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Bar to Black as Justice Statute Seems to Make Him Morally Ineli gible, Writer Says. | BY DAVID LAWRENCE. ANY workman who joins with any other workman or anybody else to intimidate or coerce a fellow’ employe whether or not he is a member of a union may go to jail hereafter if convicted by the Federal courts of that offense. inis pro aouncement of what constitutes the law of the land has been made possible by the very credit able work of the Department of Justice, presided over by Attorney General Homer Cummings, in de ciding to make use formally of a statute hitherto little known but just as effective vuuaj ao iv i* ao jvaivi ogu rv m u passed by Congress. The law has been invoked to secure Indictments in Harlan County, Ky,, but it can be invoked to punish per sons in unlawful picketing or "sit down" strikes. The Federal Govern ment. in other words, has been given by Congress a police power which many people heretofore have insisted belonged only to the States. Language of Statute. The language of the statute is as follows: “Section 51 (Criminal Code). Con spiracy to injure persons in exercise of Civil rights. If two or more per sons conspire to injure, oppose, threaten, or intimidate any citizen In the free exercise or enjoyment of any right or privilege secured to him by the Constitution or the laws of the United States * * * they shall be fined not more than $5,000 and Imprisoned not more than 10 years.” Clearly the Constitution assures a man the right to work, the right to “life, liberty, and the pursuit of hap piness.” Article V of the Constitution says that nobody shall “be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law.” This means that the Constitution guarantees a person against physical violence, and the statute quoted contains a direct refer ence to "any right or privilege secured to him (.the citizen) by the Constitu tion." Praise for Department. Civil liberties are just as sacred whether violated by terrorism applied \ by employers in Harlan County or by j C. I O. Union terrorists in refusing ' to obey Michigan court injunctions and j in intimidating workmen in automobile * plants. The Department of Justice deserves much credit for bringing the old statute into operation again. Incidentally the Roosevelt adminis tration will find in the same statute a few clauses that make it virtually mandatory that any known members of the Ku Klux Klan be prosecuted. The statute says: “If two or more persons go in disguise on the highway, or on the premises of another, with intent to prevent or hinder his free exercise or enjoyment, of any right or privilege so secured (by the Constitution! they shall be fined not more than $5,000 and imprisoned not more than 10 years, and shall, moreover, be thereafter in eligible to any office or place of honor, profit or trust created by the Con stitution or laws of the United States.” | The above paragraph follows im- j mediately on the section which forbids two or more persons to “injure, op press, threaten or intimidate any citi zen in the free exercise or enjoyment of any right, or privilege secured to him I by the Constitution or the laws of the j United States.” Obligation of Klan. The Ku Klux Klan has as its fundamental obligation a conspiracy ; not exactly to prevent religious free- 1 dom or worship as such but to prevent j any Catholic. Jew or Negro from hold- j ing governmental office in America. The Constitution says: “No religious test shall ever be re quired as a qualification to any office or. public trust under the United States.” Thus it will be seen that the Congress of the United States has al ready spoken on the subject of what thi Klan oath embraces. The Federal laws make it a crime for any group to conspire to prevent any citizen I What’s Back of It All Move to Unify Southern Factions Seen in New Cotton Plan of Wallace and Johnston. BY H. R BAIIKHAGE. WHILE the President prepares to examine his political fences in the West, some very deft politico maneuvering is being planned in the South. It isn't advertised as such, but it has the earmark of a very judicious mixing of heart and pocketbook balm for the disgruntled Southern Democrats, high, low and middle. The move is carefully camouflaged with cotton blossoms. But sharp-eyed observers claim to see underneath the innocent covering a definite and well-laid campaign to unify the South by bringing together conflicting classes in support of an economic issue. The campaign starts on October I at the triple-A meeting in Memphis. The general in command will be Secretary Wallace, with a staff of ace advisers and publicity men. The ammunition will be an outline of an optimistic program for a iciapi/uie ux ixit wuiiu inuinci iui i This will involve a reversal of the triple-A policy. Secretary Wal lace will announce the discontinu ance of the former policy of high loan values, which maintained an artificial price for cotton. The new procedure will permit cotton to seek its own level in the world mar ket. A subsidy to the American producer will make up the differ ence between what is known as the domestic allotment once and the SO/ ITS TIGHT ' YOUftB , . AT TER. Q ti C°p, ^ world price. What It amounts to is an "export bounty.’’ * * * * Meanwhile, an effort will be made, in line with the Hull trade pacts, to obtain reduction of tariff on imported goods and thus increase the buying power of some of America's foreign cotton customers. Behind the forthcoming dramatic announcement is a well-laid plan, prepared with an eye to make it not only economically under standable, but politically effective. The man responsible for the spade work is Oscar Johnston, big cotton planter from Mississippi, recently called upon by Secretary Wallace, because of his practical experience, to replace Culky Cobb, former chief cotton adviser to the Secretary. While it was not disclosed at the time (or since), it was Johnston who dictated the present 9-cent cotton loan and 3-cent subsidy. And when this started the riot in Dixie, it was likewise Johnston who met the em battled State commissioners in Memphis and told them to keep their shirts on until they heard what Secretary Wallace had up his sleeve. * * * * Nor have the "big fellows” been the only ones to get special treatment from the Department of Agriculture to put them in a receptive mood. The tenant farmers, icho will close their organi zation meeting just as the triple-A begins have just been offered a larger share in the benefits under the 193S soil conservation program. * * * * While it can't be done officially, the National Labor Relations Board is making some private goodwill gestures toward employers. There is nothing in the Wagner act permitting an employer to file a complaint against labor. But now it is being suggested, very much off the record, of course, that the plant owner who believes in collective bar gaining with union representatives of a majority of his workers has an en trance. albeit a highly unofficial one, into the N. L. R. B.'s deliberations. This private entrance has always been there, but this is the first time that it has had a welcome sign on it. * * * + This is it: When competing labor unions resort to "terroristic’* methods to get members among the workers of such an employer, thereby interfering with business, he may appeal to the labor board. Informally, of course. All he has to do is to pick up the phone, call the nearest N. L. R B. district director, complain that union organizers are bulldozing his em ployes and that such threats inter fere with efficiency. This cry for help, when it comes from an employer sympa thetic to collective bargaining, will not. fall on deaf ears. N. L. R. B. officials will call the rival union heads into conciliation, convince one or the other of them that an elec tion should be held to determine which group the majority of work ex a pxrirx. This procedure has been followed in a number of cases already. It is slated to be increasingly employed with the growing intensity of the C. I. O A. F. of L. drives. * * * * A neat question arises for the Social Security Board to settle. Is the oyster business agricultural or industrial? Agricultural workers are excluded from the benefits of the Social Security legislation, but the oystermen say this shouldn't prevent them getting their old age pensions and unemployment insurance, They say they aren’t farmers. v But, replies the opposition, you depend on harvested crops, resulting from the planting of seed (which Is truei, and those who count their days in terms of seed time and harvest are certainly farmers. (Copyright. 1007. by North American Newspaper Alliance. Inc.) from enjoying his constitutional right —in this instance the right to hold public office no matter what his race or creed or color. It will be noted that the laws of the United States further state that any one convicted of such a crime shall himself be ineligible to hold any public office. This means that mem bers of the Ku Klux Klan if prosecuted for their offenses would be ineligible to hold office. Former Senator Black was a member of the Ku Klux Klan. He was, of course, never prosecuted. The language of the statute would seem to indicate that he is morally ineligible to hold office under the Government of the United States. He took, an oath to deprive his fellow eitizens of certain constitutional rights. This is entirely apart of course from questions of legal ineligibility which have been raised because Mr. Black was a member of the Senate at the time the retirement law increasing the emoluments of Supreme Court justices was passed, whereas the Constitution ;ays no Senator or Representative can be appointed to any office in which the emoluments have been increased while such a Senator or Representative was serving his term in Congress. (Copyright. 