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THE EVENING STAR With Sunday Nomina Edition THEODORE W. NOYES, Editor WASHINGTON, D, C. TUESDAY..March 29, 1938 The Eveninf Star Newspaper Company Main Office; llth St. and Pennsylvania Ave. New York Office: 110 East 42nd 6t. Chicago Office: 435 North Michigan Ave. Delivered by Carrier—City and Suburban Regular Edition Evening and Sunday_fl5c per mo. or 16c per week The Evening Star—45c per mo. or 10c per week The Sunday Star __ __ _5c per copy Night Final Edition Night Final and Sunday Star_TOc per month Night Final Star 55c per month Collection made at the end of each month or each week. Orders may be sent by mail or tele phone National 6000. Rate by Mail—Payable in Advance Maryland and Virginia Daily and Sunday_„l yr.. $10.00; 1 mo., 85c Daily only -1 yr., $8.00; 1 mo.. oOc Sunday only-1 yr., $4.00; 1 mo., 40c All Other States and Canada Dally and Sunday 1 yr., $12.00; 1 mo., $1.00 Daily only-1 yr., $8.00; 1 mo., ',6c Sunday only-1 yr., $5.00; 1 mo., OOc Member of the Associated Press The Associated Press is exclusively entitled to the use for republication of all news dispatches credited to it or not otherwise credited in this paper and also the local news published herein. All rights of publication of apecial dispatches herein also are reserved. Up lo the House. Senate leaders acted wisely In the last minute decision to let the far-reaching Government reorganization bill go to the House as a separate measure, thereby giving that branch of Congress full op portunity to consider every phase of it. When the Senate voted to pass it, by the close vote of 49 to 42, the original plan of the leadership was to make the entire measure an amendment to a House bill, which might have sent the whole subject directly to conference without thorough consideration in the House. Fortunately, this course was aban doned ana now the Senate bill will be referred to committee in the House, and go through the normal legislative chan nels that so important a measure should take. When a legislative body in which the majority party has 77 members out of a total of 96 divides 49 to 42 on an admin istration measure, it reflects a difference of opinion that warrants careful delib eration rather than short cuts. It should be remembered that the Sen ate bill contains two major changes in governmental machinery that have never been acted on by the House—abolition of the Civil Service Commission and the General Accounting Office. me nouse Din which leaders first considered using as a vehicle to send the subject to the House, and thence to conference, dealt only with the general power of the President to regroup bu reaus, and to create a new department of welfare. If this course had been fol lowed, the House, at best, would have been limited to an efTort to instruct its conferees on those broad features of the Senate program which up to now the House has not considered. In the closing days of the Senate's long battle over the bill appeals were received for further hearings on the bill, and no harm would be done now if the House Reorganization Committee took a little time out to comply with these requests. No one quarrels with the general ob jective of promoting efficiency and elimi nating overlapping in governmental agencies, but the Senate bill does much more than that. It discards the bi partisan Civil Service Commission for a single administrator, and it estab lishes an entirely new system for the supervision of Government accounting. In abolishing the Controller General's Office, established in 1921, to give Con gress an independent check on expendi tures, it places current accounting under the Budget Bureau and creates a new auditor general to make post audits. i ne senate vote Is evidence of a sharp division of opinion on the entire bill and it will be far better for the Government, for Congress itself and for the country as a whole if the membership of the House goes as thoroughly into the argu ments pro and con as did the Senate. Much of the opposition to the bill in the Senate was based on a belief that Congress should retain as a legislative function the right to approve or dis approve reorganization orders of the President before they take effect. As the bill stands no affirmative action would be necessary and the otders would take effect after sixty days, in the ab sence of legislation of disapproval, Since such legislation could be vetoed, one-third of Congress could prevent the overriding of the veto. Furthermore, it would not always be easy to put a reso lution of disapproval through both branches of Congress within the re quired sixty days. The House might well give further study to the amendment which the Senate rejected, requiring Congress to take affirmative action promptly on reorganization orders be fore they go into effect. Colonel House. The verdict of history must