary movement. Having paralyzed the plant, the C. I. O. then proceeds to terrorize the public. In the hotel strike in Detroit, for instance, the people who suffered were not, in the first line, the employers, but the customers. Terrorization having exacerbated the workers and the public and being costly in the extreme, especially to the workers, who at all costs want to keep their jobs and earn their livings, a plebiscite is finally held. It is a terroristic plebiscite, and, from the viewpoint of the democratic method, not worth anything at all. Public Interprets Acts. Now—and this Is very Important for organized labor—the public feels that this is all sham, and has noth ing to do with workers' rights or in dustrial democracy. The public does not see the ends: it does observe the means. And the public—by the public I mean Just the ordinary citizen who has not yet been drawn into the class struggle, and who has a very great resistance against being drawn into it—has a very sound hunch that the means are exactly as important as the ends. The public thinks that in the long run the means interpret the end. In this situation the people of the United States are not helpless. The Congress of the United States is not helpless. And it is inconceivable that Congress welcomes the present state of affairs. Vigilantes arc being armed—one of the most dangerous procedures which any democracy can take—and their aim is not, and will not be, to enforce the law. even if the law were clear enough to be enforced, but it will be to fight the strikers. The organization of civil war by the legal authorities is the breakdown of law altogether. Congress Must Act. Therefore, the Congress must take hold of the labor relations act and make it mean something. It must define what are fair practices for em ployers and what are fair practices for unions: what constitutes peaceful : picketing and what docs not; what procedures must be taken before a strike is called, and when and how elections shall be held. Otherwise, let us have done with all this fake stuff about democracy. ' Terroristic plebiscites are not democ racy. They are the use of a demo cratic instrument to establish an au tocracy. We have not lived through fifteen years of recent history with out being able to recognize them for what they are. This Changing World Spanish War Less Worrisome to France Than Weakness of Soviet Army. BY CONSTANTINE BROWN. LEON BLUM'S cabinet celebrated two weeks ago its first birthday anni versary. It’s a ripe age for a French cabinet in ordinary circum stances. It's a still more remarkable event in these days of political, social and financial troubles. But the celebration has not brought the French leader much joy. He Is confronted with new and serious problems. In the international field the Spanish affair continues to be a nightmare for every Frenchmen. When and how things may break in the Mediterranean nobody Quite knows. The Mediterranean nations—and France is one of them—live on a volcano which is spitting fire and might erupt almost any day. But what is worrying the French government and the military author ities more than the Spanish situation is the unexpected weakness of the Russian Army by the execution of field marshals and generals. The late Marshal Tukhatchevsky had visited Paris last year and was taken into the confidence of the general staff to establish a co ordination between the two armies In the event of an international conflagration. Nothing was kept secret by the French general staff from that high-ranking Russian officer, who a year later was placed before the firing squad as a traitor to his country. * * * * It is not the fact that the Russian generals have betrayed the military secrets of their country—and by implication those of France—which worries the Paris authorities. That could be easily remedied. Furthermore, mili tary secrets are not as important these days as they were in the past. The great concern in French political circles is over the unexpected dis closure of the weakness of the Soviet Army. The old Czarist army, hailed in the early days of 1914 as the steam roller which would crush the Germans, proved to be an ordi nary lawn roller incapable of crushing ordinary weeds. Things had changed now, exclaimed the experts uho had seen the Soviet motor ized forces, the parachute brigades and the handsome, strong young red soldiers. The purge has brought serious doubts in the minds of the French leaders as to the ability of the Russians to hold their own once more against any army—be it German or Japanese. And Leon Blum, who has always questioned the wisdom of his predecessors to tie up with the Soviets politically and militarily, is now wondering what he should do in the event of a foreign attack against Soviet territory. His Communist supporters will undoubtedly try to force his hand to rush to the U. S. S. R.’s