1927.) - ■ ■■■■«--• HOSPITAL DESIGNATED Dependents of Navy Personnel to r Be Treated at Portsmouth.. Secretary Swanson today revealed he has designated the Norfolk Naval Hospital at Portsmouth, Va., for the hospitalization of dependents of naval personnel on the active list. This action was taken upon recommenda tion of Rear Admiral Perceval S. Ros siter, chief of the Bureau of Medicine and Surgery, Navy Department. The Bureau of Navigation at the department in informing the service today of the new ruling said it is understood dependents in this con nection include "lawful wife, unmar ried dependent children and the mother of the officer or enlisted man.” (THE opinions of the writers on this page are their own, not x necessarily The Star’s. Such opinions are presented in The Star’s effort to give all sides of questions of interest to its readers, although such opinions man be contradictory among themselves and directly opposed to The Star’s. -—-—- | Roosevelt Attitude Toward O’Mahoney May End Speculation on Court Vote Reprisals. BY MARK SULLIVAN. WHEN Mr. Roosevelt's trip to 1 the West was .first an nounced, It was put partly on the ground that he wished to visit his daughter and grandchildren living in Seattle. To that purported reason not much serious attention was paid by newspaper men and politicians—most of them Just smiled. It was also said Mr. Roose velt was taking the trip for an opportunity to look at the great public works which his administration has been building in the Northwest. To that reason the observers and poli ticians said, "Well, maybe.” A reason for the trip not given by Mr. ftoosevelt but widely sur mised, whether too cynically or not, was that Mr. Roosevelt wished to travel through the States of cer tain Democratic Senators who conspicuously op posed his court measure; that Mr. Roosevelt wished to get for 1-1 -If States impressive demonstrations of public applause; that by these demon strations he wished to show the local j Democratic Senators opposing him j that he was popular, and that pre sumably his court plan was also pop ular. An extension of this reason, j widely surmised—again whether too ' cynically or not—was that Mr. Roose velt wished to show, in a conspicuous way or a subtle way, a "cold shoulder" to the local Democratic Senators who had opposed his court proposal and by thus showing the cold shoulder to them, encourage the local Democratic organizations and voters to reject the offending Democratic Senators at the polls. This is a familiar'political strategy. It has been practiced by presidents in the past. Period of Doubt. Following the first mention of Mr. Roosevelt’s Western trip, there was a j period of “off ag5in, on ag’in," during which it was sometimes said Mr. Roosevelt was in doubt about taking the trip. This period coincided with a corresponding appearance of inde cision with respect to policy about the Democratic Senators who had opposed Mr. Roosevelt’s court plan. After some weeks of indecision about the Western trip, the Black situation 8rose. Subsequent to the breaking of the Black sensation, Mr. Roosevelt announced definitely that the Western trip would be taken. For this develop ment a wholly new reason was sur mised by some commentators. However .that may be. whatever may be the core of substance in the welter of official reason and unofficial sur mise, the fact is that Mr. Roosevelt is now on the train. The further fact is that Mr. Roosevelt's first stop is at Cheyenne, Wyo., Friday afternoon. The yet further fact is that Mr. Roose velt is now obliged, whether he now wishes or not, to take an attitude about one of the most important of the Democratic Senators who oppose*! his court measure. The Senator is Mr. Joseph C. O'Mahoney of Wyoming. Mr. O’Mahoney’s contribution to the defeat of the court measure was ex ceptionally large, because of his obvious sincerity, his obvious reluc tance to take a stand against the President's measure, and the obvious turmoil of spirit through which he passed before he took his position. Mr. Roosevelt, in stopping in Wyo ming, cannot avoid taking one attitude or another about Mr. O'Mahoney. As Mr. Roosevelt stops in Wyoming, as he shows himself to the eyes of the Wyoming public, every Democratic worker in the State will be watching for a cue, a sign whether they are to turn "thumbs down” on Mr. O'Ha honey. As I WTite, I am informed that Mr. O'Mahoney is traveling to his Wyom ing home by automobile and Is today In Western Iowa. Mr. Roosevelt’s attitude toward Mr. O'Mahoney can express itself in any or all of a dozen ways. It can show itself by whether he gets in touch with Mr. O'Mahoney and invites him to ride on his train; by what reason is given if Mr. O'Ma honey does not ride on his train; by how he receives Mr. O'Mahoney as suming he receives him: by degrees of cordiality between his reception of Mr. O'Mahoney and his reception of other Democratic