be that Colonel Edward Mandell House failed in his efforts to achieve the protection of the democratic philosophy he loved. Death came to him at a moment when every concept dear to his heart had been defeated. The Versailles Treaty, of which he was an author, has been tom to fragments by both the Allies and the Germans, and the League of Nations, of which he was an architect, has been defied and defamed by even the little countries for which, especially, it was designed to be a defense and a guard. Colonel House, slowly fading from the world picture, knew that his hopes had been destroyed, his labors rendered vain and useless. Unlike his friend and leader, President Woodrow Wilson, he was fated to survive until it had been demonstrated beyond any question that democratic ideal be preserved | by compromise. There was, it seems, a sorrowful satisfaction for him in the complete disaster which inevitably fol lowed upon the concessions which the United Stated was persuaded to make at Paris in 1919. He never was blind to the dangers, never deaf to the cries of protest raised against the betrayal of the fourteen points. With a genius natural to his character, he fought as best he could for moderation and jus tice. The punitive point of view, how ever, prevailed, and Clemenceau opened the "doors of opportunity for Mussolini and Hitler, the Fascists and the Nans. But Colonel House never despaired. Up to the last he still campaigned for the doctrines to which he was self dedicated, still maintained his faith that human intelligence is not unequal to the problem of greed and violence in organized form. He was an amateur diplomatist always, and it was his preference to toil alone. Millions were familiar with his name, yet never saw his face. He was in truth a man of mystery, shy of crowds, shrewd, keen, sometimes even cunning, but not quite sure enough of his cause. Perhaps the explanation of his disappointments may be found in his unofficial status. He was merely the private adviser of Mr. Wilson. Generally, his credentials were indefinite. He was handicapped on occasion by the realization of those with whom he dealt that he spoke only for his President, not for the American people. Now he Is gone, and his friends mourn him as a tragic figure of a tragic period. They understand, as a larger public may not, how deeply earnest and sin cere he was. Also, they comprehend the significance of his intent and the altruistic purpose of his broken dream. It is plain to them that he symbolized an aspiration which the humble, in articulate multitudes shared. His frus tration, they sadly confess, was that of the bewildered and suffering masses in whose interest he gave all that lay in his power generously to give. New Deal Victory. The Supreme Court decision uphold ing contested provisions of the Public Utility Holding Company Act of 1935 marked a major triumph for the Roose velt administration and climaxed a series of legal victories that seemed impossible of attainment two years ago. The Federal Government, from the viewpoint of those who believe in the desirability of centralized power, is now entrenched on strong legal ground. Pri marily through the adoption of a broad interpretation of the commerce clause of the Constitution, the Supreme Court has opened the door to a degree of gov ernmental regulation of business that would have been undreamed of a gen eration ago. This step was taken by the justices 'in the face of realities that could not well be ignored. On one side was the pressure of the President s effort to reorganize the court and on the other a growing belief that "big business” had reached a point where the hope for ade quate State regulation was demonstrably futile. On the face of the record as it now stands there appears no likelihood that the New Deal will meet with an adverse ruling from the justices in the near future. There is no case involving New Deal legislation still awaiting decision during this term and most observers agree that the Supreme Court will rule for the Government in cases coming up from lower tribunals. In deciding the utility holding com pany case, the court upheld the legality of the registration provisions of the act and the penalties imposed for fail ure to register. Despite an urgent plea from the utilities, the court .refused to pass on the constitutionality of other pro visions, rejecting an “invitation” to enter into "a speculative inquiry for the pur pose of condemning statutory provisions, the effect of which in concrete situations, not yet developed, cannot now be defi nitely perceived.” This, however, was victory enough for the newly appointed Solicitor General, Robert H. Jackson, who read into the court’s language an implied warning that "even great aggregations of financial power must be made to operate under the law.” That statement from the New Deal’s chief “trust buster,” if not