rescue. Blum is a man of principles and will not let down his supporters. But neither is he likely to plunge his country in a disastrous w-ar. m w w w The economic and financial situation in France is equally worrying. France had to join the rearmament race the day Great Britain decided to embark in a gigantic armament program. But while John Bull has still plenty of cash and reserves, Marianne has mighty little left; the dowry she had gotten years ago has been squandered by successive governments In order to meet the heavy expenditures for this fiscal year, the French secretary of treasury must find a good deal of additional revenue: $500.000,000 according to government sources; t2,000.000, 000 according to the figures of the opposition. The German and the Italian purse string holders have not the same headaches as their colleagues in democratic countries. Hitler and Mussolini decree that this or that shall be done and it's being done. People are tightening their belts whenever necessary; money, exports, imports and production are strictly controlled by the government. In the democratic nation where Parliament still has something to say about expenditures, the repre sentatives of the nation are gen erally raising merry Cain when a secretary of the treasury comes with some sort of a bill which taxes the principal sources of wealth of the country. Thus Neville Cham berlain had to withdraw gracefully his project of putting a substantial tax on the surplus industrial profits. These are increasing by leaps and bounds as the empire proceeds to re-arm. The same tning applies to i-Yance. it is cnmcuit lor tnp French minister of finance to place heavy additional taxes on the Industry which has to stand a good many burdens, because of the new social laws which have been passed by the present Parliament. * * * * The French minister is looking right and left to find the additional billions of francs necessary to meet this year's expenditure. There is talk about another financial crisis in Prance. This may or may not be so. 'Copyright, 1937.) Headline Folk and What They Do $5,000,000 Jenkins Es tate Becomes Part of Mexico Land Policy. BY LEMUEL F. PARTON, ' EW YORK. June 16 —The $5, 000,000 Mexican estate of Wil liam O. Jenkins, former United States consular agent at Pu ebla, will go into the hopper with the great home-owned haciendas, as the Mexican government presses forward with its new agrarian policies. The land will go to the peasants of about 50 villages. They have com plained Jenkins was paying wages below the legal minimum. Jenkins’ disagreements with suc ceeding Mexican governments have been of long standing. The Jenkins kidnaping of 1919 worried our State Department considerably, and certain commercial adventurers thought it might be fanned up into a nice little war, but nothing came of it, barring a few good newspaper stories. Jenkins, a rich man. with lands and factories, had a textile mil! n Duebla and was the powerful business overlord of the region. On Saturday night. October 9, 1919, when the mill was running a night shift, Jenkins was strolling through the mill compound, smoking his pipe, at peace with the world. Three polite bandits, masked with red handker chiefs, rode into the yard. Jenkins Goes With Bandits. Jenkins, muscular and powerful, a former Vanderbilt University foot ball player, was a good rough-and-tumble fighter, but the bandits had guns, so he mounted the horse they ha/" thoughtfully provided and went along' —hiding in caves, galloping at night, fetching up in a remote mountain i wilderness, where his hosts, with the j utmost tact, suggested that a trifle of SI 50.000 would amply repay them for their trouble. The real trouble started when the Puebla government put Jenkins in jail, charging he had framed the kidnap ing to make an issue and bring about the overthrow of the Carranza gov ] ernment by American intervention. | That made quite a stir, this side of the ! Rio Grande, and the case was a prom i ising apple of discord for those who wanted to see trouble develop. “War of Jenkins' Ear.” A reference to the ' War of Jenkins* Ear" might fit in here, apropos of the provocative name of Jenkins in inter national history. Nearly 200 years ago | one Robert Jenkins, a mariner, arrived at the British court with his ear in his pocket. He said the Spaniards had boarded his ship, cut off his ear j and ordered him to hand it to his King j —which he did. The war started in | 1739. Bells were pealing and crowds j were cheering as the soldiers marched ! away. “They may ring the bells now.” said Sir Robert Walpole, “but before long they will be wringing their I hands.” So it happened, as the British ! got a good trouncing at Cartagena, i When it was all over, it was learned I that Jenkins' ear had been cut off in | the stocks, and that he had been hired \ to use it to start a war. (Copyright. 1P37.)