leaders; by whether he mentions Mr. O'Mahoney in his Chey enne speech, and how he mentions him. Mr. Roosevelt’s attitude can express itself by shadings of manner as subtle as the tone of his voice, or the expres sion of his features. At this sort of thing Mr. Roosevelt Is exceptionally subtle and skilled, as expert as the best of actors. If Mr. Roosevelt shows in an unmis takable way discrimination against Mr. O'Mahoney, then the tale is told. If there are to be reprisals against Mr. O'Mahoney, then most certainly there will be reprisals against all the 30-odd Democratic Senators who opposed the court measure. For Mr. O'Mahoney, excepting his opposition to the court proposal, was particularly loyal to the President. Without looking up the record. I should say offhand that Sen ator O'Mahoney voted for all the important Roosevelt measures except the court one. Mr. O Mahoney, be sides, is a man of exceptionally hieh character and ability. Indeed Mr. O'Mahoney constitutes an opportunity for Mr. Roosevelt to do a generous and high-minded thing—to say plainly that he respects the right of a Senatdr to vote according to his conscience. (Copyright. 1937.) We, the People Constitution Day Trips up Political "Shiva’s Temple” Rewarded by Wondrous Sights. BY JAY FllANKUN. FLOATING like a mirage in the Grand Canyon of American history, our national “Island in the Sky”—or, as so-called constitutional lawyers prefer to call it, “Shila’s Temple"—has until recently de fied the efforts of political scientists to scale its precipitous tides. Constitution day, however, witnessed a bold attempt to explore the flora and fauna of this “lost world” which has been isolated since the ice age oi me American uonsuuiuon. Prom all directions, parties of po litical explorers swarmed up the cliffs—some roped together, some using a breeches buoy, some with the old-fashioned hook-and-ladder equipment of the partisan fire fighter, others simply playing po litical leapfrog. More than one oratorical expedition found itself stranded on the side of the moun tain at a Un t mouse of an idea, convinced that that is the only life in the lost political world. Other parties—bolder or luckier—peered over the edge of the plateau and reported what they saw. * * * * President Roosevelt, fully equipped with pemmican and periscopes, reported finding the ruins of a prehistoric civilization of laymen. There were traces, he said, of repeated battles against marauding lawyers, whose fossils littered the approaches to Shiva's Temple with wagging jawbones and gnashing teeth. Secretary Ickes, in a rapid rocket flight over the sky island, shouted that he had seen a completely petrified Supreme Court and warned that it would take dynamite before the search party could get beyond that barrier. Tunneling up from below, Secretary Wallace discovered a fine bas-relief of farmers and laborers working together— swapping industrial pay rolls for corn and hogs with unmistakably Mid western smiles. Other investigators were not so reassuring. G. O P. Chairman John Hamilton, leader of a separate scientific expedition organized by Mr. Paul Block and the Tory press, had barely strapped on his climbing-irons when a great Black hooded creature—which looked like a cross between a pterodactyl and a judge—flapped in front of him, uttering dismal Klux. Senator Burke of Nebraska posed for photographers a rock formation which resembled the face of Abraham Lincoln and ftate utterance to warnings that dinosaurs and ichthyosauria were waiting to devour those who ventured beyond the foot of the escarpment. Dear old Dr. Burton K. Wheeler, professor of dilatory osteology at the University of Wisecracks, got halfway up the hill before his un rivaled wind gave out. sat back puffing in a cave and announced that the “lost world" was populated by a tribe of savage dictators. * * * * Up there, in that high, thin air, men see clearly but unsteadily. As the political sun turns on the heat, the mountains seem to dance and quiver and the mirages form like thunderh^ds. One man sees a monster, another finds a mouse. Men go mad with thirst—or hope of buried treas ure—and run around howling like wolves or turn to stab their comrades. For our “Island in the Sky” is the will of the American people. To those who understand that, will come fame and—in a humbler sphere— riches. Those who oppose it often starve amid the gaunt cliffs of public indifference or are crushed by swift rock slides of public disfavor. The will of the American people is what carries us all: Our Constitution, courts, Congress, administration. States, cities, big business, little business, farmers, miners, factory hands, prostitutes, politicians, stockbrokers, bankers, sheriffs, cops and robbers, bonds and shares, mortgages and breadlines. Human history—our own included—is bestrewed with the wreckage of minorities which have sought to manage and direct the public will against the