the signal for revival of the momentarily forgotten anti-monopoly campaign, may at least be interpreted as a warning to the utilities that drastic enforcement of the holding company act is in the offing. The political "grab bag’’ is mentioned as a feature of the present situation. It may be as well to serve notice that everything has been grabbed, before throngs come over from Europe to be taken care of. --> « — ■ Europe is called on to pay, recogniz ing that where Hitler executes a coup there must also be a bill. A Good Day’s Work. Law enforcement in the District and the suppression of rackets won a dis tinct victory in the House yesterday in the quick passage of the numbess bill. Credit is due to the members of the House District Committee who pried the bill out of a pigeon hole an^l forced its report and passage over the outspoken opposition of the chairman. Senator King,' who twice has obtained Senate approval of this bill, may be depended upon to work for its final enactment through Senate concurrence with the House amendments, suggested by United States Attorney Pine. The important thing about the num bers bill is simply this: For several years now police and prosecutors have asked in vain that their hands be strengthened through statutory recognition of the numbers game, giving them Authority, previously lacking, to deal with a mod em variation of the old policy game. As long as they lacked such authority, a convenient and perhaps perfectly legit imate “alibi” was available as an excuse for failure vigorously to go after the numbers operators. With enactment of the pending meas ure, that alibi will no longer exist. The police will be expected to go after the operators and they can count on United States Attorney Pine and his office to back them to the limit. The police may never be able to stop gambling. But the police can and It is believed they will break up a racket In Washington that has assumed incredible proportions. And the way to go after that racket, as Mr. Dewey has so well demonstrated in New York, is to put the racketeers behind the bars, where they belong. To Stop Chiseling. Prompt steps by the District Unem ployment Compensation Board to prose cute four persons charged with illegally obtaining compensation checks may rightfully be considered in the interests of good administration. No condition could be more injurious to effective operation of the unemploy ment insurance plan than one of promis cuous “chiseling” allowed to continue without speedy punitive action. Essen tial in any type of insurance system are confidence in the integrity of ad ministration and faith that benefits will come to those and only those who are deserving. Despite reasonable protection through checks on employment and separation records, opportunity exists in the local administration of the program for un scrupulous persons to obtain benefit checks for a short period. There is vir tually no opportunity, however, for such abuse to go unnoticed beyond a very few weeks as the lag in examination of all records is passed. With the board possessed of authority to prosecute any who participate in such illegal practices, the responsibility and the power to maintain the integrity of the system are theirs and should be exercised. Vigorous utilization of such powers should have a salutary effect on all who feel genuine interest in the un employment insurance program and give pause for thought for those who con template its abuse. Goering says that not hatred but necessity prompts the hardships which old families are called on to endure. That ancient fable about the punish ment which hurts the one who inflicts it more than the victim is evidently being revived along with the swastika. It is intimated that Stalin has been tricked into turning some of his most capable subjects over to the executioner. When sufferers of the death penalty are so numerous, the fear of mistakes in evitably arises. f " T *** 1 The New York stock market has shown some surprises that will call for an ac complished lawyer to explain them and possibly add to the incidental expense that must be met. There are people who wish heartily that Hitler had made a brilliant suc cess of his efforts to become a painter. Even a career as a house painter would have been more'peaceful. Many compliments are extended to John L. Lewis as an orator, accompanied, however, by reminders that a man may make a good speech and still land on the losing side. v Reports of renewed Chinese attacks upon the Japanese, with victories on several fronts, suggest that the war that is not even yet a war may eventually be rated as a genuine conflict. Shooting Stars. By PHILANDER JOHNSON. _ ft As Doc Braney See* It. “I know the world looks easy, son,” Doc Braney said, one day; “It seems that wondrous things are done In such a simple way That luck or genius have the call, And work seems little use. Yet, son, the question, after all, Is this: Can You Produce? “It’s wonderful to see the schemes That lightweights can put through. This easy-going world, it seems, Was waiting just for you. But promising's a simple task! No longer on the loose, The old world pauses now to ask, ‘My Boy, Can You Produce?’ “Your gentle and persuasive smile Is worth far more than gold. Alas, this world of grief and guile Must traffic as of old. As bright intentions fade away None waits for an excuse. The man who Is a Man today Must hustle and produce.” Campaign ef Education. “You say your visit home was In the nature of a campaign of education?” “More or less,” answered Senator Sorghum. “I listened attentively and learned a number of interesting things." Jud Tunkins says farming has be come such a scientific proposition that a man has to learn to use more different kinds of tools than he does in a golf game. Motor Melancholy. Of signs of spring which now expand The hardest to endure Is that which looms on every tyuid— The grim old word, “DETOUR." » "To apologize for the past," said Hi Ho, the sage of Chinatown, "may lose precious time that should be devoted to preparing for the future.” The Real Cost. My garden tools with Joy intense I buy and never lose ’em; But the biggest item of expense Is a hired man to use ’em. "Tastes differ so much," said Uncle Eben, “dat even a radio has got to be J«s’ somethin’ else for de fam’ly to quar> , rel aboul” — A * I THE POLITICAL MILL BY G. GOULD LINCOLN. Senator William E. Borah, whose Ideas are anathema to the internationally minded, does not see much difference between foreign alliances and “co-opera tion.” He said as much in the National Radio Forum last night, discussing the question of “Foreign Affairs,” as they affect this country. He put up a very persuasive argument to prove his point. His address, which was broadcast throughout the country, was apparently designed to offset the talk of “co operation” by President Roosevelt, Sec retary Cordell Hull of the State De partment and others who have spoken for the administration. Co-operation, said Senator Borah, has an excellent sound. It is only when we get down to brass tacks that the Ameri can who does not believe in entangling alliances--and both the President and Mr. Hull Insist they are opposed to such alliances—finds himself puzzled over co operation by this country with another nation. Senator Borah pointed out the difficulty of arriving at measures of co operation with another nation, discuss ing co-operation with Great Britain. Some Americans, he said, had desired the United States to co-operate with Eng land when Anthony Eden was in the saddle and he did not wish to negotiate with foreign dictators, but even thought of "whipping” those dictators. In the twinkling of an eye, he showed, Mr. Eden was no longer directing British foreign policy and Mr. Chamberlain was in his place. Mr. Chamberlain's policy is one of negotiation with the foreign dictators. Where, suggested Senator Borah, would that have left the United States if it had engaged in co-operating with the British government while Mr. Eden was charting the course? Decid edly, there seems to be something in what Mr. Borah has to say. On the other hand, if the United States had been willing to "co-operate” with Great Britain, Mr. Eden might have remained in the saddle, .and the United States might have been drawn very danger ously into these European quarrels. Ik ik * * Senator Borah's proposal Is simply that the United States remain friends with all the world and mind Its own business. This is a good program. How ever. it takes two to be friends, and if another nation or nations should deside to be no longer a friend or friends of the United States, there may be war after all—if the peace-at-any-price party does not prevail. The Idaho Senator takes the question of America’s foreign relations very seri ously. He started speaking out plainly about them back in the days when the Versailles treaty and the League of Nations Covenant were before the Sen ate. He called the Versailles treaty last night "the mother of modern arma ments,” since it was unjust and unwork able. Ever since it was negotiated, he maintained, the world has been arming for war. What the framers of the Versailles treaty did to Austria was far more disastrous for the independence of that country, he said, than what Mr. Hitler has Just done. * * * * The burden of Senator Borah's talk was that Americans should stop, look and listen before they permit themselves to be drawn into "co-operation” with any nation, even though the present ad ministration is talking of co-operation. After all, he said, who is to decide with what nation we shall "co-operate” and of what that co-operation shall consist? Presumably the Chief Executive, in charge of foreign relations and their negotiation, will be the man to decide. While Mr. Borah does not like the talk of co-operation advanced by the President and Mr. Hull, he gave his hearty approval to the address recently delivered by American Ambassador "Joe” Kennedy in London. Mr. Kennedy, he pointed out, said that the American peo ple do not like entangling alliances. Most of them insist upon retaining a free and independent hand to act as they see fit in foreign affairs. America has no intention of attacking any one, but intends to remain friends with all. If force of events makes this impossible, Mr. Kennedy said, America will then de cide what it shall do to preserve the welfare of its citizens. All this, Senator Borah Insisted, should help to clear the air. What he fears, apparently, is that other voices in the administration will not sing the same tune. m. m * w The discussion of foreign relations very likely will bob up when the Senate considers the billion-dollar naval con struction bill, which has passed the House and is now before the Senate Naval Aflalrs Committee. To some of the Senators this proposed building pro gram is excessive and they will say so. But whether they do or not, the naval bill will pass the Senate by a substantial vote—Just as it did the House. It is a tough proposition to beat a naval con struction bill in the American Congress. Fortunately there are a good many Americans who, believing in no en tangling alliances, feel that it is neces sary for the country to be prepared to defend itself. The two positions are entirely logical and supplementary to one another. The President got his Government re organization bill through the Senate by the skin of his teeth. Three votes changed would have sent the measure to strangu lation in the committee from whence it came. It was a victory for the adminis tration-won after desperate fighting. But it was a victory that gave evidence of the weakening hold which the adminis tration has over Congress. Presumably the House will follow suit and pass the President’s bill. However, the drive throughout the country to beat the bill finally has developed astoundingly in the last few days. With representatives of the American Federation of Labor, the American Legion, the railroad brotherhoods and many other organiza tions working against the bill as it stands, the administration has reason to fear for it. That the administration has its fears about what the House may do to the reorganization bill was shown by the maneuver which Senator Byrnes of South Carolina, in charge of the bill, sought to put across yesterday in the Senate. He tried to have the Senate £ill substituted, as an amendment, for a House bill dealing with certain features of the proposed reorganization plan, but not mentioning the abolition of the Civil Service Commisslbn and General Accounting Offlce. Had this been done, it would have been in order for the House to send the bill to conference without ever having considered such im portant questions. Possibly the House Itself would not have stood for such a high-handed procedure, even if Senator Byrnes had succeeded. * * * * It was Senator Bennett Clark of Mis souri who threw a monkey wrench into this administration plan to smooth the way for the final passage of the reor ganization bill. He threatened to offer the anti-lynching bill as an amendment to the House bill if that measure were taken up. Clark to a supporter of the aatt-lynnhlng bill, just as fc^to an THIS AND THAT BY CHARLES B. TRACEWRLL. We felt that day as If something very fine should be written about spring, when along came a correspondent with just the thing—a poem upon the sub ject! Spring sometimes is too powerful. It tears the pen out of the hand, and causes one just to be satisfied with seeing and hearing. Everybody knows that feeling. Over in Arlington, Va., however, they love the birds, with the following results: "Dear Sir: "Hast never heard A little bird Conversing with its fellow? Its throat distending. With rhythm blending In notes so clear and mellow? “The pert chit-chat Of this and that, When good birds get together, Is understood In fen and wood By fellows of a feather. “What do they say In song so gay. In notes both high and low? Who dare deny, In their wild cry. They’re uttering words we know? “Does Bob-o-link Sit down and think What he's forever saying? Does old Bob-white, Out late at night, Pretend that he is praying? “The changing call Of Cardinal Is like the hurdy-gurdy. To do him fame I must proclaim He's quite a wordy birdie. “P. S. and L Envoi: “I guess the spring Inspired this thing. When all the sap doth rise. And versifiers— Goldarn liars— Praise Nature to the skies. "Well, if this spring Inspired this thing, With tacit ifs and buts, I'll step aside Ere I abide Forever with the nuts. “Birdistically yours, “J. W. H.” * * * * Spring had no such effect, evidently, on J. C. A., who on the same morning added his say on the