general welfare of the people. The problem of our age is to enable the people's will—ex pressed by their indifference as well as their desires—to prevail against the interests of intrenched minorities, without inflicting in justice upon those minorities or endowing the agents of the ma jority with tyrannical powers. It is fun to be fooled by the legalistic and technical interprets tions oi our written Constitution, but it is better to know what it is all about and to realize that political instruments are simply devices to promote the common good, not revelations of divine right, not strait jackets to confine the majority in a political asylum for economic lunatics. Until we. as a people, reach that understanding of the meaning of public life, our “Island in the Sky” will remain unexplored and the "Shiva's Tem ple” of big business lawyers will continue to smoke with human sacrifice. (Copyright, '1937.) An American You Should Lee A. Strong Stands Guard Against Threat of Insect Pests. BY DELIA PYNCHON. ALL Summer the ground crew of beetles, weevils, worms, grass* hoppers have massed lor a field day of crop destruction. All Summer the flying squadron of moths, flies, mosquitoes have beaten ————fiatsffgftgEgaaaa t nplr wintrv dp tructively about rees and hu nans. The Na ion's annual ross loss In i rops and trees,; mman disease nd incapacity, ind their control, s about three bil ions. There Is a eer ain positive "I'll ;et you yet" look ■ bout Lee A. Strong, commit _i _i._l W V* W VUIIVIV* and eradicate this burrowing, crawl ing, jumping, flying army of pests. Chief of the Bureau of Entomology and Plant Quarantine, Department Of Agriculture, Strong is constantly vis iting the ever-moving scenes of dep redation. He plans his counter at tack on the spot. It may be an S O S for trench diggers, for sprayers, for insecticide, for the department s four new autogiros, making aerial mapa of infected trees. Strong does not be lieve in “remote control.” His life and education have been the field of experience. Farm born in Iowa, 1886. he started work eariy, husked corn with the best of them. His powerful build, keep brown eyes, ruddy complexion, ready smile, un assuming simplicity b^ar witness to a life of effort and reality. To Washington hi 1929. He worked on railroads; he worked on fruit farms. He was working on a Nebraska fruit farm when the first spraying for the deadly coddling moth took place. Interest aroused, he con tinued study of insect control first hand, became ultimately morticultural : inspector for Los Angeles County, California State Department of Ag riculture; came to Washington in 1929 as chief of the Bureau of Plant Quarantine. It is an empire of scientific ef fort to oversee. Three hundred for I eign and tJnited States offices do quarantine, regulatory, research work under Strong's supervision. The border patrol is essential. It 1s keeping more of the calculated 20,000 foreign pests from joining our equally numerous domestic varieties. Many unwelcome insect-immigrants have slipped In. During Revolutionary days the Hessians brought over some objectionable flies with their ha". The Oriental fruit moth hid on som° Japanese cherry trees. The Japanese beetle sneaked In on some ballcu azaleas, to name several of legion David Lawrence. Quick-dissolring Jack Frost ^ speeds cake-mixing! $■ CRISPY SPICE COOKIES (Makes about 4 doien) ?X; - _ HStafc* . % teaspoon sod, ■& X 1 cup Jack Frost l/4 teaspoon salt A 2eJf U**r ,»teaspoon ciiwamoB 'mm H 9 BB* r. • n V2 teaspoon allspice ■ 2 cups sifted flour Vs teaspoon cloves I^B 1 teaspoon bak.ng 3 tablespoons milk, powder .bout 1. Cream butter until soft. 99s' 2. Add Jack Frost Granulated Sugar gradually, ■El beatmg until fluffy. Jack Frost makes this ■$1 creaming job so much easier and quicker be- ■&$'. cause it s super-sifted, quick-dissolving. vXv i 3 Add well-beaten eggs, beating until smooth. flj^E 9 4-S>ft flour. Measure. Sift again with baking powder, soda, salt and spices. 5. Add dry ingredients alternately with milk beatmg until smooth after each addition. — 16. Drop from teaspoon on greased cooky sheet 2%-Ear*-N"™- - 4ss H ^ minutes! mod•r‘t• «75* F.) .bout 15 I . 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Stronf. » Follow my Camay oeauty care to have SAYS THIS PRETTY NEW YORK BRIDI Camay has to get skin thoroughly clean. Camay's beauty bubbles go down deep to the pores, remove the grime and dirt that cloud the beauty of your skin. Remember, skin that’s really clean is lovely! No other leading beauty soap is milder than Camay. Repeated tests, carefully made on every type of skin, have shown that Camay is definitely, provably milder than other well-known toilet soaps. No soap that you can buy is better than Camay, but you’ll find this gentle beauty soap reasonably priced. Why don’t you buy half a dozen cakes today? Let Camay be your way to a new and glamorous beauty! Trade-Mark Re. U. B. Pit. OS.