momentous subject of whether birds “say words” or not: “Dear Sir: Is there any one to.gainsay that the word ‘chink’ does not chink true; that the word ‘crack’ does not crack true: that the word ‘sw'ish’ does not swish true? Sound-copying words like the preceding three, a few among the jnan.v such coined for our English tongue, ail fail to strike the right tone. As at tempts at duplication of sound they fall flat at the very best. “Now, to turn to the music of the birds. I shall begin to listen to what some of your correspondents are trying to sell us in the matter of reproduction of bird notes by means of letter combinations, if flrst of all, they will advance a little con vincing advertising of the worth of their theory by offering a spelling that will buzz true, and secondly another spelling that will hum true. Less difficult for them, perhaps, I shall lend them ear if they can talk with words exactly as a a baby cries without words. And the baby need not be a bird baby; Just one of our own kind. sir * sAr * sir "Speaking of those birds that bear ! names alleged to be imitative of the sound they make, we who have heard a chebec sound off should feel deep sor row for him were he ever heard to say Just ‘chebeck,’ for we should know he had passed his heyday. Who would go into the woods to hear a chickadee say Just ‘chickadee’—wouldn't that give a sparrow a laugh? “In all honesty is there the remotest resemblance—on the one hand, the name with which we have labeled the bird, and, on the other, the sound that the bird produces? “Watch the song sparrow with his head aloft, pouring out his melody. Note in the main the vibrations of the throat. Listen to the tuning fork. Note in the main the vibrations of the prongs. No part of the world’s fastest human can vibrate thus. Man is not made of the same stuff as a tuning fork, and hence cannot resound in common therewith. The throat of man and that of the song sparrow are not of the same mould. They are structurally different, and even of different stuff, as it were, and hence man and the song sparrow don’t resound in common. in snort, men, man cannot duplicate the tone of either by means of his own vocal chords, let alone with the use of words—mere words. ‘‘So I say to the other J. C. A., whose letter appeared at a recent date, that man is indeed presumptious when he attributes to himself personally the power to duplicate sounds in general, and bird sounds in particular. “In the case of sounds wre are dealing with vibrations, wave motions, wave lengths, and all such like. Man isn’t a universe in himself. He's but a part of it—one sound in that universe. Every word of his is a sound; but every sound in that universe is not a word, nor can it be reduced to a word; that is to say, an utterance (speech, song, whistle, sigh, or grunt) of a human. Man does not have the necessary sounding equipment within himself. “Were not the foregoing true, any one of your readers could write a composition that would sound in the reading exactly as 'The Blue Danube’ sounds in the playing on a violin. “Your correspondent stated that he hopes you don't resent his thinking that you are wrong. Just so, I hope he doesn’t resent my saying that he can find no physics text to agree with his theory of word and sound. Take up any physics book at random—the proof is therein for the reading. The longer I live the more wonders I see,’ but I venture to say that the day will never come when I can talk music. The pity of it is that as long as I have been trying I have not succeeded even in singing music. “Sincerely yours, J. c. A.” . STARS, MEN AND ATOMS Notebook of Science Progress in Field, Laboratory and Study. BY THOMAS R. HENRY. Smoking may definitely shorten life. Dr. Raymond Pearl of John Hopkins University preaches no anti-tobacco sermon but presents cold statistics of a recent study carried out in his labora tory in a report just published in Science. Between the ages of 30 and 70. his tables show, the chances of survival are less for heavy smokers than for light smokers and for light smokers than for non-smokers. It cannot be said, of course, that smoking itself kills any body. The smokers, whatever the rea son may be. are more likely to die. Per haps it amounts to the same thing in the end. Dr. Pearl drew his data from the rec ords of nearly 7.000 white men in the laboratory files. These records were se lected at random, and the men classified later as to smoking habits. Here are some of the striking results of the an alysis: At the age of 30 the death rate per thousand for non-smokers was 8.18. for moderate smokers 7.86, for heavy smokers 16.89. That is, a heavy smoker at 30 is more than twice as likely to die as a man who never touched tobacco at the same age. At 35 the death rate for non-smokers is 8.78, for light smokers 9.63, and for heavy smokers 21.27. At 40 it is 10.01 for non-smokers. 11.89 fdr light smokers, and 23.91 for heavy smokers. At 50 it is 15.16 for non-smokers. 18.61 for light smokers, and 27.49 for heavy smokers. At 60 it is 26.73 for non-smokers. 30.49 for light smokers, and 34.29 for he*vy smokers. At this age any significant difference ends. The death rate at 70 is 51.69 for non-smokers, 52.84 for light smokers, and 52.73 for heavy smokers. Once past this point and the trend reverses itself. At 80 the death rate per thousand of non-smokers is 103.22, for light smokers 97.95, and for heavy smokers 100.44. At 95 the differential becomes quite significant in favor of the smokers—a death rate of 273.2 per thousand for non smokers, 265.1 for light smokers, and 268.9 for heavy smokers. This merely means. Dr. Pearl holds, that the smokers who survive to 70 are so tough that any lethal quality in to bacco. or associated with tobacco, long since has done its worst and failed. The statistics, of course, are subject to some rather complicated interpreting. It would be absurd to maintain that ap proximately eight men out of a thousand between the ages of 30 and 35 are killed by tobacco. Probably most of them would have died anyway. Perhaps to bacco, per se, is hardly a factor at all. The man who never smokes is almost the exception, rather than the rule. In many cases the habit is not formed be cause the individual is one of those fellows forever worrying about health who i;f just as meticulous about every thing else that might undermine his constitution. Dr. Pearl would be one of the last men in the world to enter upon an anti tobacco crusade. He is governed by his opponent of the reorganization bill. There was no telling what might have happened if he had offered the anti lynching bill as an amendment—beyond the certainty that the reorganization bill would have been tied up in the Senate for days and weeks to come. So Mr. Byrnes abandoned his attempt to get the bill to conference without first hav ing the House pass up«" all Its pro visions. statistics. In justice to his reputation it should be recalled that with the same unemotional statistical methods he drew upon himself the animosity of rabid drvs a few years ago by showing that alcohol was not nearly so bad for the constitu tion as had been painted. He says: “In the customary way of life man has long been habituated to the routine usage of various substances and materials that are not physiologically necessary to his continued existence. Tea. coffee, alcohol, tobacco, opium and betel nut are statistically among the more conspicuous examples. It is prob ably safe to say that over 90 per cent of all adult human beings habitually make use of one or more of the component ma terials included in this group. All of them contain substances of considerable physiological potency. “Widespread and long continued ex perience, however, has shown that mod erate usage of any of these materials, if measurable deleterious at all. is not so immediately or strikingly harmful phy siologically as to weigh seriously against the pleasures felt to be derived from in dulgence, in the opinion of vast numbers of human beings. “The situation so created is an ex ceedingly complex one physiologically, and purely hedonistic elements in be havior, which are present in lower ani mals as well as in man, have a real im portance. Indeed they frequently over ride reason.” But, like it or not. he seems to have demonstrated that the way of life with which smoking is associated—not neces sarily, it must be understood, smoking itself—significantly effects longevity. For example, the man who smokes is more apt to drink than the man who does not smoke. He is more apt to sit up all night in a smoke-filled room playing poker. He is more apt to take a chance on get ting his feet wet. By and large, he is probably a more dissipated, adventurous fellow. Bridge and Poker. From the Macon Telegraph. That new bridge deck with five suits may do all right for the ladies, but if Mr. Husband makes a mistake and rings it in in a poker game and deals himself five aces, chances are the sur geons will have to remove the bandages before he can get it explained. Municipal Cash System. From the Arkansas Gazette. Fort Myers, Fla., which has cut off fire and police protection, water, sewer and other services for non-payment of taxes, seems to be working on the old fashioned notion that you have to pay for what you get. Who Will Try It? From the SMlnaw Newi. Naturalist says a man can hold a crocodile’s mouth shut with one hand. Sounds easy, but then again it might be Just a snap for the crocodile, too. Pioneer. From the Indlanepolls Star. The goat that ate a windshield gadget is the first to discover any real use for the thing. The Eastern Question. Worn the South Bend Tribune. Can the Japanese militarists conquer the Japanese people as well as the Chinese? ANSWERS TO QUESTIONS By FREDERIC J. H ASK IN. A reader can get the gnawer to any question of fact by writing The Star Information Bureau, Frederic J. Haskin, director, Washington, D. C. Pldase in close stamp for reply. Q. Which of D’Annunzio’s books tells of his romance with Eleonora Duse, the actress?—L. G. A. “The Flame of Life,” published in 1898. Q. What are apostle spoons?—E. G. K. A. Apostle spoons were of silver or silver gilt with the handles terminating in figures of the apostles, each bearing their distinctive emblem. They were common baptismal gifts during the 15th and 16th centuries, but were dying out by 1666. Q. What is the circulation of the pulp magazines?—W. H. R. A. The pulps have a total of 10,000, 000 circulation. Q. When did the United States recog nize Russia?—C. W. B. A. The United States recognized Rus sia on November 16, 1933. Q. Where is the most tin produced?— D. C. R. A. The largest producer of tin in the world is the Federated Malay States. Q. When was Ty Cobb manager of the Detroit team?—E. M. A. He managed the Detroit team from 1921-1926. I Q. Who discovered Niagara Falls?—I W. B. I A. The falls were discovered by Father| Hennepin In 1678. Q. What was the cost of our World War memorials dedicated in France last summer?—M. B. H. A. The total amount of money spent on American World War memorials, chapels, etc., in Europe, which were dedicated last summer, was approxi mately $4,300,000. Eight chapels and 11 monuments were dedicated. Q. How many bison are there in this country?—T. D. A. The latest census showed that there were 4,404 bison in the United States. Q. When was Sir Harry Lauder knighted?—J. H. A. The Scottish comedian and song writer was knighted in 1919. Q Has any State a law which protects ilder workers in industry from unemploy ment?—H. K. A. Massachusetts has a law which em powers its Department of Labor and In dustry to publish names of employers who have been proved to have discrimi nated against persons on account of age. There has been proposed legislation along the same line in other States and New York has set up a legislative inves tigating committee which Is holding hearings on the question. Q. What is a Masonic Blue Lodge?— G. W. B. A. The Blue Lodge is a symbolical lodge in which the first three degrees of Masonry are conferred. Q. How does the former Republic of Austria compare in size with a State of the United States? Czechoslovakia?— E. H. A. Austria, with 32.377 square miles, was a little smaller than Maine, with 33,040. Czechoslovakia, with 54,250 square miles, is somewhat larger than Arkansas, with 53.335. Q. Why are some of the night clubs in New York City so exorbitant in price?— J. K. A. There are many assessments which New York night club owners have to pay. .Some of these as outlined in an article by Jack Gould in the New York Times are as follows: State Liquor Authority license, $1,200; police department cab aret license, $150; Internal Revenue Bu reau retail liquor dealer license. $25; health department restaurant license. $10; New Year eve all-night permit, $10; three per cent Federal tax on checks above $2,50; two per cent sales tax, Fed eral and State tax on purchase of liquor from wholesaler, building department fee of 10 cents a square foot per year for the area of a sign, fee of the bureau of combustibles of the fire department for refrigerators, corporation tax, social se curity payments, State unemployment insurance, and water tax. This list does not include many other night club taxes Q. How old is the United States Cus toms Service?—R. H. N. A. The Customs Service was establish ed by the First Congress in the Act of July 31, 1789. The Act of August 24, 1912, authorized the President to re organize the Customs Service, abolish ports and abolish or consolidate districts, and under this authority the present form of field organization was effected by the presidential proclamation of March 3, 1913. Q. How much does it cost to go over the Queen Mary?—V. C. A. Formerly the fee was $1. It now is 25 cents. Curious Customs How They Originated. Why do you throw rice at the bride at a wedding? Why do you wear black for mourning? Why do you blesa a sneeze! Or cover a yawn? Do you know the origin of the little customs we practice today almost from force of habit? Do you know what they originally meant, and what people practiced them? The booklet, CURIOUS CUSTOMS, contains such fascinating and curious informa tion about the whys and wherefores of many of our superstitions, ceremonies, clothes, customs and habits. Order your copy of this entertaining little publica tion now. Ten cents, postpaid. USE THIS ORDER BLANK. The Washington Evening Star, Information Bureau, Frederic J. Haskin, Director, Washington, D. C. I enclose herewith TEN CENTS in coin (carefully wrapped) for a copy ol the booklet, CURIOUS CUSTOMS. Name. Street or Rural Route. ■ . .City'.. State. (Please order by mall only.) L-*-—